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GOVERNMENT OF INDIA

DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY

CENTRAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL
LIBRARY

Call No. 913. 3205 £ E.fl,

D.G.A. 79

THE JOUBNAL

EGYPTIAN ABCHAEOLOGY

THE JOURNAL

EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY

VOLUME XXIII

PUBLISHED BY

THE EGYPT EXPLORATION SOCIETY

2 HIXDE STREET, MANCHESTER SQUARE, W. 1

LONDON

1937

CENTRAL ARCHAEOl r>G\GAk
LIBRARY, NtW

Ac«. No ^.£33 .v.

Uafc* ..I '-..h ' * 7 -y / A

Oftll •

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

CONTENTS

PAGE

A Family Stela in the University Museum, Phila-
delphia ... ••• ... ... ... ••• Philippus Miller ... 1

The Art of the Third and Fifth Dynasties ... . . Kurt P Huger ... . . 7

The Bremner-Khind Papyrus — II ••• ... ... R. 0. Faulkner ... . . 10

The Paintings of the Chapel of Atet at Medum ... William Stevenson Smith 17

Notes on Myrrh and Stacte ... ... ... ... A. Lucas ... ... 27

The Papyrus of Khnememhab in University College,

London ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Alan W. Shorter ... 04

An Analysis of the Petrie Collection of Egyptian
Weights A. S. Hemmy Of*

The Gender of Tens and Hundreds in Late Egyptian Jaroslav Cerny ... 57

Two Puzzles of Ramesside Hieratic Jaroslav Cerny 00

MEPI2M02 ANAKEXQPHKOTQN: An Aspect of
the Roman Oppression in Egypt ... ... ... Xaphtali Lewis ... ... 03

An Oxyrhynchus Document acknowledging Repay-
ment of a Loan Phillip H. de Lacy 70

Adolf Erman, 1854-1937 ... W. E. Crum Si

Bibliography: Graeco-Roman Egypt

Part I: Papyrology (1936) S3

Part II: Greek Inscriptions (1935-6) ... ... Marcus N. Tod ... ... 100

Bibliography: Christian Egypt (1936) De Lacy O'Leary ... 110

List of Abbreviations used in References to Periodicals, Ac. ... ... ... 142

Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Sesebi,

Northern Province, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1930-7 A. M. Blackman ... 145

The Judicial Papyrus of Turin ... ... ... A. de Buck ... . . 152

A Toilet Scene on a Funerary Stela of the Middle

Kingdom I. E. S. Edwards ... 165

The Bremner-Rhind Papyrus — III ... ... ... R. O. Faulkner ... ... 166

Restitution of, and Penalty attaching to. Stolen

Property’ in Ramesside Times ... ... ... Jaroslav Cerny ... ... ISO

The Egyptian Correspondence of Abimilki, Prince

of Tyre W. F. Albright 190

E. P. Wegener ... ... 204

Some Oxford Papyri

CONTENTS

Notes on the Bahren, Nuwemisah, and El-A‘reg

PAGE

Oases in the Libyan Desert

Anthony de Cosson

... 226

Bibliography: Pharaonic Egypt (1936)

Edited by A. M. Blackman 230

Brief Communications

... 258

Notes and News

117, 262

Notices of Becent Publications

125, 266

List of Plates

... 275

List of Illustrations in the Text

... 277

Reviews and Notices of Recent Publications (detailed list) ...

... 278

Indexes

General ...

... 279

Egyptian and Coptic ...

284, 286

Greek ...

... 286

Plate I

A FAMILY STELA IN THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM,

PHILADELPHIA

By PHILIPPI'S MILLER

With Plates i-iii

The stela which forms the subject of the present article was discovered by Professor Petrie
during his excavations at Abydos for the Egypt Exploration Fund in 1 902-3. The inscription
on the top surface was published by Professor Griffith in his chapter on the inscriptions of the
1902-3 season’s work at Abydos. 1 It was acquired in 1903 from the Egypt Exploration
Fund by the Lniversity Museum, Philadelphia, and bears the number E. 10012.

The stela is of limestone, flat-topped, with roughly rectangular vertical surfaces which,
however, taper slightly from the bottom upwards at the front and back, so that the top
part is smaller than the bottom; its maximum measurements are: height, 0-51 m. : width
(at bottom), 0-255 in. ; thickness (at bottom), 0-125 m. 2 It is particularly interesting because
it is inscribed on four sides and on the flat top, a form of ‘free-standing’ stela of which
another example is not known to the writer, 3 and also because of the unusual arrangement
of the inscription on the back (see below).

The name of the principal person commemorated on the stela is Sbopdu-Iyenhab, 4 who
held the title of w<b nswt, ‘King’s Priest’; he was thus perhaps a bather and physician of
the king. 5 All the inscriptions are incised, but the central panel on the front of the stela,
showing the deceased seated before a table of offerings, is in relief. There are traces of green
paint in the incisions, especially on the top, back, and two sides, showing that all the figures
and hieroglyphs were originally so coloured.

Front (PI. i)

The front is in the form of the common type of rectangular stela with a eavetto cornice.
Below the cornice are seven vertical lines of inscription. The text begins at the third
line from the left, runs from right to left, and is continued by the four lines on tin- right,
which read from left to right.

An offering which the king gives (to) Osiris, Chief of the 1 Westerners, Lord of Abydos; (namely)

1 See Abydos, II, 1903, PI. xxx. 1, and p. 43. A popular account of this monument has been given by
the writer in The (Pennsylvania) University Museum Bulletin, Xov. 1939, 6 ff.

2 The three dimensions are thus as nearly as possible in the proportion 4,2, 1 .

3 Round- topped ‘free-standing - stelae inscribed in all four sides are common at Sinai (see Gardiner- Pert,
Inscriptions of Sinai, pis. xxiii. xxiv, xxvii, xxviii et passim). Cairo Cat. 20538, well known as contain-
ing the ‘Instruction’ of Sehetepibre< for his children, not only is inscribed on the front and back, but has
inscriptions on the lateral edges which begin from the vertex of the rounded top; it thus resembles our
stela in being inscribed all over.

4 All the names which occur on the stela are to be found in Ranke. Pcrsonennamen. except where the

contrary is stated below. 5 11 brtrrb. I, 283, o.

PHILIPPUS MILLER

a funerary offering of bread, beer, oxen, and geese for the ka of the King's Priest Sisopdu-
Iyenhab , 1 son of Sitserefkai 2

His father Nefer<ukhu ; 3 4

His mother Sitserefkai ;

His daughter Sitserefkai ;

The sculptor Ankhtifi,* son of SitsnefruS

On the left of the central panel is the deceased seated, facing right, on a lion-legged chair
upon what is doubtless a mat. He wears a wig showing the strands of hair, with the ear un-
covered, a collar with concentric incised lines, and a short kilt. His right arm is stretched
forward, the hand with palm downward, almost touching his lap. His left arm is across his
chest, the hand holding a p — a folded cloth or handkerchief, a fairly common object on
statues and reliefs of this period . 6 On the right is a well-loaded offering-table bearing a
trussed goose and various vegetables and loaves. Under the table is an unguent-jar and
two wine-jars on ring-stands.

The lower panel consists of two horizontal lines of inscription reading right to left, and
a man. who we are told by the inscription is Sehetepibre c sonb, the maker of the stela, seated as
the figure above, holding an object which cannot be identified but which is probably also a P ,
which rests upright in his lap in the right hand, and a long staff in the left hand. The figure
is merely in outline, without details of features or dress. The inscription reads: The Lector-
priest SehetepibrHsonb . 7 born of Horemlift , 8 possessor of honour, acts for him (i.e. on his
behalf). That is to say, SehetepibrHsonb had the stela made for the deceased . 9

The lower right-hand corner of the stela has been fractured and mended. Fortunately
only the lower part of the ^ has been lost, and the reading has not been interfered with.

The second line of this inscription, ms-n Hr-m-lut n.b hmh, has been rudely scratched on
the blank space at the bottom of this side.

Left Side (PI. ii. 2) 10

A single vertical column of inscription, reading right to left: In honour with Ptcili,
the Copyist (?) u Sehetepibrecsonb, justified.

1 A double name: Sisopdu ‘son of .Sopdu" -flyenhab "lie who has come for the festival' ; the latter name
being obviously an allusion to the birth of the child on a feast-day. Such double names are not uncommon
m the Middle Kingdom; <■/. Sisopdu-Kebu, Amenemhet-ReneRonkh, [Amen]emhetsonb- c anti(?)emweskhet,
Amenenihet'onb-Xenkliemsen, Ameny-Wahreni. Dedumontju-Senebtifi. Iusonb-Senvvosret, Meketherhab-
Yebi<o. Mont j u'o-JSenbefnai, Xeferwihetep-Mentuemsasenwosret, Ptahpmvah(&'ic)-Renisonb, Semvosret-
Ptah'onkh. .Simont jii-DiptaliCinkhi, Siwadjyet-Iusonb. all from Lange-iSekiifer, Grub- u. Denksteine (Cairo
Cut. Gen.), in, 7b ft'.

2 ‘Daughter of ISerefkai." This name is not given in Ranke, op. cit.; for the element Srf-kf ! ) ‘my ka is
at rest’ see op. cit., 317. 13.

3 ‘The (or. my?) braziers are good', apparently: not found in Ranke, op. cit. The determinative of
<//ic seems to be a brazier seen from above: rf. 117;.. i, 223, 13.

4 ‘ Me « ho shall live ", variant -r- -A. # 5 • Daughter of Snefru.’

6 Its use is not certain. On the hieroglyphic sign see Gardiner. Eg. Gramm., p. -194, S 29.

7 ISehetepibre' (Amenemmes I) is well.’

6 ‘Horns is to the fore.’ 9 For this interpretation I am indebted to Professor Gunn.

1,1 Pis. ii. ui are from copies by .Miss ( arroll R. Young, of the Egyptian Section ofthe University Museum.

11 Literally ‘writer of copies (or, records)’; for this title see 117;.. iv, 107, S. Sphr seems to mean both

‘to copy’ and to register'.

STELA IN THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM, PHILADELPHIA 8

Right Side (PL ii, 3)

A single vertical column of inscription reading left to right: In honour with Anubis, lord
of the Cemetery, the Lector-priest Sehetepibre’-sonb, possessor of honour.

Top (PL ii, 1)

The whole inscription (which is the right way up to a person facing the back of the
stela) reads from right to left, hut the htp di nsw n \kf «] in the middle serves as beginning
of each of the two groups of three horizontal lines. One might expect the right-hand group
to read from left to right. There is a break in the middle, where presumably iJLJ originally
stood. An offering that the King gives for the kas of the House-official and Scribe, Sihathor, 1
born of Menkhet, and of Memi, born of Memcettankh. 2

Back (PL iii)

The arrangement of the inscriptions on the back is of special interest, as it contains a
number of examples of the device known as ‘ bracketing ’ ( accolade ) or 4 split column ’ ( ge -
spaltene Kolumne), which, while quite common in Old-Kingdom texts, 3 must be quite rare in
the Middle Kingdom apart from the Coffin Texts, which in this, as in many other respects,
show Old-Kingdom survivals. Words 'bracketed' in a ‘split column’ are either single
words or phrases, which are co-ordinated in the sense that ‘and ’ or ‘or’ is to he understood
as joining them ; they are written side by side in the column. The matter so treated is often
‘bracketed’ by a word (frequently a preposition) or words preceding it: the latter are
sometimes to be repeated if each part of the bracketed matter consists of more than one
word. Occasionally such matter is bracketed by a word following, such as nb ‘every’, or a
suffix, which is to be repeated after each part. Simple Old-Kingdom examples are:

S ' s i i s
1^’

V/ T jD
0 ^

i &

, T the beloved of mv father <T , , , . , ... ,.

I am L, „ ' , , = I am the beloved of my father, the

the favourite of mv mother . ., . , ; ,

' " favourite of my mother ( ink mry it-i,

hsy mwt-i ). 4

Every!,, . , = Everv messenger, everv functionary (wpwtu nb, imu-

- functionary ‘ ‘ J

' ' st-< no). 0

On the back of our stela there are three main vertical columns, all reading from right to
left, with the litp di nsw formula at the head of each, the middle column having in addition
Of these three columns the middle one (A) is evidently the most important, and
is intended to be read first ; the left-hand one (B) is presumably to be taken next, as follow-

1 ‘Son of Hathor.’

2 'My (?) mothers live’. The only reference for this name given in Ranke, op. cit., is the stela of Hekatiti
in the Metropolitan Museum of New York. No. 12, 1S2. 1. which also came from Abydos. The w riter has
examined this stela, but can find no evidence for identity or relationship with the persons of that name
mentioned on the stela forming the subject of this article.

3 Many examples in Weill. Decrets Koyaux, Pis. i i v (where the bracketing is sometimes very much
developed), see also Vrk.. I, 21tS-lt> ; in hieratic, Hieratixche Papyrus aus (/.... Mitseen :u Berlin, ill. Pis. 1, 3.

4 Vrk., I, 216, 6. 5 Weill, op. cit., PI. ii, left.

PHILIPPUS MILLER

ing A in the natural order, leaving the right-hand column (C) as the last. In A almost the
whole of the column is split, and is bracketed both by the formula at the top and the words
n ki-j at the bottom : the bracketed parts 1 are separated by a line. Columns B and C are
mostly split, the bracketing words being the formula at the top of each, the preposition n,
a title, and, in C, the words n kr-sn at the bottom. 2 The following translation reproduces as
closely as possible the arrangement of the original.

(A) An offering that the King gives (to) Osiris, Lord of

fa thousand 3 of bread)

| a thousand of beer f
fa thousand of alabaster
(a thousand of clothing

fa thousand of oxen
| a thousand of geese
fa thousand of incense
thousand of unguent

for the Copyist (?), Sehetepibre ( sonb
for the Lector-priest, Sehetepibre ( sonb

and for his ka.

(B) A boon that the King gives |*S °/ ff ar€m l l &> an d t° ^ ie Priestfs)

(Kheperkare*- and to his son Hor born of Inuti, justified.
° aL PJ e (Dja'a born of Sitsatyet, and to their kas.

, J7 T .. . , (the Steward A isumontm) , ,, . ( Sehetepibre<) , .

((_■) A boon that the King qives to [ , . „ TT , , ) (and) to 1 (ana) to

w 3 * \hts mother Haremhab J v ' (A ekhti '

. ,, ,, , j, , ( Mewwehankh born of Inuti)

Ins sister Meincet<ankh, (and) to[ ... , r , , J . \and to their kas.

7 (Sitsobk born of Petyet

That is to say:

(A) An offering that the King gives to Osiris, Lord of Life A a thousand of bread, a thousand
of beer, a thousand of oxen, a thousand of geese, for the Copyist (’?), Sehetepibre<sonb, and for
his ka. An offering that the King gives to Osiris, Lord of Life: a thousand of alabaster, a thousand
of clothing, a thousand of incense, a thousand of unguent, for the Lector-priest, Sehetepibre<sonb,
and for his ka.

(B) A boon that the King gives to Sitptah, 5 justified, and to Sitkheperkare b 6 (both) born of
Haremhet, and to the Priests of Wadjyet (a) Kheperkare< 7 — and to his son Hor s born of Inuti, 9
justified; (b) Dja'a 10 born of Sitsatyet; 11 and to their kas.

(C) A boon that the King gives to the Steward Kisumontju 1 - and his mother Haremhab, 13 and
to Sehetepibrc< u and N ekhti, 15 and to his sister Memcehankh, and to Memvehankh born of Inuti
and Sitsobk 16 born of Petyet; 17 and to their kas.

1 In each of these the elements of the formula ‘a thousand of a, a thousand of b ... n’ are written side
by side, but are apparently not bracketed.

2 Presumably these words would have been arranged in the same manner in C had there been enough room.

3 The position of hi ‘ 1000’ after the word expressing the thing numbered is unusual in this formula.

I Or, ‘of the Living’? 5 ‘Daughter of Ptah.’ 6 ‘Daughter of Kheperkare*’ (Sesostris II).

7 Named after Sesostris II. 8 Named after Horus.

9 ’Inw-t; cf. 'In-t, differently spelt, Moller, Felseninschriften r. Hatnub, Graffito 48; Pleyte-Boeser,
Beschreibung d. iig. Samml. d. niederl. Reichsmuseums . . . in Leiden, vol. n (Stelen), PL xxi, right (no. 25).
Cf. also Si-huc-t ‘Son of Inuti', Ranke, op. cit., 2S1. 2 (and 1 ?).

10 Word of uncertain meaning (‘the hairy’ ?). 11 ‘Daughter of Satis.’ 12 ‘He belongs to Montju.’

13 ‘ Horus is in festival’, an allusion to the birth of the child on a festival of Horus.

II Named after Amenemmes I.

13 Probably shortened from a name of the type Harnakbti, ‘Horus is mighty’.

16 "Daughter of Sobk.’ 17 Of uncertain meaning.

Plate III

B A C'

THE STELA OF SISOPDU-IYEXHAB : back
Scale 2 : 5

STELA IN THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM, PHILADELPHIA

The two horizontal lines at the bottom read:

(1) The Sculptor's Assistant f'?) 1 2 Sonb.- born of Sithathor.

(2) The ‘Follower’ Iiji, 3 son of Keti;* Menkhet, daughter of Eklitay. 5

One is struck by the frequency of theophorous names compounded with U* and 1=^ ; such
were common at this period. It may be noted in this connexion that 'honorific inversion’
occurs in every theophorous name on this stela.

Not much of the genealogy of the various persons mentioned can he worked out, even
assuming — a large assumption in view of the fact that many of the names are very common
— that more than one occurrence of the same name refers to the same person (in the cases of
Sitserefkai and Mewwet'ankh we have clearly two persons of the same name). For the
family of Sisopdu-Iyenhab, the principal figure, we have

Nefer'akhu (father) =f= Sitserefkai (mother)

Sisopdu-Ivenhab == ?

Sitserefkai (daughter)

For Selietepibre'sonb, the person second in importance, we have:

? (father) == Haremhet (mother)

III I

Sehetepibre'sonb Sitptah (sister) Sitkheperkare' (sister) Mewwet'ankh (sister)

assuming that the •/ of snt-f in Col. C of the back refers to Sehetepibre'sonb. But if this •/
refers to Nisumontju at the top of the line, we have:

? =j= Haremhab (mother)

Nisumontju Mewwet'ankh

If we assume that the two mentions of ‘ Inuti’ on the back refer to the same woman, and
further that this woman had her daughter Mewwet'ankh by the same father as that of her
son Hor, we have :

Kheperkare' (father) >= Inuti (mother)

Hor (son) Mewwet'ankh (daughter).

And if we assume that the Sihathor and Memi of the top are husband and wife, as seems
probable, and that the Menkhet of the bottom line of the back is identical with the Menkhet
mentioned on the top, we have:

? =|= Ekhtav

? =j= Menkhet ? =p Mewwet'ankh

1 I

Sihathor = Memi

Two of these families could be combined if we knew with which (if either) Mewwet'ankh
of the back the Mewwet'ankh of the top is identical. A comprehensive study of the ways in

1 The exact meaning of tjw is obscure ; see Wb., v, 349, 10. It probably designates a rather humble office.

2 Probably an abbreviation of a name of the type Amenemhetsonb "Amenemhet is well’.

3 Probably a hypocoristicon. 4 ‘The other one.’ 5 ’The paunchy (?).’

PHILIPPUS MILLER

which members of families are arranged in such stelae as this would be of much value, and
might throw more light on the problems which beset us here. At present a number of people
have no discoverable relationship with the two principal families. One may say in general,
however, that the stela was made by Sehetepibre'sonb for Sisopdu-Iyenhab and himself and
for their families and dependants, not forgetting the two sculptors 1 who actually made the
stela.

1 One of these will presumably have been responsible for the incised inscriptions, the other for the more
difficult work of the scene in relief on the front. Judging by their positions on the stela, one might suppose
that the former was done by the tjic s^nh Sonb of the back, the latter by the gnirty (?) 'Ankhtifi of the front.
Yet 6<nh ‘he who makes to live’ suggests rather the sculptor of statues and scenes, and gnivty(t), if derived
from gnict 'annals, inscriptions’, the inscription-carver.

THE ART OF THE THIRD AND FIFTH DYNASTIES

By KUBT PFLtGER
(Translated by Ethel W. Burney)

The architecture of the buildings in the sacred enclosure of the Step Mastaba 1 at Sakkarah
has been the subject of lively discussion ever since its discovery, because the delicacy and
lavishness of its forms contrast sharply with the severe, massive style of the following dynasty,
whose nature corresponds much more nearly with the idea that one is inclined to form of
Old-Kingdom culture.

After the fall of the Fourth Dynasty, art takes a remarkable and completely unexpected
course, and becomes again elegant, imaginative, bright, and facile, instead of remaining
heavy and stiff. A loosening, so to speak, of the dominating style of Gizah may well have
been due to the changed political situation within the country (the strivings of the nomarchs
towards independence), though this is but a partial explanation of the change.

Our first impression on considering these cultural manifestations will be that the art of
the Fifth-Dynasty kings, as we know it in the Pyramid Temples of Abusir and the Sun
Temple at Abu Ghurab, is only a further development of Third-Dynasty art. as shown in the
Step-Mastaba enclosure. The absence of connecting links in the larger architecture is due to
the Fourth Dynasty, which as it were with a brutal hand interrupted the normal course of
evolution, at least in the explored parts of Egypt. And. indeed, formal connexions between
the Third and Fifth Dynasties can be reconstructed — their spiritual affinity is so striking
that it would be superfluous to demonstrate it.

One of these connexions is supplied by the sarcophagus of Mycerinus , 2 of which the
exterior shows both the niche-structure found in the sacred enclosure of the Step Pyramid,
and the torus-moulding and cavetto cornice, which in buildings appear for the first time
in the Fifth Dynasty. As the sarcophagus imitates a palace, it is permissible to argue from
it to architectural monuments . 3 Another connexion is offered by the stars painted on the
ceilings of some of the Step Mastaba chambers bvDjoser's artists, and furthermore by blocks
bearing stars in relief which were re-used in the passages beneath . 4 These stars in painting
and relief remind us of the star-decoration of temple ceilings from the Fifth Dynasty on.
but nothing corresponding to them is known in the Fourth Dynasty.

If there really exists a historical connexion between the art of the Third and of the Fifth
Dynasties, then the problem of their common origin is all the more important. Now.
developing a hypothesis of Balcz , 5 6 Professor Walt her Wolf 8 has very convincingly argued
that the Sakkarah style of the Third Dynasty originated in Lower Egypt. It does not seem
necessary to repeat the details, but it should be noted that according to Manetho the Third
Dynasty came from Memphis, i.e. from Lower Egypt. Essentially the same origin (a little

1 More often called the .Step Pyramid. 2 Perrot-Chipiez, Histoire de I'art dims I'nntiqnite, i. Fig. 289.

3 This does not imply that the palaces of the period were really built in this style; the form of the

sarcophagus may belong to an earlier period.

4 This information was kindly supplied to me by Dr. K. H. Dittmann. of Cairo.

5 Die altiigyptische WintdgUederung in Mitt, deut-sch. Inst. Kairo I. 3$ If.

6 Bemerkungen zur fruhgesch ichtl ic/tm Ziegtlurchitektur in ZAA (i7, 129 If.

KURT PFLUGER

farther to the north, at Sakhebu in the Letopolite nome) is assigned by the V* estcar Papyrus
to the first three kings of the Fifth Dynasty , 1 and thereby the link between the art-forms of
the Third and Fifth Dynasties, which at first sight appears so strange, is established. A
Lower-Egyptian origin explains what was obscure to us in Fifth Dynasty art: its delicacy,
liveliness, and suppleness.

The hypothesis of a Lower-Egyptian origin for the Third-Dynasty Sakkarah style, and
the style of the Fifth Dynasty, is supported by the fact that in both epochs a culture of
astonishing loftiness, refinement , and richness for such early times seems to have prevailed ;
this points again to Lower Egypt, whereas a derivation of the art in question from Upper
Egypt would encounter very great difficulties . 2

To Upper Egypt, however, belongs the spirit of the Fourth Dynasty, which deliberately
breaks with the tradition of the Sakkarah style, and promotes the ascendancy of a simple,
powerful form of art, which by all appearances had long been native to Upper Egypt . 3 The
reverse process can be observed after the fall of this dynasty; the old Lower-Egyptian
tradition is revived by the Fifth Dynasty. The art of the new dynasty has been influenced
by Upper Egypt certainly in the new form of pyramid, probably also in the ground-plans of
the mortuary temples, and further in its general character, which is now more austere and
solid than that of the art of Sakkarah. although it appears loose and unstable in comparison
with the Gizah style.

What has taken place? It appears to me that during the Third and Fifth Dynasties
reactions came about in Lower Egypt, directed against the union of the country by southern
kings . 4 In the reign of Djoser the influence of Lower Egypt was perhaps on the whole peace-
able ; Djoser himself probably came from Upper Egypt , 6 and he may have made the art of the
Delta the official art of the kingdom as a result of the insistence of Lower-Egyptian relatives.
But the Lower-Egyptian Fifth Dynasty seems to have come into power following a rebellion
against the Fourth Dynasty . 6 To national dissensions were apparently added social ones.

1 According to Manetho the Fifth Dynasty had its origin in Elephantine, but there is nothing to support
this view, and much against it.

2 It is very probable that Lower-Egyptian culture was older and higher than that of the South. How
was it that the inhabitants of a country for the most part marshy, thinly populated, and barbarous, as it is
often depicted, were able long before Menes to bring about a really lasting and effective union of Egypt, with
important historical consequences ? The very fact that they had invented a script shows that the people of
Lower Egypt had reached a relatively high stage of culture — in any case higher than that of the inhabitants
of the South, who were still without writing. For details compare Newberry, Egypt as a Field for Anthropo-
logical Research in British Association for the Advancement of Science, Report of the 91s( Meeting (93 rd year),
Liverpool, 1923, Sept. 12-19 (London, 1924), pp. 175-96, also in Smithsonian Report for 1924 (Washington,
1925), pp. 435-59, translated as Agypten als Feld fur anthropologi-sche Forschung in Der alte Orient, 1927 ;
Junker, Die Enlwicklung der vorgeschichtlichen Kidtur in Agypten in Festschrift f lir P. W. Schmidt, 890 S. ;
Sethe, Urgeschichte, §§ 104 ff., 139 ff., 187, 213; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, I 2, §§ 192 fi.

3 Compare, for instance, the royal tombs at Abydos, which in spite of the destruction of their super-
structures may be quoted as parallels, and especially' the brick mastaba of Djoser at Bet Khallaf ; see Wolf in
ZAS 67, 131.

* We must not picture Egypt, provisionally united as it was under Menes, as completely unified, pacified,
and quiet, but we must allow for the possibility of a preponderance of power alternating between North and
South. It is just in the Third Dynasty that we know of contests against Lower-Egyptian rebels (under
Kha'sekhem; compare Sethe, U ntersnehungen , in, p. 34, No. 14), and we may- learn much from the Seth-
name of Peryebscn (temporary limitation of the power of L T pper Egypt ?) in the Second Dynasty’ (Gauthier,
Livre des rois, I, p. 23, No. xiii).

5 Compare the Upper-Egyptian style of his brick mastaba at Bet Khallaf.

0 The Westcar Papyrus tells us that the young kings of the coming dynasty were persecuted by 7 the
preceding dynasty.

THE ART OF THE THIRD AND FIFTH DYNASTIES

Although I prefer to refrain from propounding definite theories here, because I hope in
another work to be able to say something positive about Ancient Egyptian economy and
society, I must at least say that in the prehistoric and archaic periods the geo-political
situation of the Delta, different from that of the South, caused methods of production, of
exchange, and of social life, to develop on lines somewhat at variance with those of Upper
Egypt. As a visible expression of this difference — despite the fundamental elements which
they have in common — we have already observed the inequality of culture in the Two
Lands.

The struggle in the South for independence on the part of the nobility, held down by an
absolute monarchy, and the movement towards liberation in Lower Egypt, thus worked
together. As frequently happens in Oriental struggles for liberation, priests placed themselves
at the head of the insurrection ; the great influence of religion at that period even secured
the crown for at least one of the priestly leaders . 1

It is Upper and Lower Egypt struggling for power and cultural influence, the duality of the
‘ Two Lands ’ as still a fully living reality, that the art of the Third and Fifth Dynasties shows
us. And when we follow the threads, the beginnings of which we can do no more than
recognize, it seems that in the elaboration of ‘Egyptian’ culture, the North contributed to
the development of the art most of the inspiration, imagination, delicacy, and charm, while
the South gradually appropriated these elements, worked on them, and moulded them
into shape . 2 What presents itself to us as ' Egyptian style’ on the slate palette of Xarmer has
its parentage both in Upper and in Lower Egypt.

1 According to the Westcar Papyrus the eldest of the three young kings was to become High Priest of
Re' in Heliopolis.

2 Actually, instead of freer drawing and a predominance of the decorative point of view in the filling of
spaces, we find a severer composition combined with a division of the surface into bands, simultaneously with
the second (or third) union of Egypt under Narmer-Menes, which came indeed from Upper Egypt.

THE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— II

By B. 0. FAULKNER

B. THE ‘COLOPHON’

The title of ‘Colophon’ customarily bestowed upon the short text now to be translated 1 is,
strictly speaking, a misnomer. Outwardly it exhibits the form of a colophon, inasmuch as
it seems at first glance to give the date of the manuscript and the name of the man who wrote
it ; actually it does nothing of the sort, for the writer was clearly not the original scribe, as
is shown by his somewhat irregular, untidy, and spaced-out hand, so different from the
compact professional book-hand of the other texts, and the words ‘written in year 12 . .
have therefore no necessary reference to the writing of the book itself, but merely give the
date of the addition thereto now under discussion. Nevertheless, the word ‘Colophon’, if
kept in quotation marks to indicate its incorrect use. will serve as a convenient term to
describe this text. In the original papyrus it occupies blank spaces left by the writer of the
main text between cols. 17 and 18 and between cols. 21 and 22; it thus follows directly after
the Songs of Isis and Xephthijs, and is therefore studied here in the same order, although
logically it should be the last to be dealt with.

The individual to whom we owe this addition to the original work was one Nasmin.
He came of a priestly family, for his father Peteamennesuttowe was a ‘ prophet ’ Qim-ntr) and
his mother Tesherentehe a ‘ sistrum-player of Amen-Rec’; that he himself was not only a
priest bv profession but also an extreme pluralist in the offices he held is shown by his long
list of priestly titles, which suggest that he was on the staff of the temple of Karnak, though
he was also connected with the temple of Diospolis parva (modern Hu), between Abydos and
Denderah. As Spiegelberg points out, he thus seems to have served the gods of the two towns
called Diospolis. the greater and the less.

The text itself consists of (1) the date; (2) the titles of Nasmin; (3) the names of his
parents and a statement that they have achieved a happy destiny in the hereafter; (4) a
curse on any foreigner who shall take the book away from him and a blessing on those who
respect his property and perform his tomb-rites. The insertion of this curse against foreigners
is curious, and Spiegelberg (op. cit. 35, p. 38, n. 4) suggests that it is due to fear lest a sacred
book should get into impure hands.

Translation

(1) W ritten in year 12, fourth month of Inundation, of Pharaoh (2) Alexander, son of Alexander.
(3) The Count and divine father, prophet of Amen-Req King of the Gods ; prophet (4) of Har-Pre' the
great and mighty eldest son of Amun : prophet (5) of Amun the sharp-horned ; prophet of Khonsu
who dwells in the bunt ; prophet (G) of Osiris the great one of the Ud- tree ; prophet of Osiris who dwells
in (7)Ishru; prophet of Amun the tail-plumed, who dwells in Karnak: (8) priest of Pre' of the roof of the
temple < if Amun attached to the second phyle ; (9) scribe and god's treasurer of Amun attached to the
second phyle ; deputy (10) of Amun for the second and fourth plrylai : prophet of Neferhotep the great
god: (11) prophet ofNeferhotepthechild: prophet of Osiris, Horus,(12)IsisandNephthysof the temple
of Diospolis parva: prophet of Min : prophet of (13) Hathor, mistress of Diospolis parva ; prophet of

1 It has been studied in detail by Spiegelberg in Bee. de Trav. 35, 35 ff.

THE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— II

Mehyet; Prophet of (14) Atum lord of Diospolis parva: deputy of Neferhotep for the four (15) phylai;
chief prophet of Neferhotep ; prophet of the gods (16) who have no (special) (17) prophet for the temple
of Diospolis parva ; (18) scribe of Amun (19) of the third phyle : the prophet Nasmln, (20) son of the
prophet Pete(21)amennesuttowe, (22) born of thesistrum-playerof Amen-Ee<(23)Tesherentehecalled
(24) Irutru: (25) their names are stablished and enduring, without being obliterated for ever, in the
presence of Osiris, (26) Horus, Isis, Nephthys, and those gods and goddesses who are in this book
and in the presence (27) of all the gods and goddesses who are in the realm of the dead and the great
mysterious portals (28) which are in the Netherworld: they shall go down /by virtue of ?> these
names which are in the excellent Netherworld ; (29) they shall be summoned into the bark of Re< ;
invocation-offerings shall be given to them (30) daily from the altar of the great god ; there shall be
given to them cold water (31) and incense as for the excellent kings of Upper Egypt and of Lower
Egypt who are in the realm of the dead ; it shall be granted (32) /to) them to come and go in the
favour of Osiris, First of the Westerners ; it shall be granted <(to)- them (33) that the rays of the sun
descend upon their bodies every day.

As to any one of any country (34) of Ethiopia, Kush, or Syria who shall displace this book (35) or
who shall remove ( ?) it from ( ?) me, they shall not be buried, they shall not receive (36) libations, they
shall not smell incense, no son or daughter shall arise on their behalf to pour out water for them,

(37) their names shall not be remembered in the entire earth, and they shall not see the rays of the

(38) sun; but as to any one who shall see this book, having established my ha and my name in
favour, (39) the like shall be done for him after he has died in reward for that which he has done for me.

Commentary

4. Har-Pre< is the son of the goddess R<t-tnaj, see Sethe, Amun und die acht Urgotter von
Hermopolis, §§ 6. 173. 196.

5. For the horns of Amun cj. Pap. Leiden 350. 5, 15-16, in ZAS 42. 38.

8. With the title ‘priest of Re< of the roof of the temple of Amun' compare ‘the brewer
Naspre< of the temple of Re< of the roof of the temple of Amun’, Pap. Brit. AIus. 10052, 11,1
= Peet, Great Tomb Robberies, PI. 31 ; see also Spiegelberg, Rec. de True. 35. p. 38, n. 5. Such
roof-chapels have survived on certain of the temples of the Graeco-Roman period.

9. is a late writing of ; cj. Spiegelberg, op. eit. 35, p. 38, n. 6.

12. and (17-18) are abbreviations of Ht-shmic, Diospolis parva, cj.

Spiegelberg, op. cit., 35, p. 38, n. 9.

16. written for mn mdl-w, is pure Late Egyptian (Coptic CTe-uinTJvy

goivr), and forms a striking contrast- to the Old-Egyptian ipic below in 26 : this is a clear
demonstration of the artificial nature of the language of these texts.

28. Spiegelberg, probably rightly, suggests (op. cit., 35. 37) that hr should be supplied
after h(s), but I do not entirely agree with his translation ‘Sie treten ein (auf den vortreff-
liclien Namen jener Unterweltsbewohner <liin> ('?)’. In the first place, ipr qualifies not
rn ‘name(s)' but died ‘Netherworld’, and secondly l mg must refer to rn ipw, ‘these names
which are in . . .’. since if it referred to dud it would have to be preceded by the genitival
adjective (rn ipic n buy dud) the "names’ are presumably those of the divinities already
mentioned. Note the Late-Egyptian periphrasis with in he ir-sn /((,•).

31-2. , , in two successive sentences should be emended into hr rdi-tw n-sn,

compare 30. This point has evidently escaped Spiegelberg. for he makes the sentences refer
to the gods of the Netherworld and translates ‘sie (the gods) gewaliren ihnen’ and ‘sie
lassen’ respectively.

32. In m hr hsict ‘in the favour’ the m is superfluous, see 38.

35. The sense of riel here is doubtful, owing to the use of the preposition hn<, which
seems to speak against ISpiegelberg’s ‘und es mir wegniinmt '. Gunn, however, has pointed

1*2

R. O. FAULKNER

out to me that hn< may here stand for r-hn<, which according to Wb., hi, 112, 4 can have the
sense of removal 'from' a place. He suggests, therefore, that rid hn< may mean ‘remove from
the possession of’, a rendering which is in virtual accord with that of Spiegelberg. On <b hH
‘to inter’ see Gardiner, Xotes on the Story of Sinuhe, 59.

86. Emend P to p <?- ; for the use of the late suffix ic see the next sentence.

C. THE RITUAL OF BRINGING IN SOKAR

Prior to the insertion of the ‘Colophon’, the present text followed directly after the
Songs of Isis and Neplithys, which would be its natural position, for in the Graeco-Eoman
period the feast of Sokaris fell on the last day of the Osirian celebrations, the 26th of the
fourth month of the Inundation season. x It seems likely, therefore, that the uttering of this
Bitual followed immediately after the recitation of the Songs, and that it was the next stage
in the performance of the Osirian Mysteries.

The text itself is of a somewhat obscure nature. It opens, as one would expect, with a
series of invocations of Sokar under various epithets. These invocations, which, like the
Songs, are cast in poetic form, one sentence or epithet to a line, continue down to 19, 12.
At 19. 18, however, the text apparently changes to a prose recital, which commences with a
seemingly irrelevant mention of Isis and then plunges into praises of Hathor. At 20, 1 the
poetic form is resumed. After the invocation ‘Hail to the gods, each in his place’, the text
calls upon the goddess Hathor under a series of local forms, which ends at 20, 14. At 20, 15
an image of Osiris is brought in and a hymn in his honour is recited which continues down to
21. 1. The remainder of the text is concerned with a warning that while the faithful shall be
immune, the impious shall be in peril of death : the agents of vengeance are apparently the
priests of Bastet. One would like to know more of their duties in this respect.

The problem of this text is the large proportion of it that is devoted to praise of Hathor.
It is natural to have praises of both Sokar and Osiris in this Eitual, but it is by no means
clear what connexion Hathor has with Sokar, and at present I have no suggestion to offer.
The reference to the ‘prophet of Bastet’ also raises unanswered questions.

As before, red writing of the original is represented by small capitals.

Translation

(IS, 1) The eitual of bringing in Sokar in order to approach the Shetjyt-shrine.
Recitation :

0 thou who didst wear the White Crown even when coming forth from the womb !

0 eldest son of the First Primeval One!

0 possessor of (many) faces, manifold of forms!

IS. 3 0 ])hr of gold in the temples!

0 lord of time who grantest years!

0 posse-sor of everlasting life!

0 lord of millions, rich in myriads!

0 thou who shinest when rising peacefullv !

IS, in 0 thou who healest for thyself (thy?) throat!

0 thou lord of fear, (at whom men) tremble greatly!

O possessor of (manv) faces, rich in uraei!

O thou who appearest in the White Crown, lord of the wereret- crown!

O thou augu-t offspring of Har-hekenu!

18, 15 0 (soul of Era in the Bark of Millions!

1 C'J. Roscher, Auafuhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie, iv, 1125, s.v. Test des
Sokar’.

THE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— II

0 weary Leader, come to thv Sheljyt-shnne !

0 thou lord of fear who came into being of himself,

0 weary of heart, come to thy city !

0 thou who rejoicest, come to thy city!

18, 20 0 thou well-beloved of the gods and goddesses,

0 thou whose waters are great, come to thy temple !

0 thou who dwellest in the Netherworld, come to thine offerings !

0 thou who protectest thyself, come to thy temples!

0 thou whose darkness is more enduring than the light of the sun !

18, 25 0 august UAh-plant of the Great Temple!

0 august rope-maker of the Night-bark !

O thou lord of the Heait-bark, youthful in the Shetjyt-shrine'.

0 thou excellent power who art in the realm of the dead!

0 august controller of Upper and Lower Egypt!

18, 30 O thou hidden one whom the common folk know not !

0 thou who blindf oldest him who is in the Netherworld from seeing the sun !

19, 1 0 lord of the atef- crown, great in the temple of Herakleopolis !

0 thou who art greatly majestic beside the na<ret- tree!

0 thou who art in Thebes, who flourishest for ever !

0 Amen -Re', King of the Gods, who dost perpetuate thy flesh in peaceful rising !

19, 5 0 thou who increasest offerings and sacrifices in Rostau!

O thou who placest the uraeus on the head of its lord !

0 thou who establishest the earth in its place!

O thou who openest the mouths of the four great gods who are in the realm of the dead!

0 living soul of Osiris when he appears as the moon!

19, 10 0 thou whose body is hidden in the great Shetj yt-shrine in Heliopolis!

0 divine one who hidest Osiris in the realm of the dead!

0 thou whose soul rests in heaven, whose foe is fallen!

(19, 13) Isis the divine speaks to thee with joyful ( ?) voice from the river (19, 11) which the pure
rt&etf-fish cleaves in front of (19, 15) the bark of Re' ; the Lady of Horns is come into being with joy ;
(19, 16) the egg is come into being in the canal ; the heads (19, 17) of the froward are cut off in this her
name of Lady of Aphroditopolis; (19,18) the Lady ofHorns is come in peace in this her name (19,19)
of Hathor Lady of Sinai : the Lady of Thebes is come (19, 20) in peace in this her name of Hathor
Lady of Thebes ; (19,21) she is come in peace (as?>Tayt in that her name of (19, 22) Lady ofHetepet ;
she is come in peace ( ?) to overthrow her foe (19, 23) in that her name of Hathor Lady of the temple of
Herakleopolis ; (19, 24) ‘ Gold’ is come in peace in that her name of Hathor (19, 25) Ladv of Memphis ;

[ ] thou being at peace in the presence of the Lord of All in this thy name of Hathor

Lady of the Red Mountain; ’Gold’ rises beside her father (19, 26) in this her name of Bastet : who
has gone in front of (19, 27) the houses ( ?) beside the Sanctuary of Upper Egypt in this her name of
Satis; (19, 28) who makes green the Two Lands and guides the gods in this her name of Wadjet ;
(19, 29) Hathor has power over those who rebelled against her father in that her name of Sakhmet ;
(19, 30) Wadjet has power over good things (?>in that her name of Lady of Momemphis; (19, 31)
myrrh is on her tresses in that her name of Neitli.

20, 1 Hail to (20, 2) the gods, (each) in his place:

20, 3 Hathor Lady of Thebes ;

Hathor Lady of Herakleopolis ;

20, 5 Hathor Lady of Aphroditopolis ;

Hathor Lady of Sycomore-town ;

Hathor Lady of Rohesa ;

Hathor Lady of the Red Mountain ;

Hathor Lady of Sinai ;

20, 10 Hathor Lady of Memphis ;

R. O. FAULKNER

Hathor Lady of Wawat :

Hathor Lady of Momempkis ;

Hathor Lady of Imet ;

Hathor Mistress of Sixteen !

20, 15 0 ye Nine Companions, come with your hands bearing your father Osiris.

The revered god comes — four times.

Hail, Crowned One ( '?), Crowned One ('?), Sovereign!

Hail! How sweet is the smell which thou lovest.

Hail! Live thou, live thou for ever.

20, 20 Hail! Be thou festal for ever.

Hail! Obeisance to the Opener of Roads!

Hail! Be thou enduring in Upper Dedu.

Hail, 0 god ! Hear thou the joyous worship, hear thou the worship in the mouth of the god’s
region.

Hail! He who came forth from his eyes is ( ?) the son of a prophet.

20 , 25 Hail, thou who art protected according to thy word !

Hail! Behold, Pharaoh does what thou desirest.

Hail! Behold, Pharaoh does what thou praisest.

Hail, thou Seated One! Come, O thou weary-hearted one!

Hail, thou son of a prophet for whom the ritual is recited!

20 , 30 Hail, thou whose name endures in Upper Dedu!

Hail, thou sweet-savoured one in Upper Dedu!

Hail! Come, thou who crushest the rebels.

Hail! Come, 0 thou youthful adored one.

21, 1 Hail! thou the fear of whom is put in the froward!

(21, 2) As to a(ny) servant who shall serve his lord, there shall be no prophet of Bastet against
him, (21, 3) (but as for) the froward one who hates the temple, death shall strike at his throat ; (21, 4)
the Lord of Upper Dedu has come and has smitten the froward. (21, 5) Recite sixteen times and
make music.

(21, 6) It is at an end.

Commentary

IS, 1. With the ‘bringing in' ( i ) of Sokar compare the Middle Kingdom
‘induction of Sokar', Kahun Pap.. 25, 12. — ^ is doubtless an abbreviation of for

<r constructed with n ‘to approach' a place see Wb.. i, 41. 16.

IS, 2. Lit. ‘0 white-crowned one who came forth from the womb'; on stnw see ZAS
49, 34.

is, 5. The expression phr n nbic occurs only here, and the meaning of phr is unknown.
At first sight the rendering 'medicament of gold' suggests itself, but what could such an
expression mean '?

is, S. It is not clear to what hh and h Jn refer, whether to years of life, or worshippers,
or offerings, but Pap. Ch. Beatty IX. rt.. 3. 3 suggests that offerings may be meant.

IS, 10. Compare the epithet of Osiris ‘he whose throat is constricted', Lamentations, 1,
7-3 ; on the well-known identification of Sokar with Osiris see Roscher. op. cit., iv. 1130 ff.

13,11. <■; stt ‘(at whom men) tremble greatly' is lit. ‘great of trembling’, but it is
obviously not the god who trembles, but those who worship him.

IS, 16. For <jfh ‘to be weary’ cf. Budge, Book of the Dead (1898 ed.), Text, 138, 14;
215, 3.

IS. IS. Wrd lb is a very common epithet of Osiris ; nothing could show more clearly the
complete identification of Sokar and Osiris than the application of this epithet to the former.

TEE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— II

18, 21. mhf ‘ thou whose waters are great ' is yet another Osirian epithet ; on the asso-
ciation of Osiris with life-giving water see Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in
Ancient Egypt, IS ff.

18, 24. An allusion to the dwelling of Sokar in the gloomy Netherworld, cut off from the
light of the sun.

18,25. The plant is doubtless the same as which Keimer ( Gar -

tenpflanzen, 70, 164; hemi 2, 102) identifies with the castor-oil plant (Gk. klkl ); Dawson,
however, in Aegyptus 1 <), 66, disputes this identification.

18, 26. For n< ‘ to twist’ a rope ef. Paget and Pirie, The Tomb of Ptah-hetep, 82.

18, 28. A i him Igr (= ikr) ‘thou excellent power’; the plural bnc must here have its
secondary meaning of ‘power’ or the like; the address ‘ye excellent souls’ is clearly out of
place in the middle of a long series of epithets of a single god. For igr, doubtless read ikr,
compare Colophon, 8l.

18, 81. [jTfligs. is unknown to the Wb., but the existence of a verb nms ‘to cover with
bandages ’, Wb., n, 269, 5 suggests the rendering ‘ to blindfold ’, in which case r nui will mean
not ‘in order to see’ but 'from' or ‘against seeing’. We have here apparently another allu-
sion to the darkness of Sokar’s subterranean realm.

19, 1. ‘Lord of tlie atef- crown’ is an epithet peculiarly Osirian.

19,4. The identification of Sokar with Amen-Be< as sun-god is unexpected, but for
evidence of the association with Re< see Rosc-her, op. cit., iv, 1184.

19, 8. ‘ The four great gods who are in the realm of the dead ’ are possibly Osiris, Horns,
Isis, and Nephthys, see Colophon, 25 ft'. The use of ‘gods’ for divinities of both sexes is
possible in Egyptian ; for a glaring instance, where various forms of the goddess Hatlior only
are concerned, see 20, 2.

19, 9. For n i ( h read >n ill ; for the association of Osiris with the moon ef. Boylan, Thoth
the Hermes of Egypt, 65, 69.

19, 12. For >i pt read m pt.

19, 18 ff. From this point onward we hear no more of Sokar. As far as 20, 14 the text
is devoted to the praise of Hatlior and from thence to that of Osiris. Since from here to the
end of the column the division into lines is independent of sentence-division, it is to be
presumed that this portion of the text was regarded as prose, and this distinction is main-
tained in the form of the translation. The poetic form is renewed in col. 20.

19, 15. The ‘Lady of Horns’ is not Isis but Hathor. see 19. lS-19.

19, 16. With tlm cryptic sentence ‘ the egg is come into being in tlm canal (hit) ' compare
the hieroglyph of a hand holding an egg, which reads lint, see Wb., iii, 105.

19, 18. Note the sportive writing -J?si - for htp.

19, 19. ilfkit here and in 20, 9 is doubtless the place-name ’Sinai’, Wb.. ii, 57. 4.

19, 22. ^ in this context should be emended into - un this title of Hathor

see Erman. Beitrdqo :ur agyptisclien Religion (Sit:b. kgl. preuss. Aknd.. 1916), 1145 ff. — After
.A? we should probably supply £ ! if. 19. Is.

19, 24. ()n ‘ Gold as an epithet of Hathor cj. Gardiner, The Chester Realty Papyri No. I,
p. 31, n. 1 ; Sethe, CrgesJiielite und ciltrste Religion der Aqypter, § 154, with n. 1.

19, 25. ‘The Red Mountain’ is Rebel Ahmar near Cairo, if. Gardiner, Xotes on the Story
of Sinuhe, 17. where the connexion of this locality with Hathor is also noted.

19. 26-7. S>n m hru • prw 'who has gone in front of the houses ( '?)’ is obscure. Sm must
be a fern, participle referring to Hatlior. despite the absence of the fern, ending, and with
sm m hnc we may perhaps compare , 'advance-guard' (lit. ‘goers in front'),

Israel Stela, 5, but w hat the prw ‘ houses ’ may be it is impossible to say.

R. O. FAULKNER

19, 28. For the transitive use of icid see Wb., i, 266, 9.

20, 1 ff. From here onward the poetical arrangement of the text in sentence-lines is
resumed. Note that although the two vertical lines (20, 1-2) speak of ‘the gods, (each) in
his place’, the following dozen lines are concerned only with the goddess Hathor as patron
deity of various localities. In 20, 17 commences a hymn to Osiris.

20, 6. ‘ Sycomore-town ’ was the name of a southern suburb of Memphis, cj. Gauthier,
Did. geog., in, 97. It took its name from an ancient sycomore-tree sacred to Hathor, cj.
Sethe, op. cit., § 18, 26.

20, 7. Rohesa, an unidentified locality, may have been situated near Letopolis, cj.
Gauthier, op. cit., in, 187-8.

20, 9. See note on 19, 19.

20, 12. On Momemphis, modern Kom el-Hisn, see Sethe, op. cit., § 67.

20, 13. Imet is modern Xebeshah, see JEA 5, 244.

20. 14. On this obscure epithet see ZAS 53, 93; 55, 93.

20. 15. For the Xine Companions bearing a statue of the deceased see Dtimichen, Patua-
rnenap, ii, PI. 12; cj. also Davies, Ante joker, PI. 21.

20, IS. This sentence apparently alludes to the fumes of incense which greeted the god
at his appearance.

20. 22. The occurrence of the place-name Upper Dedu in this context supports the
suggestion of Gauthier, op. cit., vi, 137, that it was a name of Busiris, though more probably
it was only a special quarter of that city.

20, 23. For sf-t/ ‘worship’ cj. ‘ when thou sailest northward, reverence

is paid to thee', Xaville, Deir el Buhari, 114.

20, 24. An utterly obscure sentence. The ‘son of the prophet’ is mentioned again in
20, 29 ; this expression may possibly be a term for Horus. son of Osiris, who attended to his
father's burial rites.

20, 29. The preposition hr should be supplied before M.

21, 2-4. The sign "jj is merely repeated mechanically from the preceding lines, and is not
to be translated.

THE PAINTINGS OF THE CHAPEL OF ATET AT MEDUM

By WILLIAM STEVENSON SMITH

With Plates iv-vii

When Mariette's workmen excavated the mastaba of Neferma<at at Medum. the paintings
in the outer corridor of the chapel of the wife, Atet ( j~). appear to have been in a good state
of preservation. Mariette describes them briefly on p. 475 of the Mastabas: ‘Le premier
couloir est orne de scenes variees de ehasse et de peche, peintes avec une grande flnesse sur
le stuc qui recouvre le pise.’ The famous panel with the geese in the Cairo Museum (No. J.
34571) was removed by Vassalli from one of these walls. Two other smaller fragments. Nos.
J. 48850 (PI. vi, 2) and J. 1744, seem to have been brought to the Museum at the same time.
The paintings in the corridor of Neferma'at's own chapel were in bad condition, according
to Mariette's statement (op. cit., 473): ‘Le premier couloir est bati dans le mime systeme.
Le stuc tres degrade laisse voir encore vaguement des representations de la vie privee. Le
defunt ehasse dans les roseaux: des animaux defilent devant lui.’

In 1891, when Sir Flinders Petrie examined this tomb again, there was little left of the
paintings except a few fragments. Petrie does not state exactly where he found all these
pieces. On p. 27 of Medum he writes: ‘ The group of geese from Medum. now in the Ghizeli
Museum, is justly celebrated. It was found by Mariette's workmen in clearing the tomb of
Atet, and was removed by Vassali. When I came to clear out these tombs again.
I found in the open passages of Atet and Nefermat various melancholy fragments of
what had been fairly perfect paintings twenty years ago. The heads had been chopped
orrt with a pick, and the morsels shewed how barbarously the nineteenth century had
treated what had remained to us from the beginnings of history.’ Only one of these
pieces he considered worth reproducing; 1 this is the fragment of a fowling scene
(Medum, PI. xxviii) now in the Victoria and Albert Museum. London (No. 561 — 1891). On
p. 28, however, he says: ‘In the passage to Nefermat's chamber I only found remaining a
part of Atet in a leopard-skin dress, and the legs of Nerfermat. These I left on the wall.’
This would seem to mean that the other fragments found by him were all from the chapel of
Atet. The finding-place of two other pieces is more explicitly determined (Medum. 27-8):
‘Another fresco that I found was in a part of the passage to Atet's chamber . . . (quotation
of Mariette’s description given above) ; when I cleared it not one piece of all this was left,
except behind some of the brick-filling of the passage which the ravagers had not thought-
worth removing.’ These two pieces, from opposite walls most probably, are the fragment
in the Victoria and Albert Museum (op. cit., PI. xxviii, 3) which shows a man leading an
addax (No. 560 — 1891) and the piece in the Manchester Museum with the sowing- and
ploughing-scene (op. cit., PI. xxviii. 4).

Petrie also reproduces (op. cit., PI. xxviii, 1) a large fragment of painted inscription, now
in the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia (PI. vi. 3), which he found
lying at the base of the stone facade of Neferma<at. He suggested (op. cit., 27) that this had

1 That is, only one piece from a particular group to which he appears to be referrim:. Actually four
pieces are reproduced from the whole mastaba: one from Neferma'at’s chapel and three from that of
Atet. All are reproduced op. cit., PI. xxviii.

WILLIAM STEVENSON SMITH

surmounted a seated or standing figure of Neferma<at, painted on a plastered wall above the
architrave of the facade. The stone inner niche had been closed by a blocking for which there
was evidence in the cuttings in the side walls of the niche, near their outer edge. A fragment of
the sculptured tablet of a false door and some small worked pieces were found in the debris.
The ends of the side-walls, outside the cuttings into which the blocking fitted, are carved in
high relief, in contrast to the inlaid technique of the rest of the decoration. These facts led
Petrie to believe (loc. cit.) that the blocking was carved in relief to represent a false door, taking
the place of the original false door hidden at the back of the niche. With the enlargement of
the mastaba by a layer of brickwork, this false door and the facade panels and architrave
framing it were enclosed in a crude-brick cruciform chapel, entered by a long corridor
decorated with paintings. This corridor was later closed by a second layer of brickwork
when the mastaba was again enlarged.

The restoration of the Philadelphia fragment as suggested by Petrie would necessitate
a wall some 2 metres high above the sculptured architrave. But the top of the architrave
itself was about 4-6 m. above the floor of the cruciform chapel, a room only about 0-75 m.
wide, and the addition of 2 m. would place the top of the painting at a height of nearly 7 m.
In so narrow a room it would have been almost impossible to see the painted wall, and such a
height would be most remarkable for the roofing of an Old Kingdom chapel. A large scene
above the architrave of the west wall is improbable at this period. What is more, the
restoration of the painted wall in Atet's corridor suggests a height of between 3 and 4 m.
for the roofing of that corridor, corresponding to the height of the stone-lined niche. It
would be possible to increase this height by a metre, but hardly more than that.

The Philadelphia piece is about 2-56 m. long, but it appears to be the fragmentary portion
of a much longer scene representing Xeferma'at viewing the actions of smaller figures in
registers to the right of him. Since it seems improbable that there was a space suitable
for decoration above the architrave, there is no wall-surface of sufficient width available
in the cruciform room. It is possible that this fragment was displaced from the inner
end of the north wall of the corridor, and that it fell where Petrie found it in the cruci-
form room. The length of the corridor, over 4 m., would have allowed ample space for the
completion of the scene. If the horn, placed very high behind the small figure on the right, is
that of an animal standing behind the figure, this may well have formed part of the scene
described by Mariette: ‘des animaux defilent devant lui’. The pennant on a standard,
borne by the small figure, is, so far as I know, unique. The fact that the titles on the Phila-
delphia fragment allow about 1-8 m. to 2 m. for the width of the space below, whereas my
reconstruction of the corresponding wall in the corridor of Atet leaves only about 1 m. of
remaining wall-space, suggests that the Philadelphia piece surmounted figures of both
Xeferma<at and his wife, while the Atet corridor contained only a single standing figure of
Neferma<at. It seems possible, therefore, that the Philadelphia fragment came from the
upper part of the corridor wall, where Petrie found the legs of the standing figures of
Xeferma'at and Atet. These would accord better with Mariette’s scene of Neferma<at
inspecting a procession of animals than with the one where ‘le defunt chasse dans les
roseaux ’.

There are ten other fragments of painting, known to have come from Med urn, in various
museums, all of which appear to be from the chapel of Atet. These are perhaps included
in the general statement made by Petrie (op. cit., 27): ‘Some other lesser chips I placed
in a recess in the brickwork of Atet’s tomb before I earthed that over.’ Possibly the
fragments now in University College, London, and in Oxford, Boston, and Brussels are these
pieces, re-excavated in 1910 when the sculptures from the tombs of Baflietep and Neferma'at

THE PAINTINGS OF THE CHAPEL OF ATET AT MEDUM 19

were removed to museums for safe keeping. As far as I know only one of these fragments
has been published. This is the Cairo fragment J. 48850; C’apart, Documents, n, PI. 84.

The Cairo panel has preserved a narrow band of the registers immediately above and
below the geese. The upper register shows the feet of four figures proceeding to the left,
separated by areas of green which seem to be the bases of plants. The space below has
preserved only part of the hand of a figure holding a stick, the upper part of the hieroglyph

and traces of a second hand. 1 In view of the extraordinary beauty of the workman-
ship of this panel and its early date, it seemed worth while to attempt, with the aid of other
fragments that appeared to come from the same wall, a reconstruction which would place the
geese in their proper setting. A suggestion of the appearance of the original scene was to be
found in the Cairo panel of sculpture from the facade of the chapel of Neferma'af ( Medum ,
PI. xviii). Here a pair of similar geese are shown in connexion with a bird-trapping scene,
while men ploughing occupy the register below.

When I began the reconstruction, I was aware
only of the three Cairo pieces and the three published
by Petrie. Of these, it was suggestive that the
Manchester fragment was part of a ploughing-scene,
while one of the Victoria and Albert Museum pieces
was part of a bird-trapping scene. The man's head
on the Cairo piece, No. J. 48850. and the sower on
the Manchester piece wore similar crowns made of
flowers like those growing between the feet of the
geese. A small bit of a similar flower appeared on
the other Cairo piece, Xo. J. 1744. The feet in the
register above the geese could be reconstructed as
belonging to a standing figure presenting birds, and
three running figures closing the bird-trap, re-
sembling similar figures on the relief in Cairo from
the corridor of the chapel of Ra'hetep (Medum,

PI. x). The hand with an upraised stick in the register below the geese could belong to the
man who urges on the oxen in a ploughing-scene. Finally, the plant in the geese panel which
grows out horizontally from a vertical curving line could best be explained if it formed part
of a fringe of plants growing along the curved edge of the pond in which the bird-trap was
set out. The discovery in Brussels of the torso of a man who also pulls on the rope of a bird-
trap, and of four small fragments in the Boston Museum, one of which was a part of a similar
figure, made it possible to complete a large part of the upper register which would include
the Cairo piece, Xo. J. 48850, and possibly the other Cairo piece Xo. J. 1744. When all these
pieces had been reduced to the same size with the help of scaled photographs and tracings,
it became obvious not only that the pieces belonged in style, size, and subject-matter to the
same scene, but that certain of the fragments actually joined with one another.

The result of experimenting with these pieces is the reconstructed drawing reproduced
on PL iv. I have indicated in the diagram, Fig. 1, the present location of the various frag-
ments. The reason for the placing of each piece is obvious from PI. iv, but there are
one or two points which deserve comment. First of all is the unusual localization of the scene
by the use of garlands of the same flowers which grow beneath the feet of geese and men to
decorate the heads of the figures themselves. This lends an attractive unity to the whole

1 I know of only one reproduction of the geese panel which shows all these details clearly; this is a
drawing made by Miss Lenox in Loftie, A Ride in Egypt, 209.

Fig. 1. Diagram of reconstructed wall-paint-
ing on PI. iv. to indicate the present location
of the various fragments. Nos. 1, 7, and 9 are
in the Cairo Museum; Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 6 are
in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts ; No. 5 is in
the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, and
No. 10 in the Manchester Museum.

•20

WILLIAM STEVENSON SMITH

wall-surface, as well as providing valuable assistance in suggesting that the various frag-
ments come from the same piece of decoration. The curious oval space, painted yellow and
surrounded by a red line, at the left of the upper register, seems to be a part of the shoulder-
ornament worn by a large standing figure who surveys the whole scene. Only a small portion
of his arm is preserved, and it would be necessary to reconstruct a figure either with his
arms hanging at his sides, or leaning upon a staff. The latter is the more probable, but since
this would be the earliest figure preserved in this common Fourth-Dynasty attitude, I have
hesitated to do more than indicate the line of the arm.

The total length of the wall-surface in the outer corridor available for decoration (see

plan of chapel, Fig. 2) is about 4 m., assuming that
the corridor where the paintings were found is the
one in the first addition of brickwork to the mastaba.
The thickness of the second layer of brick is only
about 2-8 m. and would not have been sufficient to
include the whole of the painted scene. It is very
probable that when Petrie and Mariette refer to the
‘outer’ or ‘first’ corridor they use these terms in
comparison with the inner corridor or niche lined
with stone. The portion of the wall as reconstructed
would fill a space of about 3-1 m. It is probable, as
I have suggested above, that the remaining metre
was filled by the standing figure of Neferma'at on
the left. A small figure of Atet squatting at his feet
might have been included. The reconstruction pro-
vides no space for the fishing-scene mentioned by
Mariette. This would seem to have no place in
connexion with the hunting-scene postulated for
the opposite wall. It is possible that there were
one or two registers below the ploughing-scene,
perhaps running beneath the feet of the large figure
as in the reliefs of the inner niche. The height of the
painting as restored would be a little over 2 m.,
including the line of titles above. In the inner stone
niche the decoration occupied a space of about 3 m. from the base of the reliefs to the lower
edge of the drum. The sketch of the Xeferma<at niche given by Villiers Stuart in Nile
Gleanimjs, facing p. 33, shows the drum in position and a disposition of the figures some-
what different from that on Petrie's PI. xix. Thus the estate carved in relief at the top of
the outer edge of the south wall was placed outside the drum at a higher level than the band
of hieroglyphs which began underneath the drum and ran above the other representations
on the wall. The sketch of Atet's niche on Stuart's plate facing p. 30 is not so clear, but
presumably represents a similar arrangement. If we subtract 3 m. plus 0-55 m. (the height
of the drum) from the total height which Petrie gives for the ceiling of the niche, the result-
ing 0-35 m. seems remarkably low as a base-line for the reliefs. Perhaps the paintings in
the corridor had a higher base-line, and there may well have been a painted band above
the wall-scenes as there was in Raffietep s corridor. The roofing of the corridor should have
been at least as high as the top of the architrave of the stone niche, which was about 4-76 m.
above the floor of the cruciform chapel. This height would allow for two more registers
beneath the ploughing-scene. It is curious, however, that Petrie does not mention traces of

Fig. 2. Plan of the chapel of Atet. enlarged
from Petrie, The Labyrinth. Gerzeh and
ilazghuneh. PI. xv. A, probable position of
scene with geese (PI. iv); B, suggested posi-
tion of fragments from hunting-scene (PI. v).

Plate Y

To «o*v
\ ’* \

FRAGMENTS PROBABLY FROM THE SOUTH WALL OF THE CORRIDOR OF THE CHAPEL

OF ATET

No. 1 is in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford : Nos. 2-5 are at University College, London ; No. 6 is in the
Victoria and Albert Museum, London (= Petrie, Median, PL XXYIII, 3)

THE PAINTINGS OF THE CHAPEL OF ATET AT MEDUM 21

other registers beneath the fragment of the ploughing-scene which he found in place behind
the blocking of the passage. There is no indication of the height of this blocking.

Since the figure of Xeferrna'at faces out to right, the scene with the geese must have
decorated the north wall of the corridor. The top of the wall was surmounted by a horizontal
line of titles in large hieroglyphs, of which only the fragments of two signs are preserved.
These may form part of the title ^ Inj pi nb, which is held by Neferma'at. The use of
such a line of titles appears in the corridor of Rathetep. The turning back of the head of the
last of the three figures pulling the rope of the bird-trap is a not uncommon device in Egyp-
tian drawing, and it is probably responsible for the fact that the hieroglyphs above face to
the right. It seems to me more likely that the heads of the two men in front should have
faced forward. The names of two of Atet's sons, Whm-kt and c nh-r-fnd-f , appear above the
heads of two of the men. The use of the title smr with only the first of two names is common
at Medum. The reconstruction of the name Srf-lc ) over the first figure is put forward tenta-
tively as a suggestion for the placing of the third Cairo piece. The fragment of flowered
crown suggests that it belongs to this wall, and there is no room for the piece in the lower
register. The name of Atet's son is written elsewhere without the however.

The restoration of the small black object fa stake to which the rope is tied) between the
first and second figures is made plausible by its similar use at the end of the rope in the sculp-
tures of the same chapel (Medum, PI. xxii). The drawing of the feet of the second running
figure is unusual, but is necessitated by the position of the feet on the geese panel and by
the obviously correct placing of the torsos of the three figures as preserved. The size of
the bird-trap is indeterminable, but the vertical height of the pond itself seems fixed by the
position of the rope, halving it horizontally, and by the fact that the sub-register of the
geese appears to have been inserted to complete the space below the rope.

The lower register is largely a matter of reconstruction, but it offers a satisfactory explana-
tion for the position of the two hands, one preserved holding a stick, and the in the
register below the geese, as well as the hand placed on the back of one of the first pair of
oxen. The closed hand and the spacing of the figures makes it impossible to place the
man sowing grain directly below the geese, and necessitates the inclusion of a second pair of
oxen. The introduction of a second man into each group of figures results from the obvious
fact that the man guiding the oxen cannot at the same time control the plough. The grouping
is a common one in Old-Kingdom wall-scenes.

It is impossible to indicate more than the subject portrayed on the opposite wall (see PI. v).
A beautiful fragment at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (PI. vi, 1), and some small pieces at
University College, London (cf. PI. v, 4). suggest, by their base-line of sandy desert-ground,
that the animals on these pieces form part of a hunting-scene. The large fragment in the Vic-
toria and Albert Museum, London, showing a man leading an addax (PL v, 6), might form part
of a procession of animals led before the owner underneath the hunting-scene. This is a common
accompaniment of the hunt, and has already appeared in Atet's sculptured niche. The fact that
this is the piece found by Petrie hidden behind the same blocking that obstructed the plough-
ing-scene of the opposite wall gives an indication of its position on the south wall. It is
perhaps significant that the addax is the last of a similar group of animals in Atet's inner
niche (Medum, PI. xxvii) which would support the suggestion, already indicated by other
facts, that the sower was the outermost figure on the north wall. The sloping edge of the
fragment upon which this figure appears is probably fortuitous, 1 but it must be admitted
that the outline of this edge, if due to the sloping facade of the mastaba, could have been

1 There is no trace of the border-line which should bound the outer edge of the scene.

22 WILLIAM STEVENSON SMITH

preserved by the skin of brickwork that was added to the face of the mastaba. The front
legs of an animal at University College, London, seem by the shape of the piece, the colour,
size, and drawing to tit the hindquarters of the gazelle in the Ashmolean Museum (PI. v,
1, 2). The latter piece, fragmentary though it is, is one of the most beautiful, clear-cut pieces
of drawing and colour that have been preserved to us (PI. vi, 1). The restored drawing of
the hound attacking an oryx (Fig. 3) may perhaps be considered a trifle too elaborate, based
as it is on such scanty remains of the original (PI. v, 3). The peculiar position of the animal,
and the change from the desert-ground, beneath, to the grey background in the space cir-
cumscribed by the tail, necessitate some such reconstruction, however. This would be an
early example of the grouping of hound and prostrate animal, but similar figures occur at

Medum, and the idea appears first in the fine carving on a stone disk recently discovered by
Walter B. Emery in a First-Dynasty tomb at Sakkarah ( Illustrated London News, April 25,
1 93G, p. 722). I am at a loss to interpret the puzzling fragment, PI. v, 5. It is perhaps placed
the right way up, for the green band bordered by orange lines resembles that which runs
beneath the titles on the north wall. The former is by no means as wide, however. The space
on the right is painted red, overlaid with black in the lower portion. The white splotches
indicate breaks in the surface, but the crescent-shaped mark was coloured white. The back-
ground is the usual grey. The object shaped somewhat like a rosette, on the left, was white
outlined in orange, with a smear of pink and yellow inside.

The hunting-scene is not a common representation in the Fourth Dynasty. Except for
the fragmentary groups preserved from the corridor of Ra'hetep (Medum, PI. ix), the facade
of Neferma'at (Pis. xvii. xviii), the side of Atet's niche (PL xxvii), and the much abbreviated
scene in the chapel of Methen at Sakkarah. it is suggested only by a fragment from the
Eastern Cemetery at Glzali, showing a squatting figure apparently holding the leash of a
hunting-dog. The rarity of the scene thus gives these fragmentary pieces from Atet’s
corridor an added value. An unusual element in the representation is the use of black, white,
and green spots as well as small red flecks to indicate the stony quality of the salmon-
coloured desert-ground. The Old- Kingdom artist was usually content to use red and green
dots to imitate the stony surface, and perhaps the small plants, of his desert-land. Above
the narrow strip of undulating desert at the base of the register the rest of the background
was painted grey, as on all the fragments from the chapel of Atet.

Fragment in Museum of tin* University oi Pennsylvania, Philadelphia

THE PAINTINGS OF THE CHAPEL OF ATET AT MEDUM 28

Whether the restoration of the geese panel is correct to its last detail is not so important as
the fact that in its general lines it suggests the composition of the original. It makes it
possible to visualize in its proper position one of the finest pieces of painting ever created
by an Egyptian artist, and to compare it with other more fragmentary bits no less capable
in execution. The geese need be regarded no longer as an isolated work of art, but as a
part of a scene typical of Old-Kingdom decoration. Scenes from life were not common in
the reliefs of the early Fourth Dynasty, and at Glzah were apparently restricted to the
rooms of the exterior chapel. The paintings of Atet's corridor suggest, however, as does the
earlier scene showing cattle fording a piece of water in the Third-Dynasty tomb of Hesiret
at Sakkarah (Quibell, The Tomb of Hesy , 10), that the plastered walls of the crude-brick
chapels had for a long time been decorated with scenes of this sort betraying a capable
mastery of painting.

My thanks are due to Miss Shaw, Prof. C'apart, Mr. D. B. Harden, and the Egyptian
Section of the Pennsylvania University Museum for providing me with photographs of the
fragments in Manchester, Brussels, Oxford, and Philadelphia, and for allowing me to repro-
duce two of these. Prof. Glanville was good enough to allow me to trace the fragments in
University College, and the Keeper of Paintings in the Victoria and Albert Museum gave
me every facility for examining the pieces there. The authorities of the Cairo Museum
have allowed me to photograph and draw the three paintings in that great collection, and
Mr. Dunham and Miss Eaton kindly traced for me the fragments in Boston. Herr
Mittelstaedt of Cairo is responsible for the photograph of the Cairo fragment No. J. 48850
reproduced on PI. vi, 2.

Addendum

After my manuscript was sent to the press. Professor Glanville discovered at University
College, London, a box in which were packed twenty-three fragments of painting from
Medum. These were traced by Miss Elizabeth Eaton of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts,
and the drawings, with colour-notes, were sent to me in Cairo. A photograph of the largest
fragment was also kindly supplied to me by the Egyptian Department of University College.
The fragments are all small and do not seem to me to necessitate any alteration in my
original article, although suggesting certain small additions. 1 Six of these pieces appear to
belong, without any question, to the bird-trapping scene; and one, the head of a man with
a crown of flowers, probably belongs to the register of ploughing below. These fragments
I have now included in a supplementary plate (PL vii). Three of them suggest that the
position and proportions of the pond and bird-trap differ from the tentative reconstruction
suggested by broken lines on PI. iv. The placing of these fragments, although it appears
plausible, does not rest upon as firm a basis as does that of the pieces on PL iv. I have
not felt justified, therefore, in altering the plate, although conscious of the necessity for
indicating the new evidence, slight though it is. The other sixteen fragments, to which no
definite position can be assigned, are shown in Figs. 4, 5.

The edge of the pond is indicated by a green band bordered in black ; three of the new
pieces show' this clearly. The ornamental band separating the wadl-scenes from the hori-
zontal line of titles above is also green edged with black, but it differs in width from the
border of the pond, and seems to have no connexion with the new fragments. It has been
noted above that the paintings have a grey background. This is a light grey, differing
markedly from a slate-gray (‘a very dark purplish colour', according to Miss Eaton) which

1 A statement concerning the apparent height of the pond I have allowed to stand, although it is modified
by the reconstruction on the supplementary plate (vii).

•24

WILLIAM STEVENSON SMITH

seems to have been used to indicate the colour of the water of the pond. 1 V hen one finds
that a short segment of the black rope passes across light grey, green border, and slate-
grey at a pronounced angle, it becomes obvious that the joining of the rope to the bird-trap
must have been at a lower level than the point where the rope passed through the hands
of the running figures. 2 The tip of a lotus bud shows in the angle formed by the rope
and the border of the pond. This is painted light green, but the lily pads, traces of which
appear on three other fragments, were painted yellow, verging to orange on the best pre-
served of the leaves, according to Miss Eaton's notes. This colour variation between yellow
and green is not surprising ; the subject has been exhaustively studied by Mrs. V illiams.
The one lotus-flower that has escaped destruction evidently comes from the upper border
of the pond. The inner petals are bluish white, the outer envelope green with a narrow band
of yellow below.

Equal in importance to the fragment showing the slanting line of the rope is the small
piece which makes it clear that the line of plants between the feet of the geese continued
beneath the lower edge of the pond. This fixes the exact distance between the base-line
of the register and the lower border of the pond. The height and width of the pond and the
size of the bird-trap are still indeterminable, but with the new fragments it is possible to
suggest on the supplementary plate (vii) a plausible reconstruction, based partly on the
pond in the bird-trapping scene in the chapel of Meres<ankh III, and partly on the abbre-
viated examples of the scene at Medum itself. Birds flying above the trap or pond are found
in the corridor of Baflietep (Medum, PI. x) and in the reliefs of Atet’s own facade (op. cit.,
PI. xxiv). A more developed form of this motif is to be found in the Sixth- Dynasty chapel
of Ivagemni at Sakkarah. The placing of a flying bird above the pond in the reconstruction
not only aids in solving the difficult problem of the proportions of pond and trap, but also
offers an explanation for two small blobs of black paint in the upper right-hand corner
of the Cairo fragment No. .T. 4S850. 3 These are very probably the tips of the bird’s wing.
They could form no part of the plants, and there is no reason to suppose that the hiero-
glyphs of the men's names continued on the right. The number of birds above the pond is
problematical ; three would fill the space required.

The pond will now fit within the limits prescribed by the outer edge of the wall. It seems
very probable that the sowing- and ploughing-scene below is complete. There is no border-
line, but the outer edge of the wall should fall not far to the right of the sloping line, probably
fortuitous in its resemblance to the angle of the mastaba-fa^ade, which appears in Pis. iv,
vii. I have fitted into the imaginary angle the largest of the University College fragments,

1 This has an interesting bearing upon the apparent absence of the ordinary blue pigment in the Medum
paintings, discussed by .Mrs. Williams in The Decoration of the Tomb of Perneb, 29. A chemical analysis of
the ‘slate-grey’ on the new University College fragments would provide more accurate information concern-
ing this early pigment. The familiar Egyptian blue occurs at Glzah in the reign of Cheops on a fragment
of relief from the chapel of his second queen (Pyramid Gib) and on a fragment from the chapel of Mery t -
yetes (G 7650). probably to be dated to the reign of Chephren. The colour is used freely in the chapel of
Queen Meres'ankh III (G 7530) at the end of Dyn. IV.

2 The presence of the sub-register with the geese makes the arrangement unusual here, as the base-
line of the pond is ordinarily on a level with the feet of the men closing the bird-trap. The line of the rope
is not always straight, however, in Old-Kingdom scenes. It slants down at a pronounced angle from the
axis of the trap to the hands of the first man on a relief in Cairo (Dunham, Xote on Some Old Squeezes from
Egyptian Monuments, Fig. 2, J. Am. Or. Soc., 56, 173-7). The line shows careless variations from the
horizontal in the chapel of Queen Meres'ankh III at Gizah and in that of Hetepherakhet in Leiden (Wre-
szinski. Atlas, I, PI. 103).

3 These unfortunately do not show in the photograph, PI. vi, 2 ; they are given in the drawings, Pis. iv, vii.

Plate VII

SUPPLEMENTARY RECONSTRL T CTION OF THE NORTH "WALL OF THE PAINTED
CORRIDOR IN THE CHAPEL OF ATET (see PI. iv)

THE PAINTINGS OF THE CHAPEL OF ATET AT MEDUM 25

which appears to indicate the curved corner of the pond. It must he admitted, however,
that although this shows fragmentary green plants, and traces of the berry-like red elements
of the flowers beneath the geese, the piece is in so complete a state
of decay that little evidence can he drawn from it.

I should have liked to include in the bird-trapping scene a
minute but interesting fragment (see Fig. 4) which appears to
show the breast of a bird, chocolate-brown (outlined in black)
with buff, crescent-shaped marks, and what I believe are parts
of two lotus-buds. The background is the slate-grev of the water
of the pond. I should have placed the piece as showing one of the
birds inside the trap, projecting over the edge of the trap, but
an inexplicable black line is drawn below the breast of the bird,
and the 1 buds ’ differ markedly from the one preserved on the frag-
ment with the rope. The interest of the piece lies in the colouring
of the ‘buds’, green with yellow tips. These suggest a comparison with the dower-buds
(banded green and blue) which appear in the unique design of two fragmentary circlets

Fig. 4. Fragment at Uni-
versity College, London.

from a destroyed Old-Kingdom head-band found by the Harvard-Boston Expedition
at Gizah.

In Fig. 5 have been assembled the remaining fragments. The pieces of a male figure on
the right perhaps do not belong together, but have been so placed to aid in visualizing the
small pieces. The hair is black, the flesh red, the skirt white (with red outline), and the
background light grey. Part of the red arm or leg of a figure appears on the left. The
five fragments above on the left seem to form part of the hunting-scene on the south wall
of the corridor. The bit of desert ground is unmistakably like others from this scene.

WILLIAM STEVENSON SMITH

The leg (?) and belly (?) of an animal on the left are painted yellow; the animal on the two
joining (?) fragments on the right is orange. The outlines are red-brown. It should be
remembered that the Oxford gazelle is deep yellow with white underparts, a black tail, and
red-brown outlines. The oryx restored as being attacked by a hound (PI. v, 8 ; Pig. 8) is grey
with underparts and tail olive flecked with black. The latter colour (without the black
flecking) closely resembles the colour of the addax on the Victoria and Albert Museum frag-
ment (reproduced with close approximation in Medum, PI. xxviii, 3) A

The fragment below on the left shows a lemon-yellow band circumscribed with red lines,
and with a grey background above and below. It may have formed a border above the titles
surmounting the north or south walls of the corridor, or it could be part of the banding of
the wall below the paintings. The other four fragments are entirely unintelligible to me.
The largest perhaps shows part of a male figure, as the central part is painted red, but the
space to the left is yellow below and white above. Possibly the green lines against the grey
background on the right form part of a plant. The fragment beneath this has two orange-
yellow areas divided by a red line, on the left, while on the right the remaining space is
red. The piece above on the left shows only a small area of grey background, while the
fourth piece, below, is red in the centre and white on each side. The latter might form part
of a white loin-cloth against a red figure, but it is too large to have belonged to any of the
figures of the bird-trappers.

1 I should like here to support the faith which Mrs. Williams has shown (The Decoration of the Tomb of
Perneb, 39 and passim) in the coloured plates of Petrie’s Medum. In the case of the two Victoria and Albert
Museum pieces, which I have examined carefully, the differences in colour between original and plate are
slight, due more it would appear to difficulties with colour-printing than to accuracy in copying. The
appearance of the superb reproduction of the geese panel by Mrs. Davies in her Ancient Egyptian Paintings,
PI. i, provides a new basis for the accurate study of the colour and technical methods of the painting
of the Old Kingdom. Her patient care has recorded the three faintly preserved plants, almost invisible in
a photographic reproduction, which I have indicated somewhat summarily under the feet of the geese at
the left-hand end of the panel in my reconstruction.

NOTES ON MYRRH AND STACTE

By A. LUCAS

With reference to Dr. B. 0. Steuer’s scholarly and exhaustive study of myrrh and stacte
(ura/cTi}), 1 and to Mr. G. A. Waimvright’s review of it in a recent number of this Journal , 2
I propose to explain very briefly the nature of resins, oleo-resins, balsams, gums, and gum-
resins ; to draw attention to a few facts concerning myrrh, frankincense, and other incense
materials ; to emphasize the importance (which is apt to be forgotten) of frankincense, and
to discuss stacte.

Besixs, Oleo-resins, Gums, and Gum-resins

All these materials are excretory products of trees and shrubs, the exudation being from
fissures in the bark, either due to natural causes, or the result of wounds made by man.

When first exuded, these materials are all liquid; but with a few exceptions, such as
balsams and the oleo-resins from certain trees (chiefly firs, larches, pines, and Pistacia terebin-
thus), when these are tapped artificially and the exudation is removed while still liquid, they
soon harden and eventually become solid.

Besins are solid bodies, insoluble in water, but usually wholly or largely soluble in alcohol,
examples being anime, colophony (rosin), copal, dammar, ladanum, mastic, and coniferous
resins that have hardened naturally on the tree.

Oleo-resins and balsams are usually thick syrupy liquids, which contain resin dissolved
in volatile oil, examples being Chios turpentine, Venice turpentine, Mecca balsam (Balm of
Gilead), and storax.

Gums are solid bodies, insoluble in alcohol, hut either soluble in water or capable of taking
up sufficient water to form a mucilage, the best example being gum arabic (gum acacia).

Gum-resins are solid bodies, consisting, as their name indicates, essentially of a mixture of
gum and resin, with which is associated a small proportion of volatile oil, examples being
myrrh and frankincense.

The above scientific distinctions Avere not observed anciently, and even to-day they are
often disregarded, many materials being called gums in commerce Avhich are not gums, for
example, gum copal, gum dammar, gum mastic, and gum myrrh, the first three of AA'hich are
true resins, while the fourth is a gum-resin.

Myrrh

Myrrh is a fragrant gum-resin employed from an early date as an important incense
material: it occurs in commerce as reddish-brown masses of agglutinated tears covered with
their own yellowish dust, and is obtained from Somaliland and southern Arabia. The ancient
Egyptian word Uityic is usually translated ‘myrrh’, 3 though E. Xaville, 4 L. J. Lieblein, 5 and
G. Jequier 5 all translate it ‘frankincense’.

1 Myrrhe und Stakte, Vienna, 1933. For a translation of this I am indebted to my assistant Zaki Iskander

Effendi Hanna. 2 JEA 21 (1935), 254-5.

3 Worterb. d. ag. Spr. I, 206, and Gardiner, Eg. Gramm., p. 537.

Temple of Deir el Bahari, III, 15, 17.

Sphinx 16 (1912), 23-7.

A. LUCAS

Frankincense or Olibanum

Frankincense lias been regarded from a very early period, and is still regarded, as the
true and genuine incense-material par excellence, and as ‘ one of the indispensable ingredients
of incense for religious purposes’; 1 and it is a more important incense-material than myrrh.
Like myrrh, it is a fragrant gum-resin: it occurs in commerce as large tears of a light yellow
or light yellowish-brown colour covered with their own white dust, and is obtained principally
from Somaliland and southern Arabia, though also from the eastern Sudan near Gallabat 2
and from Abyssinia. 2

On account of its importance and its provenance, it seems highly probable that frankin-
cense was known and employed in ancient Egypt. Also, since its form and colour are so
very different from those of myrrh, therefore (unless and until subjected to manipulation,
such as powdering or admixture with one another or with other material), so far as their
appearance was concerned any confusion anciently between them on the part of those
handling them ( e.cj . merchants and priests) was practically impossible, and hence it seems
likely that they had different names, though this might not have prevented them from
possibly being regarded as varieties of the same material.

That <ntyw was a fragrant resinous material from Pwenet (‘Punt') used as incense is
certain, but since this description covers myrrh and very probably also frankincense, may it
not be that the name <ntyw was sometimes applied to both '?

I have suggested elsewhere 3 that the balls of incensefound in the tomb of Tut<ankhamun
are probably frankincense.

Frankincense, as well as myrrh, was well known to the Greeks from certainly as early
as the fifth century b.c., and the two materials were clearly distinguished from one another
and had different names. Herodotus 4 (fifth century b.c.), Theophrastus 5 (fourth to third
centuries b.c.) , and Dioseorides 6 (first century a.d.), all describe both materials, and Herodotus
states that whereas myrrh (op.vpv-q) was used by the Egyptians for embalming, frankincense
(\i[3avi otos) was not so employed. 7 The Romans of Pliny's time (first century a.d.) also knew
both frankincense and myrrh, and distinguished between them, and at that date, Pliny tells
us, Alexandria was a depot for the distribution of frankincense. 8

The ancient Egyptian word sntr, probably meaning incense in general, is sometimes trans-
lated ‘frankincense’. 9

Incense Trees from Pwenet

The trees brought by Hatshepsut's expedition from Pwenet, which are depicted on the
walls of the Queen's mortuary temple at El-Der el-Bahari, are shown in two different con-
ditions, in one having luxuriant foliage and in the other being quite bare, and it seems possible
that they may represent two different kinds of trees. W. H. Schoff says that the trees
with foliage are ‘clearly Boswellia C'arteri, the frankincense of the rich plains of Dhofar in
Southern Arabia ’ ; and again ‘ There can be no question that the trees . . . are the frankin-
cense of Dhofar. . . ’ , 10 This same writer describes the myrrh-tree as ‘ bare, thorny, trifoliate,
but almost leafless’ and the Somaliland frankincense-tree as ‘almost equally leafless’ ; 10 if

1 E. J. Parry, Gums and Resins, 73.

2 A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, 92.

3 A. Lucas, op. cit., 93—4. 4 Trans. A. D. Goclley, n, 40; m, 107.

5 Enquiry into Plants, trans. Sir A. Hort, iv, 4, 12. 14; IX, 1, 2. 6; 4, 1-10.

6 Materia Medico, trans. J. Goodyer; edited R. T. Gunther, I, 77, 81.

7 Op. cit., ii, 86. 8 Hist. Hat., trans. J. Bostock and H. T. Riley, xn, 30. 32.

8 Worterb. d. iig. Spr., iv, 180. 10 The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 218.

NOTES ON MYRRH AND STACTE

•29

two different trees were intended, may it not be that they were either two varieties of the
frankincense-tree (the Arabian variety with foliage and the Somaliland variety without foliage),
or else the Arabian frankincense-tree (with foliage) and the myrrh-tree (without foliage) '?

I am informed by Dr. S. Schott that some of the heaps of incense depicted on the temple
walls at El-Der el-Bahari are painted red, which is the colour of myrrh and not of frankin-
cense. The separate pieces, too, are shown as large irregular-shaped lumps more like myrrh
than frankincense. These facts, however, are not conclusive proof that the material represents
myrrh, since Theophrastus says of frankincense, which he calls gum, that ‘Some of the
lumps . . . are very large, so that one is large enough in bulk to till the hand and in weight is
more than a third of a pound ’ 4 and Pliny states that the frankincense of the second gathering
is ‘of a red colour' and that ‘The incense . . . that is most esteemed of all is that which is
inammose, or breast-shaped, and is produced when one drop has stopped short, and another
following close upon it, has adhered, and united with it. I tind it stated that one of these
lumps used to make quite a handful, at a time when men displayed less eagerness to gather
it, and it was allowed to accumulate. . . . Even at the present day, however, there are drops
found which weigh one-third of a mina, or, in other words, twenty-eight denarii ’. 2 There is
no such frankincense on the market at the present day.

The <ntyw trees depicted on the walls of the Ptolemaic temple of Athribis are too poorly
represented and too badly preserved to be identified . 3

Other Incense-Materials

These include bdellium, galbanum, ladanum , 4 Mecca balsam, nard, and storax ; 4 also
almost certainly some of the coniferous resins , 3 and possibly the resin of Pistuciu terebinthus . 6
The general argument applying to these materials is much the same as that already advanced
for frankincense, namely that some of them certainly and others probably were used as
incense in ancient Egypt, and that possibly they had special names. For the sake of brevity,
however, any detailed discussion will be omitted.

Stacte

The three most ancient descriptions of stacte are those of Theophrastus. Dioscorides, and
Pliny, which may now be considered.

Theophrastus, who was a botanist, states that ‘ from the myrrh when it is bruised flows an
oil: it is in fact called stakte (in drops) because it comes in drops slowly’. He then explains that
‘ Some indeed say that this is the only simple uncompounded perfume and that all the others
are compound . . . but others declare that the manufacture of stakte (mvrrh-oil) is as follows:
having bruised the myrrh and dissolved it in oil of balanos over a gentle Are, they pour hot
water on it: and the myrrh and oil sink to the bottom like a deposit; and. as soon as
this has occurred, they strain off the water and squeeze the sediment in a press '. 7

Theophrastus thus gives two different accounts of stacte. First, he states that it was an
oil that exuded in drops from the myrrh when it was bruised, and this he calls an uncom-
pounded perfume. The description is obscure. If by ‘ the myrrh ' the tree and not the gum-
resin is meant, and if by ‘bruised’ the making of incisions in the tree is signified, both of
which seem to be the case from the context, then the product must have been the gum-resin,
which, though liquid when it exudes from the tree, is not an oil. This misnomer, however,

1 Op. cit., ix, 4, 10. 2 Op. cit.. xrr, 32.

3 W. M. F. Petrie and others, Athribis 8. 17-18; PI. xix.

4 A. Lucas, op. cit., 9(3-7. 5 Ibid., 99-100.

6 Ibid., 204-5. ' Concerning Odours, trans. Sir A. Hort, 29.

A. LUCAS

is of no great significance, since the classical writers often use the terms oily and fatty to
describe materials that are not oily or fatty in the modern sense, but which are better
described as unctuous or soapy. Thus Theophrastus himself states that a certain wood-sap
was of an oily character and that certain plant-juices were fatty. 1 If, on the other hand, the
gum-resin and not the tree is meant, there is still a mistake, since myrrh when bruised does
not yield an oil. This point will be dealt with elsewhere.

But Theophrastus also states that, according to some people, stacte, which he calls myrrh
oil, was prepared by bruising (i.e. breaking into small pieces) the gum-resin, warming it with
balanos oil. then adding hot water and, after a time, straining off the water and squeezing
the oily residue in a press, when a perfumed oil (stacte) was obtained. This process may now
be explained.

The fragrance of myrrh is due to a small proportion (about 7 to 8 per cent, in fresh myrrh)
of volatile oil, and the fresher the myrrh the more volatile oil it contains and hence the more
fragrant it is, this oil being gradually lost by evaporation when the myrrh is heated or kept.

The fact that perfumes are absorbed and retained by oils and fats was known in Egypt
at an early date, and later to the Greeks and Romans ; it was the basis of perfume-making
in the ancient world, and it is still the principle of one of the modern methods employed when
dealing with certain delicate flower-perfumes.

Balanos oil, which is obtained from the seeds of Balanites aegyptiaca, a tree that at one
time grew plentifully in Egypt and is still abundant in the Sudan (where it is called heglig). is
a bland odourless oil that does not readily become rancid and is hence very suitable for
making perfumes.

If balanos oil be warmed with myrrh, the volatile oil of the myrrh is absorbed by the
fixed (non-volatile) balanos oil, which in consequence becomes perfumed, and when the
extraction is finished, the perfumed balanos oil can be separated from the exhausted and
useless residue by pressing.

The reason for adding hot water is not clear. I suggest that it may have been done either
(a) with the idea that because water dissolved the gum part .of the myrrh, therefore it helped
to extract the perfume; or, less probably, ( b ) as a precaution against overheating, since if
this occurred the fragrant volatile myrrh oil would be lost by evaporation. In the latter case
the water may have been used as a tell-tale, since while it remained there could not be any
serious overheating, but if much of it evaporated away (which process would be accompanied
by the usual sizzling noise made when water, or a material containing it, is heated with oil
or fat) the heat would be too great. In another place Theophrastus states that ‘in all cases
the cooking, whether to impart the astringent quality or to impart the proper odour, is done
in vessels standing in water and not in actual contact with the fire ; the reason being that, the
heating must be gentle, and there would be considerable waste if these were in actual contact
with the flames ; and further the perfume would smell of burning’. 2 This method of heating,
if applied in the particular case under consideration, would of course render unnecessary
any addition of water for the second purpose suggested. The statement that the myrrh and
oil would sink to the bottom is contrary to fact, since it is the water and myrrh that sink, the
oil naturally remaining at the top. This I have confirmed by direct experiment.

Dioseorides, a physician writing on Materia Medica, states that ‘stacte is the name
triven to the fat of fresh myrrh, crushed with a little water and pressed out by means
of an implement. It is very sweet of savour and valuable, and is itself an unguent, called
stacte. That sort is esteemed which is unmixed with oil and is very effective in a very

1 Enquiry into Plants , trans. Sir A. Hort. v, 9, 8; ix, 1, 3.

2 Concerning Odours , trans. Sir A. Hort, 22.

NOTES ON MYRRH AND STACTE

small quantity .’ 1 Also, after describing myrrh, lie says ‘ . . . from which, when it is pressed,
stacte is obtained ’. 2

According to Dioscorides, then, stacte was made by bruising fresh myrrh (i.e. the fresh
gum-resin that contained its full complement of the fragrant volatile oil) with a little water
and then pressing. Such a process cannot have given a satisfactoryproduct.and there would
appear to be some mistake. The water would dissolve some of the gum from the myrrh, but
it could not dissolve any of the volatile oil, though the gum-solution might form an emulsion
with part of the oil (especially if the mixture were stirred), and a weak gum-solution slightly
perfumed with the fragrance of myrrh might result when the liquid was separated from the
solid. This I have confirmed by direct experiment. That such a solution could have been
‘very sweet of savour and valuable’ is impossible. The method is all the more astonishing since
the manner of extracting perfumes by means of a fixed oil was well known to Dioscorides,
who describes it in detail in his accounts of the making of rose oil, lily oil, and other oils. The
omission of any mention of oil in the process, however, is manifestly intentional, since it is
stated that that stacte is 'esteemed which is unmixed with oil’. That such a material
should be ‘very effective in a very small quantity’ is impossible.

The further statement of Dioscorides that stacte is obtained when myrrh is pressed will
he dealt with elsewhere.

Pliny (who was largely a compiler of information collected from others), after describing
the artificial incisions made both in the myrrh-tree and in the frankincense-tree, says of the
former that ‘the tree spontaneously exudes, before the incision is made, a liquid which
bears the name of stacte, and to which there is no myrrh that is superior ’. 3 This is a plain,
straightforward statement, which can only mean that, according to Pliny’s information,
stacte was a superior kind of gum-resin that exuded naturally from myrrh-trees that had
not been tapped artificially, in contradistinction to an inferior kind that resulted from
artificial tapping. This account is rejected by Dr. Steuer , 4 but to me it seems reasonable to
suppose that the myrrh collected from trees that exuded naturally may have been thought
the better kind, and may originally have been called stacte, and that at some later period
this name was transferred to an artificial extract of myrrh obtained in the second manner
described by Theophrastus.

Turning now more particularly to the Egyptian side of the subject, Dr. Steuer's con-
clusions with regard to this may be summarized briefly as follows: the Egyptians procured
from Pwenet an incense-material that they called ‘fresh <ntyw’, from which an oil called
mdt, employed for anointing purposes, was obtained by pressure; that <ntyic was myrrh,
and that mdt was the same material as the Greek stacte.

That <ntyw was a fragrant resinous material from Pwenet used as incense is certain; that it
was sometimes myrrh appears to be equally certain, but that it was always myrrh is less certain.

That mdt was an oil obtained in connexion with fresh myrrh (or frankincense) by means
of a process involving pressure is also certain, but I cannot agree that by simple pressure
myrrh (or frankincense), even the fresh material containing its maximum content of volatile
oil, can be made to yield the oil. To justify this contention a brief description of oils and the
methods of obtaining them becomes necessary.

Oils are procured from three fundamentally different sources, namely, animal, mineral,
and vegetable, but in connexion with the present inquiry animal and mineral oils may be
omitted, thus leaving only vegetable oils, which for the purpose of this inquiry may be
divided into fixed and volatile.

Fixed (non-volatile), or fatty, oils include almond oil, balanos oil, castor oil, cotton-seed

1 Op. cit., i, 73. 2 Op. cit., i, 77. 3 Op.cit., xn, 35. 4 Op. cit., 17, 24.

A. LUCAS

oil, linseed oil, olive oil, sesame oil, and many others: such oils occur in large proportion in
nuts and seeds, being enclosed in cells that are disseminated throughout the tissue, from
which they may be liberated by pressure. All fixed oils are greasy in character.

Volatile, 1 or essential, oils are the odoriferous principles, or essences, contained in small
proportion in certain plants and plant products, from which (and in this respect they are
unlike fixed oils) they cannot as a rule be obtained by simple pressure, exceptions being the
essential oils from fruit-rinds (bergamot, orange, lime, and lemon), which are contained in
the outer layer of the rind in special cells, like fixed oils, and when these cells are ruptured
the oil is set free. The reason for this difference, in so far as it concerns myrrh and frankin-
cense, is chiefly that the oil is not present in cells in the plant tissue from which it may be
released by pressure, as in the case of fixed oils, but is intimately associated with the rest of
the material, particularly the resin, which is partly dissolved in the oil and from which it
cannot be separated by pressure.

In the absence of fresh myrrh I have been unable to make practical experiments with this
material, but I have tried pressing two analogous materials, namely, Venice turpentine (the
oleo-resin from the larch), a thick syrupy liquid containing about 15 to 20 per cent, of volatile
oil, and Chios turpentine 2 (the oleo-resin from Pistacia terebinthus) , which, as used, was a
plastic solid containing about 12 per cent, of volatile oil. In each case the result was much
the same: there was no separation of oil, the oleo-resins as a whole at first saturating and
then passing through the cloth in which they were contained while being pressed. In the
case of the liquid Venice turpentine all the material was either absorbed by, or passed through,
the cloth, but in the case of the almost solid Chios turpentine only a very small proportio
of the material passed into or through the cloth.

In my opinion the only manner in which a fragrant oil could be obtained from myrrh or
frankincense (apart from the modern methods of steam distillation and extraction by solvents
such as petroleum ether, which were unknown anciently) is that given by Theophrastus,
which has already been described, namely, by warming the gum-resin with a fixed oil and,
when this had become impregnated with the fragrant essential oil, separating it from the
exhausted residue by pressure. This, as already stated, was a well-known method of extract-
ing perfumes, and was practised by the Egyptians from an early date.

The method of pressing employed in ancient Egypt was, as is pointed out by Dr. Steuer,
almost certainly that of wringing or squeezing in a cloth or sack, exactly in the same manner
as the marc (skins and stalks) of grapes was pressed, as pictured on a number of tomb walls. 3
This is confirmed by the use of the word tiled with the determinative of such a press with
drops falling from it. 4 That this method of pressing was indeed applied to the making of
perfumes is proved by several representations, for example, one in a Middle-Kingdom tomb
at Beni Hasan, now apparently destroyed, but fortunately copied by Cailliaud in 1831 ; 5
another on a bas-relief of ‘neo-memphite’ date in the Louvre Museum, 6 and a third on a bas-
relief of Ptolemaic date in the Museum Scheurleer, Holland."

1 The fact that these oils are odoriferous means of course that they must be volatile, otherwise they could
not be detected by the nose.

2 A specimen found in a tomb of Saite date at El-JIatariyah near Cairo (see A. Lucas in Ann. Serv. 33
(1933), 187-9).

3 (a) N. de G. Davies, The Mastaba of Ptahhetep and Akhethetep at Saqqarah, I, Pis. xxi, xxiii; The Tomb

of Puijemre at Thebes, Pis. xii, xiii; Two Ramesside Tombs at Thebes, PI. xxx. (6) P. E. Newberry, Beni Hasan,
I, PI. xii; ii. Pis. vi, xvi; El Bersheh, I, Pis. xxiv, xxxi. 4 G. A. Wain wright, .JEA 21 (1935), 254.

5 F. Cailliaud, Recherche s sur les arts et metiers (1831), Pi. 15 A.

6 G. Benedite, Monuments et Mcmoires Piot, xxv. Pis. iv, v, vi.

7 VonBissing, Bull, uinde Vereeniging tot Bevordering der Kennis van deanticke Beschaving,iv (192$), 9-14.

NOTES ON MYRRH AND STACTE

According to the representations, the process of squeezing the marc of grapes was very
laborious: although, in one scene out of eight examined, there are only two men operating
the press, in three other scenes four men are shown, and in the remaining four scenes there
are five men. For the manufacture of perfumes, however, the process of pressing was
manifestly less arduous, since it is always women and not men who are doing the work, which,
in each of the three cases referred to, is being easily performed by two women. The bulk of
material pressed will have been very much less than in the case of grapes and the cloth
probably finer and lighter.

The amount of oil of incense used in ancient Egypt must have been considerable, since,
for example, in two different tombs in the Theban necropolis, 1 and doubtless in other tombs
both there and elsewhere, it is shown being poured from a large jar upon a pile of offerings.
As both myrrh and frankincense contain at the most about 7 to 8 per cent, of oil, the amount
of incense necessary to produce the large quantity of oil required, had this been derived
directly from the gum-resin by pressure (as suggested by Dr. Steuer, but which I believe to
be impossible) would have been enormous and the cost prohibitive, whereas by absorbing
the perfume in a locally-grown fixed oil, such as balanos oil, a small amount of incense would
have perfumed a large volume of oil and the cost would have been comparatively low.

1 N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of Xakht at Thebes, 50, Pis. xi, xii: The Tomb of Two Sculptors at Thebes,
Pis. v, viii.

THE PAPYRUS OF KHNEMEMHAB IN
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON

By ALAN AY. SHORTER
AA'ith Plates viii-x.

The fine fragments of a ‘Book of the Dead’ reproduced on Plates viii-x are preserved in
the collection of Egyptian antiquities at University College, London, and I am greatly
indebted to Professor S. R. K. Glanville for permission to study and publish them. The
papyrus contains such unusual features that it has seemed to merit a full description in
these pages.

Description

The document consists, in its present state, of a number of fragments (mostly of large
size) which have been mounted between glass in two separate sheets. Sheet 1 contains the
major part of the vignette of Judgement, with accompanying legends. Sheet 2 contains a
large portion of a remarkable vignette (to be described below), portions of the vignette of
the Elysian Fields (Spell 110), and a number of smaller fragments. The texts and vignettes
are enclosed at top and bottom by a double border of red and yellow, and the vignettes
themselves are fully coloured. The distance between the outer edges of the upper and
lower borders, preserved in Sheet 2, is 31-3 cm. The margin of uninscribed papyrus above
and below appears to have measured about 4*8 cm., thus the total width of the papyrus must
have been originally 40-5 cm. or thereabouts. The papyrus has been inscribed for a man called
0 \ — | J 'S“ 7 (g| H nm u'-m-hb, who bears the title p , ^ ‘ Superintendent of Henchmen '.

Sheet 1

The Scene of Judgement, as now mounted, measures about 66-9 cm. in length. On the
extreme left the deceased man stands watching the weighing of his heart. He wears an
elaborately goffered dress, long wig, and bead collar of which a green fragment remains.
He inclines slightly forward, his left hand hanging down, his right extended in the gesture
accompanying declamation. Above and in front of Khnememhab are written, in vertical
lines, his words (Spell 30 B 1 ) as follows:

(1) 1 rnmi(2) -1 (3) (# (5) mm (6)-=

(?) (3) ;;'gi (°) ^222— c 111 ^

Words spoken by the Osiris Khnememhab. He saith: 0 my heart, 0 my heart, of [my mother! ( '?)]

0 my heart of my transformations (?) ! Do not stand up against me as a icitness . . . Behold,

1 am in thy presence, 0 Lord of the gods . . . [ the balance ( ?)] is empty of (any) faidt of mine
( i.e . registers no fault on my part).

Farther to the right is depicted the actual weighing of Khnememhab's heart, super-
intended by Horus, who kneels on one knee to steady the plummet. The balance is coloured
mainly black and yellow, and the upright is surmounted by the ape of Thoth. In the right-
hand pan is the deceased's heart (coloured red), in the left-hand one a figure of the goddess
Ahffat with the feather upon her head. Beneath the right-hand beam of the balance, facing

1 On the connexion of this spell with the so-called ‘Negative Confession’ and weighing of the heart see
Spiegel’s recent essay Die Idee vom Totengericht in der cigyptischen Religion.

PAPYRUS OF KHNEMEMHAB IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE 35

right towards Osiris, stands f m-mict , the Eater of the Dead. She is depicted according to
the usual tradition, with the head of a crocodile, mane and mid-portion of a lion, and hind-
quarters of a hippopotamus. Her jaws are coloured yellow, teeth red, the mane is red on
white, central portion of body yellow, the hind-quarters are reddish. Moving to the right we
find Thoth addressing Osiris on behalf of the deceased. He wears the white priestly stole
across his breast, and stands with right hand extended in declamation, and holding a scribe s
palette and roll of papyrus in his left hand. The palette is yellow, with wells of red and black
ink and red pens ; the roll of papyrus is coloured white. The speech of Horus is as follows :

SC777 n K© /o\

V (6) ~ ?^\$®\7Z Wor(ls s P okenbl J Horus >

son of Ma<at: Righteous is the Osiris Khnememhab. His heart has come forth justified. The
balance is empty of [any sin of his] . . . (My sic) soul has been produced (as a witness) before
(me sic), and no utterance of mine (sic) upon earth has been punished.

On the left of the ape which surmounts the balance is written: Causing the

lords of the Necropolis to be satisfied ( ?).

The speech of Thoth is as follows :

T&vTMTM (*) Zl% W -sKi W fclk*
!T

(i) • ■ •

(5) ( 6 ) 1 1 • • • O beautiful and victorious god (?'?),

Osiris. Righteous is the Osiris Khnememhab. His heart has come forth justified, and the
balance is empty of (any) fault of his. Let his heart be given (back) to him in the presence of
the Ennead.

The structure of the shrine in which Osiris sits cannot be accurately determined, since
it is almost entirely missing, but the block-pattern and hanging clusters of grapes which
adorned the roof are visible. In front of Osiris rises a cult-standard on which are ranged
the four Sons of Horus; reading from left to right they are (1) destroyed, (2) Hapy, (3) Dua-
mawtef, (4) head destroyed. Osiris himself sits upon an elaborate throne, the side of which
is adorned with red, blue, white, and black chequer-pattern, and beneath are the double
doors which often appear in this representation. The god is dressed from the waist down-
ward in the usual tight-fitting feathered costume, the feathers being outlined in red. their
tips accentuated with red or blue spots. The upper part of the god is swathed in red, on
which blue and yellow spots are painted, and in his crossed hands he holds two sceptres, the
flagellum, and, almost certainly, the crook (now destroyed). On his head is set the white
crown of Upper Egypt, with sun-disk, feathers of Ma<at, and uraei attached. The ram s
horns of the ate/- crown may have been present . Since the god s face and hands are destroyed
it is impossible to tell what his flesh-colour was. In front of Osiris are the remains of his
name and titles, of which a blue cartouche containing blue signs upon a yellow ground, and

a following desert -mountain sign in red, are preserved, thus: . . . j |^j 3 ^ . . . Osiris,
lord of the Sacred Land (t3 dsr).

Behind Osiris stand Isis and Xephthys, who, most unusually, are each represented wearing
the queen's vulture-crown surmounted by the black cow's horns and red disk of Hathor.
Their left hands are curved under the left arm of Osiris, as though to support him, while their
right hands grasp his right shoulder. The farther goddess, at least, wears a red dress ; that of
the nearer one is destroved. The flesh-tint of the goddesses is bright yellow, but has disap-
peared from their faces, leaving visible the black lines of the original draught sketch of their
features. The throne of Osiris and the feet of the two goddesses rest upon a corniced plinth.

ALAN W. SHORTER

Sheet 2

Fragment (a).

Upper Register. — The vignette shows the god Re< or Re<-Harakhte seated in a boat
which is sailing upon a stretch of water. He wears disk and uraeus, and holds the was-
sceptre and ankh- symbol. The prow of the boat is shaped as a lotus-bloom, and in the fore-
part of the boat stands a scribe who is labelled The Osiris Ra<mose. He holds a

scribe’s palette and a roll of papyrus in his left hand, both coloured white, and is engaged in
making an entry on the papyrus with a pen. At the extreme left, facing him, stands Osiris,
mummiform, wearing white crown and uraeus, bead-collar, and mtnkf-eounterpoise, and
holding a flagellum (?) and long crook-sceptre; he is labelled == Osiris lord of

c nh-tnvy. Underneath the stretch of water is depicted the serpent-dragon Apopis, and
beside him, coloured red, a kneeling human figure, headless, with hands tied behind him.
The serpent is labelled in red, 1 1 1 ‘Apopis 4’, and the half of another sign

is visible farther to the right.

Lower Register. — Four gods, each holding the ux/s-sceptre and ankh- symbol, are shown
walking towards the right. They are:

(1) Thoth, ibis-headed, with the priestly stole, coloured white, across his breast. He is
labelled ^2^ (5 The Bull of the Two Truths.

(2) A bull-headed deity, wearing an ostrich-feather between his horns, labelled
Great Fighter (this must be intended, although the bird is barely distinguishable from ^,).

(8) A crocodile-headed god labelled Q J ^ .

(4) A lion-headed god labelled Son of Bastet, i.e. the god Nefertem, the offspring

of Ptah and Sakhmet.

Fragment ( b ).

Vignette of the deceased kneeling with hands upraised in adoration. He wears a
goffered white linen dress, black wig, bead-collar, and bangles. Fragments of text: (1) . . .

. . . (2) . . . (3) . . . . . . The titles read ‘[Chief Keeper] 1

of the Archives . . . [Scribe (?)] of the oarsmen (?) . . .’, and perhaps belong to Ra<mose
and not Khnememhab, since it is known that the former was a Chief Keeper of the Archives
(see below).

Fragment (c).

Vignette showing a lake of fire. Evidently the vignette of Spell 126.

Fragment (d).

On the right, part of a mummiform figure, coloured red. On the left, separated by an
upright yellow margin, portions of three vertical lines of text, 2 which I have not been able
to identify:

(i)--- w

=31 It'M • • • ( 3 ) • - • J w< i. that ( ? )

wherein (?) Re< is purified; I have passed by . . . like . . . Words spoken by the Osiris
Khnememhab justified: lam . . . Osiris, Superintendent of Henchmen, Khnememhab.

1 Restoring []e=i ^ .

- If the text is retrograde the lines are, of course, to be read in the reverse order to that in which they
are printed here.

JMgF'Tt

TIIE PAPYRUS OF KJ1NEMEMHAB, SHEET 1, RIGHT.

PAPYRUS OF KHNEMEMHAB IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE 37

Fragment ( e ).

A portion of the vignette of Spell 110, showing the deceased's activities in the Elysian
Fields. The vignette is of the usual type, and the deceased is only labelled once, in the
ploughing-scene, where he is called jSn® (H P ‘The Osiris Ra ( mose’.

(/). Smaller fragments, unidentifiable.

The provenance of this papyrus is not known for certain, but Professor Glanville tells
me that he believes it to have come from Sedment, the necropolis of Heracleopolis Magna,
excavated by Sir Flinders Petrie and Mr. Brunton in the years 1920-1. At this site a tomb
of the Nineteenth Dynasty was discovered, belonging to a person called Rafinosc, who bears
the titles ‘ Royal Scribe of the Lord of the Two Lands ’ and ‘ Chief Keeper of the Archives of
the Lord of the Two Lands’, and is briefly described in Petrie and Brunton, Sedment, ii,
26, 27. The tomb is dated by Petrie to the reign of Sethos I, apparently on the basis of the
objects found in it, since no inscription recording a date is mentioned. The most important
item from the tomb was the magnificent papyrus of Ra<mose (not figured at all in the
publication!) which is now preserved in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. In addition
to the ushabtis of RaVmose himself and his wife (?) Teye, the tomb contained a considerable
number of ushabtis 1 bearing other names, which Petrie suggests are the representatives of
other members of the family and household, Ac. Among these are thirteen figures bearing
the name of a certain Khnememhab who holds the office of a ‘ Scribe of the Lord of the Two
Lands ’. Now in our papyrus the man called Ra<mose occupies a secondary position, the
owner being plainly Khnememhab, 2 and therefore, if the tomb of Ra<mose at Sedment was
the source of this papyrus, we are driven to one of two conclusions. Either the tomb must
have contained, at one time, the burial of Khnememhab himself in addition to that of
Rafinose, or else the tomb of Ra<mose was regarded by Khnememhab and other members
of his family and household as a suitable cache for their own funerary objects, placed there
with the intention of sharing in the tomb-provisions of the great man. With Petrie's dating
of the tomb to the reign of Sethos I the indications of the papyrus are in agreement. The
style of the vignettes bears a close resemblance to that of the vignettes of the papyrus of
Hunefer (B.M. No. 9901), who was an official under Sethos, and the script suits well for the
early Nineteenth Dynasty.

There are several points of great interest in this papyrus. First, the mention of ‘ Osiris,
lord of c nh-tnaj’, a district of Memphis, and the presence of Nefertem, son of Bastet and
Ptah of Memphis, two things plainly indicating that this copy of the Book of the Dead has
been produced under the influence of Memphite theology. This fact is of importance, since
nearly all the examples of the Book of the Dead preserved belong to the Theban school, few
others being known. The other gods shown in the lower register of Sheet 2 are probably
local forms of deities, worshipped in the region of Memphis. Secondly, in the scene of Judge-
ment the goddesses Isis and Nephthys are both represented wearing the horns and disk of
Hathor, a variation from the usual which I have not met elsewhere. They are shown as
Hathors probably because of their function as the ‘two nurses’ of the god.

Thirdly, the vignette of Re<-Harakhte on Sheet 2 is of exceptional interest. Vignettes of
this god in his boat appear fairly frequently in religious papyri from the Twentieth Dynast}'

1 A selection is reproduced op. cit.. PI. lxxvii.

- It was sometimes the custom for other members of a family to find mention in a copy of the Book of the
Dead prepared for one individual. It is just possible, however, that the fragments inscribed for Khnemem-
hab and Ra<mose do not belong together, but the extreme similarity of style, texture of papyrus, &c., seem
to make this unlikely.

ALAN W. SHORTER

onwards, but the present example is, at least to my knowledge, unique. The serpent
Apopis, whom the sun-god has overthrown, is labelled ‘ Apopis (no.) 4’, and there is reason
to suppose that other serpents were depicted farther to the right ; the scribe is obviously
listing the number of slain enemies in the presence of Osiris. Now these four serpents must
be the ‘four enemies’ mentioned in the ritual for destroying Apopis, 1 and apparently
represent the four forms in which Apopis resisted the sun-god at the four principal hours of
the twenty-four, i.e. dawn, midday, evening, and midnight. 2 The decapitated prisoner
kneeling by the side of the serpent symbolizes, no doubt, the complete overthrow of the
enemy. Thus the vignette provides us with a welcome illustration of the events described in
the Apopis ritual.

1 Budge. Facsimiles of Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum (1910), translation, p. 22, lines 46,
53 ( — PI. xviii).

- See the lists of hours mentioned at which the ritual is to be performed, ibid., pp. 10, 13, 17, and the con-
stant repetition of imprecations, &c., 'four times’.

AN ANALYSIS OF THE PETRIE COLLECTION OF
EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS

By A. S. HEMMY

In* the final number of Ancient Egypt 1 the present writer analysed the weights of the Sumerian
and Indus civilizations by statistical methods ; in this article the large collection of data given
by Sir Flinders Petrie in his Ancient Weights and Measures has been similarly treated.

The method is as follows: each weight is divided by its ratio to the unit involved, and so
gives a value of that unit. The whole range of these values is divided into a series of equal
steps, here throughout of two grains’ range, except for weights of the Old and Middle King-
doms, where the paucity of data has necessitated a step of three grains. The number of
specimens for which the value of the unit lies within the range of a step is counted, and a
curve plotted for which the abscissa is the value of the mid-point of the range of a step and
the ordinate is the number of specimens included.

If only a single unit is involved and the total number of specimens is very large, then the
curve should be a Probability Curve, for which the relationship between x and y is given by
the formula y - ke~ h ' x ‘ where e is the base of Napierian logarithms, k the value of the maximum
ordinate and li is a constant, called the ‘Measure’ or ‘Modulus’ of Precision. If more than
one unit is involved, the curve should be the sum of the ordinates for the Probability Curves
of each unit. This formula gives the relationship between the probability y of occurrence in
an observation of a deviation x from the true value of some quantity, where the error of
the observation is due to an infinite number of causes for variation, each in itself infinitely
small, positive and negative variations being equally likely. It also expresses that if an
exceedingly large number A' of the observations are made, the number of observations for
which the deviation from the true value is x, will be equal to yX. In the problem before us
the observations are the weights of specimens belonging to a given system.

Only two assumptions are made in using this formula. One is that we know with reason-
able accuracy the original weight of the specimen, hence only stone weights will be considered
and not metallic ones ; the other is that ancient balances did not conform to modern standards
in accuracy and sensitiveness. If they are liable to appreciable errors, the mathematical
Theory of Errors, which gives the above formula, is unquestionably applicable. No other
theory is involved. There is, however, an important proviso: the number of specimens must
be so large that the number within a given range is proportional to the probability of occur-
rence of the given deviation. The number practically necessary to comply with this proviso
depends on the variability of the weights. It is a matter of having large ordinates; where
they are small, the uncertainty considerably increases. Fortunately the maxima, which is
what we want most to know, are the least affected. A multiplicity of standards naturally
increases the desirable number. A minimum of 200 is usually needed.

The effect on the shape of the Probability Curve of an increase in the number of specimens
belonging to the same system and having the same Measure of Precision, is worth noting.
The area of the curve is proportional to this number, and each ordinate increases in length

1 Hemray, The Statistical Treatment of Ancient Weights, in Awe. Egypt, Dec. 193o, pp. 83 ff.

A. S. HEMMY

in tlie same proportion. The mean deviation remains unchanged. Hence with increase of
number the curve grows sharper, for, if the maximum ordinate changes from 50 to 100, an
ordinate of length 0-5 only changes to 1. So we cannot judge the precision so much by the
sharpness of the eurve as by the shortness of the base line, the ordinates of the ends of which
have an appreciable value.

Another point to be noted is that where we have many specimens conforming to a
standard, only a very small number have large deviations; these will be too few in number
to lie necessarily proportional to their probability of occurrence, and by chance variations
we may get another small maximum simulated. So a small maximum near the extremity
of the base of a large one may he tietitious. Such maxima are therefore uncertain. In any
case, a standard represented by many weights, and therefore popular, will have its position
better defined than one with only a few representatives.

2. There may la- some dubiety at accepting the large deviations shown in curves. If,
however, copies of standards are made and copies of copies, without strict- regulation, errors
will increase in arithmetical progression. An error of 5 per cent, will soon become 15.

Curiously enough, no evidence is apparent of systematic fraud, though we know from
documentary evidence that such occurred. If deliberately short weight had been used in the
balances to any large extent, we should expect the curves for prominent maxima to have a
less steep slope on the lower side than on the upper. Actually, both in Egypt and other
ancient countries, the evidence is all the other way.

The assumption of inaccuracy, even considerable inaccuracy, in ancient balances is amply
confirmed by the investigations of Mr. F. (1. Skinner of the Science Museum, London, who
has studied this problem in several ancient balances in that institution. In one of his
examples, a Graeco-Egvptian goldsmith's balance of about (>00 b.c. requires about 3 per
cent, of its load to turn, whilst the lengths of the arms differ by about 3 per cent. With such
a balance an error in weighing of (> per cent, either way is clearly possible. Another example,
perhaps nearer the average, is a wood-beam balance of Dyn. XVIII which requires 2 per
cent, to turn and has a difference of I per cent, in the lengths of the arms. Roman balances
are better, hut in Mr. Skinner's opinion accurate balances do not begin till much later.

There has been much expenditure of effort, and long arguments have been put forward,
on the question whether given specimens are representatives of this standard or of that. In
the statistical method this is irrelevant ; there are no definite limits to the range of variability
of a standard, only a decreasing probability. We cannot say of an unmarked specimen inter-
mediate between two standards that it definitely belongs to this or that, we can merely com-
pare the probabilities.

There is this further advantage in the statistical method of analysis: a considerable
latitude may exist in the assignment of weights of doubtful ratio without its affecting markedly
the position of the maximum, which is what we most want to know.

Refore plotting the observations, the results are smoothed by substituting the value of
(u-f2/> 4 for b, where a, b , and c are the values of ij for three successive values of x. This
is necessary owing to the finite number of specimens and the finite size of the jumps. In the
subsequent analysis these steps are two grains, so a weight of, say, 123-9 gn. and one of
124 gn. come into 2 groups separated by 2 grains. The sharp line of division must be blurred
somewhat.

The formula expresses the process of taking the mean of n and b and of b and c, and then
the mean of these two means.

The smoothing has no effect upon the position of the maximum, nor upon the area of the
curve. The position of the maximum for each probability-curve gives the value of the

ANALYSIS OF PETRIE COLLECTION OF EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS 41

standard, and its area is proportional to tin* number of specimens conforming to that
standard. The smoothing lias an effect, however, upon the mean deviation of the group of
weights conforming to a standard, making it appear larger than actuality, though the

l‘'ni. 1. Distribution Curve of Unit. Dyns. t-lV. Ramie of step three drains. Assigned spec imens only.
Smoothed observations. Weights of maxima given in grains, equivalents m grammes in brackets.

Fig. 2. Ditto. Dyns. V-X. As above.

Fig. 3. Ditto. Dyn. XII. As above, but including unassiirneil specimens from Kalian.

Fig. 4. Ditto. All specimens. Dyns. T-XII. including Petrie's (arms Nos. (iO-fiOS. As altove.

difference is not very great. This mean, as well as the so-called standard deviation, can he
theoretically obtained from the measure of precision. The calculation has nut been made,
but the values of h. the Measure of Precision, have been stated, as they give some relative
idea of the accuracy of the groups, and. moreover, enable any one to recalculate the curves.
3. In Sir Flinders Petrie's Ancient Weights and Measures are recorded very complete*

A. S. HEMMY

data for by far the largest collection of Egyptian weights ever brought together. Omitting
from consideration the metal weights, for which the original values cannot very well be
recovered in many instances, we have over 2,750 weights in the general list collected in
various parts of Egypt apart from over 200 weights from Defenneh, about 550 from Nau-
kratis and about 170 from Gezer, besides smaller numbers from other places. The majority
of the weights in the general list have been purchased from dealers and are without prove-
nance, but of those to which definite periods are given, 101 are assigned to Dyns. I-IY, 3 to
Dyns. IX and X, 96 to Dyn. XII, 243 to Dyn. XYIII, and 169 to Dyn. XXIII.

Petrie arrives at the conclusion that there are in Egypt eight standards, to which he
gives the names: (1) the Peyem, with limits 114-125 gn., (2) the Daric, limits 125-132-7 gn.,
(3) the Stater, limits 132-7-137-5 gn., (4) the Qedet, limits 137-5-152-4 gn., (5) the Xecef,
limits 152-4-16S gn., (6) the Khoirine, limits 169-188 gn., (7) the Beqa, limits 188-210 gn.,
(8) the Sela, limits 210-228 gn. These limits cover the whole possible range of standards.
His nomenclature is adopted in the ensuing analysis, but in order to bring the ends of the
curves to the points where specitnens are fewest and so to reduce inconveniences of overlap,
units of value above 167 gn. have been halved, so that the curves run from 85 gn. to 167 gn.
In some cases a few weights with units slightly below 167 have also been transferred to the
lower end.

4. To assist in the assignment of specimens of unknown provenance, Petrie has made a
highly discriminating analysis of the forms of the specimens from which he draws the follow-
conclusions connecting form and period, omitting Predynastic forms not here considered:

Table I. Period from form, by Petrie.

Shape.

Form Nos.

Period.

Round top cones

Square forms, edges more or less

921-927

Dyn. XVIII

rounded ....

62-64, 653-656

Dyns. I-X

Forms slightly differing

646-649

Dyn. XII

Pillow

658

Dvns. IV-XII

Black quartzose cubes

141-185, 55, 57

Dyns. XXII-XXX

Domed top ....

24-36

Dvn. XXVI-Roman

Domed .....

37-45

Dyns. XXVI-XXX

Barrel .....

48-53

„ xvm-xxm

Duck .....

77-81

„ xvm-xxm

Animal .....

„ xvm-xix

He also allots, though clearly with no great conviction, all unassigned haematite weights
to Dyn. XVIII, and all black quartzose weights to Dyn. XXIII.

Further, all unassigned Ivahun weights are put into Dyn. XII, those from Tell el-
‘Amarnah into Dyn. XYIII, and those from the Palace of Merenptah, El-Der el-Bahri, into
Dyn. XXIII.

The question was tested by an examination of the forms of all assigned weights in
Petrie's list, and the number of specimens of each period for the more commonly occurring
forms are given in Table II.

On the evidence here given, we have reasonable grounds for allotting Forms 48-53 (Barrel)
and 77-81 (Duck) to Dyn. XVIII. Confirmation is given by a comparison of the maxima
of Fig. 7, which shows the distribution curve for the former group, and Fig. 8, for the latter
group, with Fig. 6, the curve for assigned specimens.

In like manner. Forms 54 and 55 can safely be allotted to Petrie’s Dyn. XXIII (better

ANALYSIS OF PETRIE COLLECTION OF EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS 43

Table II. Frequency oj Petrie’s Forms in assigned Specimens.

Form.

Period.

Number oj
Specimens.

Form.

Period.

Number oj
Specimens.

Dvn. XXIII

367-450

Dyn. XVIII

„ XII

„ XXIII

48-53

„ XVIII

118

„ XXIII

(Barrel)

„ I-VI

„ XII

„ XXIII

(syenite)

„ XII

„ XXIII

„ I-VI

,. XXIII

., XXIII

.. XVIII

„ XII

„ XXIII

14-149

., XXIII

„ XII

Roman

„ I-VI

„ XVIII

60-698

„ XVIII

„ XXIII

Roman

., XII

16-169

„ XXIII

,. I-X

,. XVIII

77-81

„ XVIII

XXIII

(Duck)

.. XXIII

24-366

Nil.

Animal

„ XVIII

Dyns. XX-XXY), and, with less certainty, 2, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 16. The evidence is against
throwing the whole of the group 141-185 into Dyn. XXIII. Confirmation is obtained from
the comparison of Fig. 9, which includes all these forms, with Fig. 10, which is for weights
assigned to the period only.

For the discrimination of the various dynasties between the First and the Twelfth Petrie
has relied on a minute subdivision of forms between 60 and 698. The frequency of occur-
rence of these forms in assigned specimens is detailed in the following table :

Table III. Frequency oj Forms 60-698.

Form

Dyns.

Dyn.

Form

Dyns.

Dyn.

Nos.

V. VI.

XII.

XVIII.

XXIII.

Nos.

V, VI.

XII.

XVIII.

60-618

656

62-64

3 !

657

642-645

658

646-649

65-652

691-694

653-644

698

The three specimens of the First Intermediate period belong to Forms 65-654.

Consideration of this table leads to the conclusion that it would not be safe to rely on
these forms for minute discrimination. The best that can be said is that there is great
probability that a specimen is earlier than Dyn. XVIII, they have therefore been combined
with all weights of Dyns. I-X to construct Fig. 4.

Petrie has sometimes used form as a criterion in assigning ratios where there is a difficulty
in choosing alternative standards. To estimate the value of this, we may examine the curves
for Barrel forms and Duck forms, shown in Figs. 7 and 8 respectively. These, which are
clearly imported forms, may be compared with Fig. 6, the curve for assigned Dyn. XVIII

Fig. 5. Distribution Curve of Unit. Dyn. XVIII. Range of step two grains. All specimens, assigned and
inferred from form, locality and material; including Petrie’s forms Nos. 48-53 (Barrel), forms Nos. 77-81
(Duck), and animal forms; also all from Tell el-‘Amarnah and all of haematite excluding those with forms
characteristic of other periods. Specimens with ratios one-third or less excluded. Weights of maxima given in
grains, equivalents in grammes in brackets. Actual observations, small circles ; smoot hed observations, crosses.
Probability-curves for each maximum, broken lines. Sum of ordinates of probability-curves, continuous line.

Fig. 6 . Ditto. Dyn. XVIII. Assigned specimens only. Smoothed observations.

Fig. 7. Ditto. All Barrel forms, Petrie’s Nos. 48-53. Smoothed observations.

Fig. 8. Ditto. All Duck forms, Petrie’s Nos. 77-81. Smoothed observations.

ANALYSIS OF PETRIE COLLECTION OF EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS 45

weights. The similarity of Figs. 7 and 6 shows that Barrel forms are distributed pretty evenly
over all standards, so that this standard cannot be used as a means of discrimination. The
curve for Duck forms, however, undoubtedly favours the Stater, the Daric, and the Khoirine,
and avoids the Qedet, the Beqa, and the Sela, a fact which has a bearing on the sources of
these standards.

5. With so great a variety of possible standards, alternative ratios for many of the weights
have to he considered. There is room for differences of opinion as to the choice made by
Petrie. Such ratios as 3-10ths, l-12tli, Ac., are most improbable. Again, a good many of the
specimens come to be included in the Daric group by giving them the ratio 30, yet there are
very few to which the ratio 60 is given. It would be expected, if we are to follow Babylonian
analogies, that the one should be nearly as numerous as the other. The Egyptians them-
selves seem to favour ratios which are either binary or decimal, so that it is more likely that
the ratio would be, at least in many instances, 25 rather than 30. This would change the unit
to values in the neighbourhood of 153.

When, however, all such changes had been made, the difference to the curves proved in
practice so slight, particularly as to the positions of maxima, that it was not worth while
entering into prolonged argument to justify the changes, which in any case would often rest
on a matter of opinion. Sir Flinders Petrie’s ratios, therefore, have been retained through-
out. As weights of less than 50 gn. are likely to be less accurate than larger ones, and are
multiplied by a larger factor to furnish the unit, all weights with ratios l-3rd or under have
been excluded. If sufficient numbers remain, it is better to exclude a doubtful value than
retain it.

6. The weight system of Egypt was clearly very complicated, numerous standards existing
simultaneously. In order, therefore, to apply the statistical method with assurance, even
more specimens are required than in countries such as that of the Indus civilization where
the system is comparatively simple. It is unfortunate that in this large collection so few
belong to periods before Dyn. XVIII.

For the Predynastic era, specimens are quite inadequate in number and very irregularly
distributed. The most that can be said is that from Gerzean and Amratian times there is a
bunching within the Beqa range, and that during the period immediately preceding Dyn. I
there is also a small grouping within the Daric range.

Turning to the Old Kingdom, for Dyns. I-IY there are 42 assigned specimens, for Dyns.
Y-X 67 and for Dyn. XII 127, including 6 from Uronarti of which Professor Glanville has
kindly supplied the particulars.

By making steps of 3 grains instead of 2, some idea, though naturally not a very precise
one, may be formed of the standards favoured, but the conclusions cannot be very reliable.
In Figs. 1, 2, and 3 are given the curves for Dyns. I-IY, Y-X and for Dyn. XII respectively.
For Dyns. I-X only assigned specimens are included, for Dyn. XII all unassigned Kaliun
weights have been added, but specimens allotted to dynasties by Petrie from their form are
excluded ; such allotments, as we have seen, are unreliable.

For Dyns. I-IY maxima appear to be in the neighbourhood of 100 (200). 114. 128, 144,
and 159 gn., or in grammes: 6-48 (12-96), 7-39, 8-29, 9-33 and 10-33 respectively. The Beqa
and the Daric seem slightly the more prominent.

For Dyns. Y-X. maxima appear at 103 (206). 117, 132-5. 144, 153, and 163, or in grammes:
6-67 (13-34), 7-59, 8-59, 9-33, 9-91 , and 10-56. The same two standards are the more prominent,
but with higher values ; an additional standard has appeared, as if by the splitting of the
previous standard of 159 gn.

For Dyn. XII we get 95 (190), 105 (210), 124 and 146 gn. or in grammes: 6-15 (12-30),

A. S. HEMMY

6-81 (13-62), 8-04 and 9-47. The Beqa with a high value shows decided predominance, and
the Qedet has increased to second place. A secondary, low-valued Beqa is also apparent.
The maximum at 124 appears to represent the Daric. Fig. 4, representing as it does a period
of over a thousand years, is only of value for its general and negative implications. It shows
the Beqa as predominating on the whole during that period, with the Qedet second in im-
portance; the Necef is negligible, the Stater, the Sela, and the Khoirine seem to be absent.
Throughout there is a vague suggestion of a Peyem.

7. For later periods the supply of specimens is adequate for a more detailed investigation,
though the number of specimens for which a definite horizon can be given from provenance
is not so large but that it remains advantageous to supplement it by adding those inferred
by considerations of form to belong to the same period. By comparing curves for assigned
weights only and those for the whole number we can see that no great error has been made.

In Fig. 6 is given the curve for specimens assigned* by Petrie to Dyn. XVIII, and in Fig.
5 the curve when to these have been added unassigned specimens of all Barrel forms (Nos.
48-53), all Duck (Nos. 77-81) and Animal forms, as well as all haematite weights the forms
of which are not characteristic of other periods. Specimens with ratios one-third and under
have been omitted.

The maxima in the two figures are practically the same.

For the curve in Fig. 5 a complete analysis has been made by the methods outlined in
section 1. Maxima are found at 91, 109, 126-5, 135, 144, 151, and 159 gn. and the correspond-
ing probability curves have been drawn. The elements of these curves are as follows, per-
centages being arrived at by comparison of areas:

Table IV. Particulars of Analysis, Dyn. XVIII.

Maximum

Grains. Grammes.

Percentage.

91 (182) i

5-90(11-80)

8-2

0-1590

12-5

109 (218)

7-06(14-12)

7-0

0-1361

16-5

126-5

8-20

12-5

02013

15-2

135

8-75

24-0

0-1697

34-7

144

9-35

11-0

0-2280

11-9

151

9-78

5-8

0-2579

5-4

159

10-30

4-7

0-3110

3-8

Number of specimens 353.

The ordinates of the continuous curve are the sum of the ordinates of all these curves.
This curve should be compared with the smoothed observations (marked by crosses) of the
numbers of specimens for which the value of the unit is within one grain of the value of
the middle point of the step, which is taken as abscissa. The small circles indicate the values
of the actual observations.

The investigation shows that there are maxima within the range of Petrie’s Khoirine,
Sela, Daric, Stater, two in the Qedet and the Necef, but no maxima within the ranges of the
Beqa and Peyem. The proportion of Staters far outweighs all others, including over one-
third of the specimens; next comes the Sela and thirdly the Daric. The Khoirine commands
a larger percentage in this period than in any other, exceeding the Qedet. The proportion
of the higher value of the Qedet and of the Necef is negligible. Though there is no standard
within Petrie's limits for the Beqa, it may be worth noting that in the periods here discussed
the Beqa rises by stages successively through the values 200, 206, and 210 gn. The maximum

ANALYSIS OF PETRIE COLLECTION OF EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS 47

at 218 gn. may be a further stage in the rise and the possibility emerges that the Sela may
be a development of the Beqa. We shall see that in the next period the Sela has risen to
222 gn.

How far these specimens belong to the assigned period is a matter for archaeological
determination, but Petrie definitely assigns 235 out of a total of 353 to this dynasty. It is
probably safe to say that the great majority come at least within the period of Dyns. XYIII-
XX.

353 is a large number, comparing favourably with the numbers of weights for a given
period found elsewhere, and they have apparently been collected in various parts of Egypt.
It seems reasonable to regard them as fairly representative. If that is so, we must come to
the conclusion that the Hyksos introduced the Stater as well as the Khoirine, the former
standard prevailing over all others.

8. The next group of weights to be considered is that assigned by Petrie to Dyn. XXIII.
This was an obscure dynasty, but Petrie in a private letter to Professor Glanville explains
that it was chosen as a convenient middle point for the period of degeneration arising during
Dyn. XIX and lasting until Dyn. XXV. The range Dyns. XX-XXY has here been taken
as most nearly representing that of the majority of the specimens, though Dyns. XXI-XXV
might have been better.

This group has been treated in the same manner as the previous one. Fig. 10 gives the
curve — a very complex one — for the assigned weights. A singular feature is the complete
absence of specimens in the Peyern range. Petrie adds to this group all with the cube forms
54, 55, and 57, all specimens made of a particular black quartzose, to which elsewhere he
gives the range Dyns. XXII-XXX, and all unassigned specimens from the Palace of
Merenptah, Der el-Bahri. The validity of accepting the black quartzose weights was
tested by plotting a curve for the black quartzose specimens only (Fig. 11), and compar-
ing it with a curve for all specimens allotted for other reasons to this group. The essential
agreement of Fig. 12 with Fig. 11 justifies the inclusion. The question of what forms to
include was settled by reference to Table 2, from which it was decided to accept forms
2, 4, 8, 9 (excluding those made of syenite), 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 54, 55, 57. An examination
of the Merenptah specimens led to the following figures: assigned to Dyn. XYIII, 1;
characterized by forms of (a) early, 2; ( b ) Dyn. XYIII, 8; (c) Dyn. XXIII, 11 ; (d) late, 14;
( e ) others 5. Merenptah specimens have only been accepted so far that specimens (e) have
been included ; (c) is of course accepted by reason of form.

Fig. 9 gives the result of these inclusions. Its maxima, at 88-5, (177), 96 (192), 104 (208),
111 (222), 118, 127, 133, 141, 151, and 163 gn. are much the same as those of the assigned
specimens (Fig. 10), viz. 89, 96, 103, 111, 127, 133, 143, 154, and 163 gn., with, however, the
important exception that, whereas the whole group has a maximum at 118, in the Peyem
range, there is for the assigned specimens a complete blank at that point. There is a
peculiarity about the group of assigned specimens in that hardly any have a weight below
500 gn. The group is therefore not altogether a random selection, whereas it is an essential
of the Theory of Errors that it should be so.

In spite of this discrepancy, a complete analysis was made of the curve in Fig. 9. The
particulars are as follows.

No standard is conspicuous. The first place is taken by the Daric at 127. The Sela (at
222), the Stater (at 133), the Beqa (at 208), and the higher Qedet (at 151) are in that order,
then comes the lower Qedet (at 141) and a lower Beqa (at 192), finally we have a Khoirine
(at 177) and a negligible Xecef (at 163), ten maxima in all, and, save the last two, of much the
same importance.

1 63 GN.
(10 56) GM

MAX. 88-5 96 104 III 118 127 133 4 141 151

(574) (6# (674) (719) ( 7 - 65 ) (823) (8 62) (9)4) (978)

I KHOIRINE I BEQA I SELA I PEYEM I DARIC ST” 1 QEDET I NECEF I
MAX. 89 96 103 III 127 132 143 154 163 GN

MAX 89 95 104 112 120 129 135 145 153 161 GN.

Fig. 0. Distribution Curve of Unit. Dyns. XX X XV. Range of step two grains. All specimens, assigned
and inferred from form, locality, and material; including Petrie's forms Xos. 2, 4. 8, 9 (excluding those of
syenite), 10, 11. 12, 14, l(i, 54. 55, and 57 ; all from the Palace of Jlerenptah (El-Der el-Bahri) excluding
forms characteristic of other periods; all of black quartzose u it h same proviso. Specimens uith ratios one
third or less excluded. Weights, observations, probability curves, as for Fig. 5.

Fig. 10. Ditto. Dyns. XX XXV. Assigned specimens only. Smoothed observations.

Fig. 11. All black quartzose specimens. Smoothed observations.

Fig. 12. Dyns. XX-XXV, excluding all black quartzose specimens. Smoothed observations.

ANALYSIS OF PETRIE COLLECTION OF EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS 49

Table Y. Particulars oj Analysis, Dyns. XX-XXJ' .

Maxima.

Grains.

Grammes.

k •

Percentage.

88-5 (177)

(11-48)

7-9 '

0-2608

6-2

96 (192)

(12-45) '

8-5

0-2141

8-1

104 (208)

(13-49)

13-8 |

0-2472 -

11-5

111 (222)

(14-38)

15-0

0-2410

130

118

(7-65)

8-8

0 1923

9-2

127

(8-23)

16-1

0-1967

16-8

133

(8-62)

13-0

0-2221

12-1

141

(9-14)

9-3

0-2129

9-0

151

(9-78)

9-7

0-1805

110

163

(10-56)

3-5

0-2301

3-1

Number of specimens 434.

The collection comes from various parts of Egypt. It does not show any definite line of
development from the previous period. The best conclusion to be drawn appears to be that
after Dyn. XIX or XX there was much confusion in the commercial world, different parts
using different standards, with a general tendency to hark back to the standards of pre-
Hyksos days.

9. We now come to Dyn. XXVI. Here we have the advantage that Petrie has made a
good collection of weights from undisturbed strata, so that we can be assured of their
provenance. Defennah (‘Defenneh’) for all practical purposes started in Dyn. XXVI as a
cantonment of Greek troops trading largely with Greece. It was abolished as such by
Amasis towards the end of the dynasty, and at the same time Greek trade was prohibited,
so that it lost most of its inhabitants and all of its importance. Its remains, including its
weights, are practically confined to the one dynasty; their period must run from about
664 to 565 b.o.

In his list Petrie has already omitted all specimens of under 50 gn. weight, and there are
202 specimens left. Fig. 13 gives the distribution curve. We have reached a more normal
simplicity. There are practically no specimens (actually 2) with units between 85 and 105 gn.
There are only five maxima, of which the particulars are as follows:

Table VI. Particulars of Analysis. Defennah.

Maxima.

Grains. Grammes.

Percentage.

Ill (222)

(14-38)

2-5

0-2266

4-9

127

8-23

0-3703

5-8

136

8-81

10-0

0-1665

27-3

146-5

9-49

21-4

0-1794

56-0

163

10-56

3 2

0-2270

6-0

Number of specimens 202.

Practically there are only two standards, the Qedet and the Stater, and the Qedet is twice
as prevalent as the Stater.

10. Petrie has made a fine collection from Xaukratis also. Xaukratis was given to the
Greeks for trading purposes at the beginning of Dyn. XXVI, but rose to especial impor-
tance when Defennah was abandoned, Amasis giving it the monopoly of foreign trade. With

A. S. HEMMY

the foundation of Alexandria by the Ptolemies the prosperity of Naukratis declined,
though it was still of importance until Roman times, fading away utterly after the second
century a.d.

The majority of the weights found there will probably be of Dyn. XXVI, but a proportion
of them are certainly Ptolemaic. The range is most likely from 650 to 100 b.c.

Petrie has omitted weights under 50 gn. from his list, but 541 remain. The distribution
curve is given in Fig. 15, and the particulars of analysis are as follows:

Table VII. Particulars of Analysis. Naukratis.

Maxima.

Grains.

Grammes.

4- ;

Percentage.

88-5 (177)

(11-48)

4-1

0-2814

2-4

98-5 (197)

(12-76)

6-2

0-2500

4-0

108 (216)

(14-00)

5-7

0-1816

5-1

118

7-65

8-5

0-2419

5-8

128

8-29

23-5

0-2076

18-7

135

8-75

20-4

0-1620

20-4

145

9-40

34-0

01570

35-5

160

10-36

9-0

0-1911

7-7

Number of specimens 541.

The simplicity of Defennah has departed, but of the eight maxima only three are im-
portant. The Qedet is again predominant, though it has not the monopoly shown at
Defennah. The Daric has risen to the importance of the Stater. This may indicate that a
conspicuous element of the trade of Xaukratis was with ports on the Asiatic coast. As we
shall see, at this period the Daric was unimportant over the rest of Egypt. The Necef appears
to have a definite existence.

11. The majority of the specimens on Petrie's general list have forms Nos. 24-36, to
which Petrie assigns the period Dyn. XXVI to Roman times, and 37-45, assigned to Dyns.
XXVI-XXX.

Of the varieties of form 36, Xos. 367-9 seem to be more nearly related to Xo. 37 and so
have been included with it, forms 36-366 being included with 36, a comparatively unim-
portant variation, as there are 901 specimens in the period of longer range and 413 in the
other. The variations of 45: 452-9 seem to belong to earlier periods, and are not included.

In Fig. 14 is given the curve for forms 367-450; the elements of the analysis are as
follows :

Table VIII. Particulars of Analysis, Dyns. XXVI-XXX.

Maxima.

drains .

Grammes.

Percentage.

118

7-65

4-0

0*1605

5*3

128

8-29

18-0

0-2262

18-3

137

8-89

37*5

0-1715

50-3

147

9-53

17 0

0-2040

19-2

156

10-11

6-0

0-2003

6-9

Number of specimens 412.

The Stater now shows an absolute majority over all the rest. The Qedet and the Daric

ANALYSIS OF PETRIE COLLECTION OF EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS 51

are about equal. It is interesting to note that the popularity of the Stater is shown, not at
the Greek city Daphnae=Defennah. but elsewhere.

12. Of Forms 24-366, assigned by Petrie to the period Dyn. XXVI to Roman times,
there are, omitting the smaller weights, 835 specimens. Their greater frequency of occur-
rence points to their being on the whole of later date than the last, so probably the majority
come after Dyn. XXVI.

Fig. 16 gives the curve, and the elements of the Probability curves are as follows:

Table IX. Particulars of Analysis. Dyn. XXVI to Roman Times.

Maxima.

Grains. Grammes.

Percentage.

89 (178)

(11-53)

6*5

0-1465

4-6

103 (206)

(13-34)

6-5

0-2686

2-7

109 (218)

(14-12)

9-5

0-2683

3-8

117

7-59

6-4

0-1896

3 6

125

8-10

9-0

0-2044

4-6

135-5

8-78

61-5

0-1774

37-1

146

9-46

56-5

0-2523

24-0

153

9-91

33 3

0-2296

15-5

160

10-36

9-8

0-2521

4-1

Number of specimens 835.

Here the predominating standard is the Stater, accounting for over one-third of the
specimens. The lower value of the Qedet accounts for under one-quarter, the standard at
153 gn., which is here regarded as the higher Qedet, amounts to nearly one-sixth, the other
standards are negligible. No locality is stated for the great majority of the specimens dis-
cussed in sections 11 and 12; most of them were obtained by purchase and they probably
come from all parts of Egypt.

As during Dyns. XXVI-XXX the first-named was the time when trade most flourished,
it is probable that a majority of the specimens date from then, so we should expect a general
resemblance in the distribution to that of Defennah. Again, the period Dyn. XXVI to
Roman times is coterminous with the existence of Naukratis, and the distribution curves
of these should therefore correspond. Figs. 13 and 14 on the one hand, and Figs. 15 and 16
on the other, should be comparable. There are certain resemblances. In the former pair
there are practically no specimens with units of value below 120 gn. (i.e., over the Khoirine,
the Beqa, the Sela, and the Peyem ranges). In the latter pair there is a certain amount of
resemblance over the same range. But above it, whereas at Defennah the Qedet is decidedly
predominant, with the Stater second, for the rest of Egypt during Dyns. XXVI-XXX the
proportions are reversed. At Defennah the Daric is of minor importance, for the rest it is
nearly equal to the Qedet. At Defennah the small percentage of Xecef centres on 160 gn.,
for the rest it centres on 156 gn.

At Naukratis the Qedet is definitely predominant, and though the Stater takes
second place, the Daric is also conspicuous. For the rest of Egypt for the period
Dyn. XXVI to Roman times the Qedet, whilst important, takes definitely second place
to the Stater, and the Daric is negligible. Both have a small maximum at 160 gn. in the
Necef range.

A definite cleavage between the weight standards for the Delta area and the rest of Egypt
becomes apparent. It seems that the antiquarian zeal of the Saite kingdom for indigenous

A. S. HEMMY

standards was unable to overcome the preference for an extraneous standard at any great
distance from the capital.

13. In Table X the results of the foregoing analysis are summarized.

Table X. Summary of Analysis.

Petrie's XXVI- XXVI-Roman.

Limits.

I-I V.

V, VI.

XII.

xriii. XX— xx r.

Defennah. XXX. , Xaukratis.

Forms 24-

-366.

31 ax.

Max.

Max. % Max.

O '

Forms

367-150.

Max. ° 0 Max. % : Max. %

Max.

113gn.

114

Peyem

(7-39)

117

3-6

(7-59)

118

9-2

118 5-3; 118 5-8

(7.59)

124

(7-65)

(7-65) (7-65)

125

(8-04)

125

4-6

126-5 15-2

(8-10)

(8-20) 127 16-8

127 5-8

128

(8-23)

(8-23) 12S 18-3 128 18-7

(8-29)

(8-29) (8-29)

132-7

132-5

(8-59)

133

12-1

Stater

13a 34-7 (8-62)

135 20-8

135-5

37-1

(8-75)

(8-78)

136 27-3

1 37*5

(8-81) 137 50-3

138

(8-89)

(8-96)

141

9-0

Qedet

144

144 11-9 (9-14)

115 35-5

(9-33)

116

(9-33)

116-5 56-0 (9-40)

116

24-0

(9-46)

(9-49) 117 19-2

(9-46)

(9-53)

151 5-4 151

11-0

152-4

(9-78) (9-78)

153

15-5

(9-91)

156 6-9

(9-91)

159

159 3-8

(10-11)

Nec-cf

(10-30)

160 7-7

160

4-1

163

3-1

163 6-0 (10-36)

(10-36)

lt'»8

(10-56)

177

6-2

177 2-4

Khoirine

(11-48)

178

4-6

182 12-5

(11-53)

188

(11-80)

190

(12-31)

192

8-1

197 4-0

Beqa

200

(12-45)

(12-76)

(12-90)

■206

(13-34)

208

11-5

206

2-7

210

■no

(13-49)

(13-34)

(13 61)

216 5-1

Sola

21S 16-5

(14-00)

218

3-8

(1412) 222

13-0

222 4-9

(14-12)

228

(14-38)

Maxima in grains. Figures in brackets below are equivalents in grammes. Principal maxima in italic type.

The evidence for the existence of a standard in the range of the Peyem is distinctly un-
certain. The curves for the periods of Dyns. I-IV and Y-VI show a long level line in that
region, and with such inadequate numbers of specimens may be merely a general spread of
the Beqa and the Daric. The maximum at 124 gn. in Dyn. XII almost certainly represents
the Daric slightly misplaced by inadequate numbers. The Peyem is definitely absent in
Dyn. XYIII, yet in Dyns. XX-XXY there is a clear maximum when inferred specimens are

ANALYSIS OF PETRIE COLLECTION OF EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS 58

added, contradicted by the curve for assigned specimens only, which has an absolute blank
in that range. It is absent at Defennah, and its presence at Naukratis and for the rest of
Egypt subsequently to Dyn. XXY, as shown in Figs. 14, 15, and 16, may possibly be cases
of fictitious maxima at the end of the bases of large maxima.

On the whole, the evidence is in favour of its real existence in pre-Hyksos days. In Fig. 4,
where all specimens of that period are combined, there is a definite maximum in that range.

Fig. 13. Distribution Curve of Unit. Defennah. Range of step two grains. All specimens. Weights,
observations, probability curves, as for Fig. 5.

Fig. 14. Ditto. Dyns. XXVI-XXX. All with Petrie's forms Xos. 3(37-450, excluding those with ratios
one-third or less. As above.

In post-Hyksos days the most definite evidence is its maximum in the black quartzose
specimens (Fig. 11). These seem to be a definite entity during Dyns. XX-XXV.

There is evidence of a standard in the Peyem range, though only to a very minor degree,
in the curve for Sumerian weights of the period of about 2000 b.c ., 1 so it may have been
introduced into Egypt from some intermediate place.

The Daric is in evidence even in Predynastic times, entering probably towards the end of
that period. During Dyns. I-YI it is second in importance only to the Beqa, but it loses
ground during Dyn. XII. The variation apparent in its value may be due merely to the
inadequacy of the data.

Anc. Egypt, Dec. 1935, pp. 89-91.

A. S. HEMMY

During Dyn. XVIII it is overshadowed by the Stater, but is second in importance. In
Dyns. XX-XXY it resumes a slight priority again, to be replaced in Dyn. XXVI by the

PETRIES LIMITS

IKHOIRINEI BEQA 1 SELA i PEYEM 1DARIC IST»I QEDET I NEGEF I

MAX. 89 103 109 117 125 135 5 146 153 160 GN.

Fig. 15. Distribution Curve of Unit. Xaukratis. Range of step two grains. All specimens. Weights,
observations, probability curves, as for Fig. 5.

Fig. 16. Ditto. Dyn. XXVI to Roman Period. All with Petrie's forms Xos. 24-366, excluding those with
ratios one-third or less. As above.

Qedet in the Delta area, by the Stater elsewhere. From Dyn. XXVI onwards the Daric is
never of importance except at Xaukratis.

ANALYSIS OF PETRIE COLLECTION OF EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS 55

The evidence is against the Stater having been present in Egypt during the Old and Middle
Kingdoms, but in Dyn. XVIII, it, with the Duck and Barrel form weights, marks the effect
of the foreign influences of the Hyksos period. It is the decidedly predominant standard of
Dyn. XVIII, and though it loses ground during the period of the Dyns. XX-XXV, it sub-
sequently advances once more to predominance everywhere except in the Delta area, where
it is subordinate to the Qedet. Its presence and importance are unconnected with Greek
influence. It was introduced centuries before the latter existed, and actually at the places
where it was strongest, at Defennah and Xaukratis, the Stater standard was of lesser impor-
tance, being overshadowed by the Qedet, whereas the former was markedly most prevalent
over other parts of Egypt.

The Stater was present as a standard in Sumer at least as early as 2000 b.c ., 1 so some
evidence of its presence might be obtainable in Palestine. Petrie gives a list of 170 weights
found at Gezer by Macalister, but only 30 of these are assigned to Dyn XVIII or earlier, a
number quite insufficient for analysis. So far as they go, they show a grouping in the Daric
and another low down in the Necef range.

The Qedet appears to have arisen early in the Old Kingdom, and during that period two
values are present which persisted, one varying about 145 gn., the other about 152 gn. ; the
former was usually the more important. During Dyn. XVI this lower-valued Qedet assumed
decided predominance in the Delta area, though contemporaneously elsewhere it takes second
place. Possibly where the Saite kingdom with its strongly anti-foreign and archaistic
tendencies had a prevailing influence, it was able to secure adhesion to the native standard,
but failed to alter the customs of the remainder of Egypt.

The evidence for the Xecef is uncertain. There is a maximum at 159 gn. during Dyns.
I-IV, and during Dyns. V and VI there is one at 153 gn. and slight evidence of one at 1G3 gn. ;
during Dyn. XII there is practically no evidence of a maximum in this range. During Dyn.
XVIII there is a small maximum at 151 gn. and a smaller one at 159 gn. ; but these may
easily be cases of fictitious maxima near large ones. During Dyns. XX-XXV there is a small
maximum at 160 gn., as also at Defennah, but it is absent for the rest of Egypt during Dyns.
XXVI-XXX (forms 367-450). For the period Dyn. XXVI to Roman times there is a small
maximum at 160 gn., again an inconspicuous ripple at the base of a high peak. It is only at
Xaukratis that there seems definite evidence of a standard (at 160 gn.) in the range of the
Xecef. It would be curious if a standard should then be resurrected after burial since the
IV Dynasty. The early existence of the Necef in Egypt must be considered very doubtful,
and a late foreign introduction is a possibility.

The Khoirixe is definitely not indicated before Dyn XVIII (unless the minor maximum
at 190 gn. in Dyn. XII is to be regarded as the beginning of the Khoirine), but then, if only
as a minor standard, it seems quite clear that it existed. This standard also presumably came
in with the Hyksos. It is still present amongst the many maxima of Dyns. XX-XXV,
though only to the extent of about 6 per cent. It is entirely absent from Defennah and the
period of the forms 367-450, but there is a negligible indication of it at Xaukratis and during
the period of the forms 24-366.

The Beqa is certainly the oldest standard in Egypt, going back to the earliest times.
During Dyns. I-VI it is predominant, but only slightly so, over the Daric. In the Middle
Kingdom the predominance becomes decided, to disappear entirely during Dyn. XVIII.

During preclynastic times its value was definitely lower than the Harappa (Indus) standard
of 210 gn. A connexion between the two is therefore unlikely. During the earlier dynastic
period its value, so far as the meagre evidence goes, appears to rise from 200 gn. through

1 Anc. Egypt, foe. cit.

A. S. HEMMY

206 gn. up to 211) gn. in Dyn. XII ; at this point a lower standard at 190 gn. appears, unless
this is really a Khoirine.

In Pyns. XX-XXV, the lieqa reappears in its duplicated form, the major at 208 gn.,
the minor at 192 gn., hut only occupies fourth place. The simultaneous presence of a Khoirine
at 177 gn. establishes a duplication of the Lieqa. and negatives the presence of the Khoirine
in Dyn. XII. The Beqa is definitely absent at Defennah and for the period of the forms
007-4.70, its apparent presence at Xaukratis and for the period of forms 24-366 may be due
merely to chance variations.

The Ski. a shows no evidence of its presence during Pyns. I-XII, hut it is quite definitely
present with a value of 21 S gn. during Dyn. XVIII. It is a matter of speculation whether
this is a culmination of the tendency of the Beqa to rise, but the simultaneous presence
during the next period of the two values of the Beqa and a Sela at 222 gn. is against such a
view. If so. the Sela must also have been introduced during the Hyksos period, but if it is of
foreign origin, that origin must be sought elsewhere than in Babylonia. From Dyn. XXVI
onward it is present, if at all. to a negligible amount.

14. It is evident that the ancient weight systems of Egypt were extremely confused and
complex, even when judged by the lenient standards of antiquity. Xumerous standards of
both home and foreign origin were simultaneously in use, and the degree of variability was
very marked. The data, particularly for the earlier periods, is insufficient for more than a
tentative outline of the history of these standards, as it would appear that the usage of
different parts of the country was not always uniform.

The large accumulation of data by Petrie, however, makes it unlikely that any important
element is absent, though it may be difficult to disentangle the ravelled skein. The course
of the history of the weight standards of Egypt, with this carent, appears to have been some-
what as follows:

In the very earliest times the Beqa, of lower value than, and unrelated to, the Mohenjo-
Daro standard, makes its appearance, and at the end of predynastic times the Daric is
introduced. These two standards continue in principal use during Pyns. I-VI, but the
Qedet with two values and probably the Peyeni arise, if the latter is not an introduction.
The presence of a Xecef is doubtful. During Dyn. XII the Beqa resumes predominance, but
in addit ion to the higher value there is also a minor lower value. During the Hyksos period
the Stater, the Khoirine. and tin 1 Sela are introduced, the first becoming the predominant
standard during Dyn. XVIII, whilst the Beqa and Peyem disappear. This state of things
continues through the next dynasty. During Pyns. XX-XXV there is a period of confusion,
with a tendency to revert to pre-Hvksos standards. Xo less than 10 standards are present,
mostly of much the same importance.

In Dyn. XX\ I and later, a division of usage between the Delta area and the restof Egypt
comes into view. In the Delta area the Qedet is decidedly predominant, whereas in the rest
of Egypt the Stater becomes more conspicuous than ever, though the Qedet is more prevalent
than in previous periods. All the other standards become of negligible importance, except
that at Xaukratis the Daric is largely used.

The Khoirine is important only during Dyn. XVIII. the Sela only during Dyns. XVIII-
XXV. The Peyeni may have been in evidence during Dyns. I-VI; it only appears again
during the period of confusion of Dyns. XX-XXV. The Xecef is never of importance, and
only at Xaukratis is the evidence of its existence definite.

In conclusion, I desire to thank Mr. F. G. Skinner for permission to make use of the results
of his researches and Professor S. It. K. Glanville for his ever-ready assistance in obtaining
information.

THE GENDER OF TENS AND HUNDREDS IN LATE

EGYPTIAN

By JABOSLAV CERXY

In Erman's Xeudgijptische Grammatik (2nd. ed.), § 244, Anm. 2. we read the following
statement: ‘Interessant ist, worauf aucli ujct 1 "zwei Hundert ” fulirt. (lass die Hunderter
weiblichen Gesclileehts sind, wiihrend die Zehner miinnlicli sind: 1 “andere

700 Stuck Holz” P. Mallet, 6, 4; Y'A nnn <= ILO "(und) andere 50

Scheffel Kohlen - ’ ibid. 6, 4.’

The statement is correct as far as it goes, hut the two example's chosen do not prove what
they are intended to prove, at least not as simply as Erman's words would make us believe,
the first example being contradicted by such a passage as □ 1 deben ’, Ostr.

Berlin 10610, 2, 3 the second by [j, — ‘these 80 chapters'. Amenemope, 27, 7.

an example quoted by Erman himself in op. cit., § 247. However, closer inquiry shows how
this apparent discrepancy is to he explained.

That tens are of the masculine, and hundreds of the feminine gender is shown by the
combined evidence of Middle (and Old) Egyptian and Coptic. Lethe's investigations on the
subject 4 are well known, but for convenience sake they may be resumed here:

10 has both masculine and feminine forms: mdtr ( *mfdeu • >«ht) and mdt (*mc]d >
JLlHTe).

20 looks like a feminine dual: dUtij (* ddfiotv y > cso'ycoT: -niot), perhaps from a lost
substantive dlM ‘ten’,

30, nYbi > sixiKZ.il is a masculine substantive formed by means of the prefix m from the
stem

40, hn('?) > is a word of unknown etymology.

The numerals from 50 to 90 are masculine plurals of corresponding units: 50 *duiclcw >
*ddliew > TNic-y ; 60 *seiselew> ce ; 70 *srj7o T kve > iy*qe ; 30 *hmenieic > gjuesie:

.Sejuine; 90 *pesdeleic > necTA.io'y.

100 is a feminine substantive probably to be read .it (*m 7 > u je; 200 (dual) *bctel >
ujht), plural ^ (Pyr., 408 b).

As far as Late Egyptian is concerned, its usual construction numeral + ~~~* + substantive
can never betray the gender of tens, for if the definite article (or a demonstrative or posses-
sive pronoun, or the adjective /,// ‘other’, which are all syntactically equivalent to the
definite article) is prefixed to this construction, it agrees in gender not with the numeral but
with the substantive numbered. Cf. the following examples:

IwT—Qn? ‘these 30 chapters’, Amenemope, 27, 7.

JN^2tveL.i h ‘50 other ships', \Venamun,2. 1 (hr is fern., cf. Anast.4,6, 11).
‘his 07 years', Mar., Abijd., n. 35, 23 3 = Rouge, Inscrr. hicrogl., 159, 23.

1 [This is not correct; ujht only is attested. J. ( '.] 2 Read jjy Vl ,77

3 Published in Hierat. Pnp. Berlin, m, PI. xx.xviii.

4 ZAS 47 (1910), 1-41 ; Yon Znhlen und Zuhlirorfen, passim.

5 Quoted by Sethe, Von Zahlen u. Zahhcorten, 55.

JAROSLAV CERNY

So, too, with the numerals 100 and 200:

‘the 100 deben ’, Ostr. Berlin 10610, 2.

^!k^ n n n n n --.^= ‘ these 150 deben ’’ Pa P- Brit ' MuS ’ 10383 > 2 ’ 2 ' 1

<tlie - 00 Pa P- Harris 500, vs., 2, 12 (thbst is masculine).

If the definite article agreed in gender with the hundreds, it ought to be in the feminine in
these examples.

But with numerals from 300 onwards the definite article (or its equivalent) is in the
feminine:

SiWnnn n'^l^ ‘ tlie 335 gods’, Pa P- Turin, P.-R. 137, 3 (quoted by Gunn, JEA 3,
281).

1U <! " ^nrT All 1 ‘the 077 gods’. Pap. C’hester-Beatty V, rs., 5, 1 (I owe this example

to Dr. Gardiner).

m“

‘the 550 deben of copper’, Pap. Turin, unpubl. continuation of

“the 402 khar of barley’, Pap. Turin, P.-E., 155, 10.

& ?fHT the loaves ’, Pap. Brit. Mus. 10054, vs., 4, 1 (= Peet, Tomb-Robberies,

PI. viii).

“Wnnn
Jfij ^ nn .

P.-E. 133, 10. 3

il'LCnbin , <the 600 dehen of copper’, ibid., 15.

‘other 1*00 (pieces of) wood’, Mallet, 6, 1.

Here the gender of the hundreds clearly determines that of the definite article and of
the adjective kij. This fact may seem strange at first sight, but proves to be quite natural
on closer consideration. For the numerals W, w; etc. themselves are a construction
which is surely to be read as 3 it, 4 st etc., ‘3 hundreds’, ‘4 hundreds’, etc., 3, 4, etc. being
masculines, as still in Coptic, where we find (Sa‘idic) upumT-uje for 300 and qTO'Y-uje for
400. Now in such cases in Late Egyptian the definite article agrees in gender with the sub-
stantive, contrast \ ‘the six carpenters’, Botti-Peet, Giornale, PI. 58, 6,

with £ |

I 1 !

i ‘the 4 kite of gold’, Pap. Brit. Mus. 10054, 1, 12; 4

‘the

7 Hathors ’, d’Orb., 9, 8. When we replace the substantive reckoned by the numeral ‘ hundred ’
(it), which is feminine, the definite article must agree with it and be always in the feminine.
This did not apply, as we saw, to 200, which is not a construction, but a single word (dual).

There are, however, two passages in which numerals higher than 200 seem to be accom-
panied by the masculine definite article, but both these exceptions are only apparent.

The first passage is Pap. Harris 500, rs., 2, 4: ‘the 500 thbst’

quoted by Sethe. 5 This is also Gardiner's reading, 6 but he covers the numeral with hatch-
ing and accompanies it with a query, adding, moreover, the following note: ‘Much confused,
and not really like 500 in 2, 7 (end). Still Maspero, followed by Peet, was doubtless right
in reading thus. In any case, must be emended as [correctly given] 7 in 2, 12; 200 soldiers
cannot be put into 500 baskets.’ It seemed therefore possible that the scribe had wrongly
written 500, leaving the correct masculine article for the 200 which he should have written.

1 Published by Peet, Tomb-Robberies, PI. xxii.

1 The ff is -written twice owing to a confusion of two possible constructions: 11 ft and

3 I one the knowledge of this text to Dr. Gardiner.

4 Published by Peet, Tomb- Robberies, PI. vi.

6 Von Zahlen und Zahlu-orten, 5o.

” Late-Egn. Stories, pp. S3 and 83 n.

7 Words in square brackets are mine.

GENDER OF TENS AND HUNDREDS IN LATE EGYPTIAN 59

But when I examined the published photograph 1 I became convinced that the numeral,
though a little damaged, was nevertheless certainly ^ thus made: The scribe first

made two vertical strokes, but did not prolong the second stroke at once into the necessary
tail. He paused and then added the tail by a new stroke of his reed. In doing this the top of
the tail began too far to the right of the bottom of the second vertical stroke.

The second instance is Pap. Brit. Mus. 10883, 2, 3, 2 where Peet reads
jj . ! ° ! ‘these 222 deben of copper’, but adds is also possible’. I myself, while tran-
scribing the papyrus years ago, read but the form seemed suspect to me and I made the
following facsimile of it in my note-book: . In view of the above considerations I

now believe that the reading V‘ is the only possible one and that the sign has been made by
the scribe in two strokes exactly in the same way as the 200 in Pap. Harris 500, vs., 2, 4,
discussed above.

In conclusion we may therefore say that the definite article (or its equivalent) can never
show the gender of tens, but does sometimes show the feminine gender of the word st
‘hundred’.

1 Hierat. Pap. B.M., u, PI. xlvii.

2 Peet, op. cit., PI. xxii.

TWO PUZZLES OF RAMESSIDE HIERATIC

By JABOSLAV (JEBNY

lx the oracle text of Pap. Brit. Mas. 10335 1 2 there is a passage containing a difficult word
left untranscribed and untranslated by the editors. The passage (rt., 5-6) relates how a
certain Petjauemdiamun, declared guilty of a theft by Amun, the god of his village Pekhenty,
decided to appeal to another local Amun, Amun of Teshenyt. The passage in question reads
as follows:

Jvvv[:]3'l

i i i
1 i i •

it:*

The second puzzling word looks like

“Jni

according to a facsimile which I made of

it in 1924 and which agrees in all essential points with those given by both Dawson and
Blackman. 3 The group evidently represents the name of an object of which the last sign is
a determinative. Now this determinative can be only a =>, without the dot, as often. The

two signs preceding the determinative occur again as in Pap. Berlin P. 10494, 11, 4
where they are a certain ^ 0 of the proper name Amenhotep, and the whole expression is
identical with f° r "'hick see Tfc., m > 195, 17. The group of our papyrus is

consequently to be transcribed thus: .> and the translation of the passage

modified as follows:

Another time the farmer Petjauemdiamun went before Amun of Teshenyt, saijing : ‘I am
repugnant (?) to my own god ; I will go to the other’, having taken five offering-loaves to his fore-
court.

Petjauemdiamun therefore presented to Amun of Teshenyt five loaves, either as a bribe
for the god or as a fee for the desired oracle. He deposited his loaves in the open court of the
temple, probably on a stand or an offering-table similar to those erected in the forecourt of
the temple of Amun at Karnak. 5

sic

(1) In Berlin ostracon P. 10631, 9-10, 6 we read that there was given to a man _
i * i- 1™ !-=-il?ki ° .f I ‘ Dfs-cakes, 1 b/r-plate ; nht . . . 1 ’. The published transcription
does not offer a satisfactory solution for the groiqi read here nht, but as a matter of fact the

1 Transcribed by Dawson, JEA 11 (1925), 247-S and Pis. xxxv-xxxviii; translated with commentary by
Blackman, ibid., 249-55.

2 Another extremely difficult group. I woidd suggest the old perfective of a verb meaning ‘ be repugnant ’
or the like.

3 Loc. cit.. PI. xxxvi and p. 251.

5 .See for these Nelson in J AOS, 56, 232-6, 240.

6 Published Hierat. Pap. Berlin, ill, PI. xxxvi.

Published by Gardiner, PSBA 31 (1909), 5-13.

TWO PUZZLES OF RAMESSIDE HIERATIC

reading is certain, except for the determinative, which in itself could be interpreted as either
, ° or As, however, the latter group is provided with a dot in the same document, line
3 (twice), ) ° , seems more probable.

There is sufficient evidence for w-plates being receptacles or measures of r/is-cakes, 1
a proof that in the Berlin ostracon the words ‘ nht . . . 1 ’ are to be separated from what pre-
cedes and taken as an expression consisting of a word nht, another word the reading of which
is doubtful, and the numeral l. 2 The word nht, unknown to the dictionaries, occurs again
in Ostr. Cairo CC'G 25624, col. Ill, 5 : 3 j, probably to be understood as ‘ mht - jar of

nht, 1 ’, and in an unpubl. ostracon in the Queen's College, Oxford, rs.,1: „ J , ° , 1 1

perhaps again ‘<br-cakes (made) of 4 * nht, 2’. As to the meaning of the word, the only
clue we have is its occurrence together with various kinds of food, especially bread, and
its determinatives “ and , ° ( , which point to some material of bread-like nature, grain
or fruit.

The hieratic sign left untranscribed in the above passage from the Berlin ostracon occurs
again in three other documents:

(2) Ostr. Gardiner 61, 2: TTji 1 P }W threads, t -bread . . . 1 ’.

(3) ibid., 3: 'ps-bread 1, bread of barley ...,

mht-jar ofbs-bread 1 ’.

(4) Ostr. Berlin 12635, 9: ° ."SoliE. ° .I'l ‘ 3 S d > mlat 'A ,r ’ 1 '> “b* r -

(5) ibid., vs. 3

and again 4:

‘ps -bread of barley

(6) ibid., vs. 6 and again 7:

A\l\>°>t\‘P laster

1 ’.

(7) Ostr. Petrie 32, 5: ‘ so f^ bread,

To judge from its position between the substantive designating a material and the numeral,
the most natural deduction would be that it is a measure. However, the ps appears to be
some very large kind of loaf ; it is always measured in pieces and these occur only in small
quantities. And M ‘gypsum, plaster’ is everywhere else measured in ‘sacks’ ft. Moreover,
a measure which would correspond to our sign is completely unknown. In these circum-
stances the only other possibility seems more likely, namely that the sign expresses a word
qualifying the preceding material and is an adjective or participle. Palaeographically the
sign satisfies the requirements of only a 6 7 and this will probably be the right solution.
For a ^ so written is well attested in the meaning ‘living’ after names of animals, and in
the meaning ‘fresh’ after luf ‘meat’ and bnr ‘dates’,' as well as in P

Harris Pap., 56 a, 6 after sty- si (a kind of flowers of fruit). 8 What ‘fresh gypsum, plaster’

1 Ostr. Cairo, CCG 25624, II, 7. vs. 4; 25694, 4; Ostr. Brit. Mus. 5637 (publ. JEA 12, Pis. xxxvii and
xlii), vs. 3.

2 The same conclusion may be drawn irom the unpublished Ostr. Berlin 12635, 9, quoted below

3 “Jl is probably better than the Jffff of the publication.

4 The preposition — > being, as often, omitted before a substantive commencing with n.

6 as qualification of 6 bread is found also Ostr. Gard. 133, vs. 15 ; Pap. Bibl. Aut. 106 b, 3 ( = fspiegel-

berg, Rechnungen aus d. Zeit SetisI, PI. 6, 3) and is probably an abbreviation of 3 ff, gen, soft , used e.g.

offat(IF6., v, 175, 15).

6 The equally suitable f' ‘ one palm ’ is out of the question, and for J the sign lacks the slanting stroke to
the right. J vrid, the usual expression for ‘fresh’ (e.g. fish), is naturally out of the question.

7 For examples cf. Wb., i, 196, 4. 5. 8 Cf. the two words quoted by lf'6., iv, 350, 12.

6*2

JAROSLAV CERNY

would be I am unable to tell, 1 but to speak of ‘living bread’ is not stranger than to speak of
‘living meat’ or ‘living dates’ when neither the flesh of still living animals nor dates still
on trees are meant. And if nht designates some kind of grain or fruit, which possibility can-
not be excluded, ‘living dates' affords an exact parallel. If be the right reading of the
sign, we must admit that in examples 1, 4. and 6 the measure is omitted (in 6 probably ff),
in example 3 perhaps a numeral after ‘fresh bread of barley’.

1 M. Kuentz points out to me that hi <nh might be compared with French chaux vive (contrasted with
chaux eteinte).

MEPI2M02 ANAKEXI2PHKOTI1N : AN ASPECT OF
THE ROMAN OPPRESSION IN EGYPT

By XAPHTALI LEWIS

A number of ostraea from Thebes and Syene-Elephantine record payments for a tax, the
name of which is given only in the abbreviated form peptcx/id? hca/c( )d A clue, long
neglected, for the resolution of ava/c( ) is contained in SB 4338, in which we read etryofpev)
dca/cey a>( ). There can hardly be any question that the abbreviations avax( ) and
dm/c€x<a( ) refer to the same tax, and that Tait’s resolution a.va.K(ex° J P r l K ° TCtJV ) 2 the
indicated one. The significance of pepta/xo? avaKex ca P r l K °' Ta}V seems likewise clear: it must
have been an extra tax levied in order to make up the deficits in revenue caused by persons
who had fled their homes and defaulted their tax payments. 3 Such flight was called, in the
language of Ptolemaic and Boman Egypt, dvaxcoprjcns, and the fugitives, deaKeycap^/cdre?.
In the present article, in addition to an analysis of our information on the tax, an attempt
is made to reveal its place in the administrative policy of the Boman government during
the first three centuries of Boman rule in Egypt.

Flight from his dwelling-place (iSia) to a sanctuary or to another town or village was
from Pharaonic times the refuge of the Egyptian peasant from injustice and oppression. 4 * 6
But while in the Ptolemaic period these flights often partook of the nature of strikes, which
ended with the return of the fugitive upon the removal of the injustice against which the
flight was a protest, 3 under the increased and ever-increasing fiscal oppression which the

1 A chronological list of these ostraea, together with the most important data contained in them, is given
in the Table of Payments of Meptapos 'Avanexeapyxorwi’, p. 71. In A 0 550 and 564 the abbreviation is dva( ).

Tait, Ostr. 1 , p. 69, No. 37. Cf. also BL n 1 , p. 49, s. No. 135. From an unedited ostracon Wilcken (WO
1 . p. 152) cites the extract iw(ep) dvax( ) %o( ) Xa(paxos) (= SB 2081). Should we not read iA(ep)

<h'a/c(e)xo(p7jKoT<dv) (/. ~x w ~) Xd.(paxos ) ?

3 So, too, the pepiopos airopujv, it now seems clear (cf. P. Corn. p. 188; BL n 1 , pp. 67-8, s. No. 613), was
‘ an extra levy to make up deficiencies caused by the failure of d-opot [paupers] to pay taxes’ (Grenfell and
Hunt, cited by Wilcken, Archiv 4, 545). Johnson, Rowan Egypt to the Reign of Diocletian (Baltimore, 1936),
546, 547, considers that pepiopos arropwv was merely another name, used chiefly in the Fayyum, for the
pepiopos avaKexwpyKoTuiv, and accordingly identifies the two. This view seems to me untenable in the light
of the evidence. In the first place. WO 613 which, as Johnson himself points out. attests the pepiopos a-opwv
for Upper Egypt, is a receipt for payment of that tax by the same individual who in WO 612 pays his
pepi.ap.6s avaKex^pyxoTwv for the same year. Moreover, doopoi were not necessarily dvanexiopy kotos. That
many- remained in their ISla is implied in the ampwv avevperwv of P. Corn 24 (cf. infra, p. 65) — for if some
drropoL were ‘unfindable’ because they had fled, the implication is that others could be found, i.e., still
remained in the village. Corroboration for this deduction is afforded by P. Lond. 911, a copy* of a ypa<frq
d-n-opwv, which has nothing to imply that the auopo t had fled and everything to suggest that they were still
living in the village and were duly registered (cf. 1. 2, KaTa[K-e]x‘upic/«Voi-) and certified as a-opoi and unable
to pay taxes.

4 Cf. Kolonat, 73-4; F. von Woess, Das Asylwesen Agyptens in der Ptolemucrzeit (Munch. Beitr. 5. Heft

[Munchen, 1923]). 33-47.

6 Cf., e.g., PSI v, 502 (257/6 B.c.) ; P. Strassb. 11 . Ill (third century B.c.) ; BGU VI, 1245 (third or second
century B.c.); P. Teb. 1 , 41 (c. 119 B.c.) [and 26 (114 B.c.)]; and Kolonat, 74, 217.

NAPHTALI LEWIS

Homan domination brought for the Egyptian people 1 these ‘strikes’ became definite
departures with no intention — and then no possibility, because of the impending punish-
ment 2 — of return. Under the Eomans fugitives became also more numerous, and flights
more frequent and widespread. No longer the peasants alone, but the propertied middle-
class, to escape the crushing liturgies which sapped their personal fortunes, also had recourse
to this expedient . 3 IJpos to hvvaaOal pe impeveiv iv Tjj ISla, ottcos pp peTavdaTrjs yevtopae e/c
rrjs Ideas, and similar formulae were used by liturgic official and peasant alike in their
petitions for relief from their duties or for the remedy of a grievance . 4 el <f>vya8evcropai,
‘Shall I take to flight ?' was a question frequently put to oracles . 3

It was not long before the headlong flight from the terror of the debtors’ prison, and the
maltreatment which awaited those who fell hopelessly behind in their tax payments, had
reached such proportions as to result in, or threaten to result in. the desertion of entire
villages. Already Philo, writing under the first Emperors, describes the brutal treatment
which the impoverished suffered at the hands of ruthless tax-collectors, their despairing
flight, and the resultant depopulation of villages and towns . 6 In the reign of Nero we again

1 Even -o anient a champion of the policies of Augustus as the late T. Rice Holmes was willing to admit
that ' the rules drawn up by order of Augustus for the guidance of the official known as the idiologus . . . have
been aptly called a finished instrument of fiscal oppression’ ( The Architect of the Roman Empire. 27 b.c.-
a.t>. If [Oxford. 1031], lb, citing H. Stuart Jones, Fresh Light on Roman Bureaucracy [Oxford, 1020], 15).
Philo (cf. n. 0 below. § 103) expressly speaks of rapacious tax-collectors as Scottotlko Is i jeiBapyoCvres emraypaoe.

~ Cf. infra, p. 00.

3 Cf. E(.;U ii, 372 ( = \V.. Chr. 10 ; A.r>. 154). I, 3-9, nvvdamp[al nvas] . . . oUeiav a.TT[o\e]\ocnevat. . . . irepovs
bk Xi7ovp[yeio.]s Tivas t[ K A L 'y oI 'Tas] bid rip [t]6t€ Trepl avrovs aoBereiav ev aXXobaTrfj ere cat vvv bnarpeifieiv tfiofiip roiv
yeiopevcov TrapairiKa —poyp[a]d)utv ; P. Loud. II. 342 (a.d. 183) (see p. 68, n. 7) ; P. Gen. 37 ( — XV., Chr. 400; a.d.
ISO). 0— 10, and BGU vn. 1300 ( between a.d. 108 and 200), 7-12 (for texts see p. 70, n. 5) ; BGU i, 150 ( = \V.,

( 'hr. 41*5 ; A.D.216), 3—5. avab[odevTo]s pov els b7)[poo]l[a]v Xeiroupyiav fSapvraTTjv ovoai’, anearlyly rip Kthpys oiiSvvopevos
izmoTipai 76 fiapo; riji Xemvpyia;. Cf. also P. Oslo 79, and P. Grauxa (p. 65, n. 2). Tax-farmers (who
assumed their office purely voluntarily by bidding for the contract), it appears from P. Oxy. i, 44 ( = W., Chr.
275: Lite first century a.d.). were also ready to flee rather than resume a collection which previously had
brought them deficits and financial loss.

How serious the loss sustained by the holder of a liturgic office might be is particularly well shown by
C'PR 20 ( = IV., Chr. 402 ; a.d. 250) in which a man who not very long before had completed a term of office
as Koaurjrri;, and had used up a great part of his wealth in the fulfilment of his duties, offers to cede two-thirds
of his remaining property rather than have his son named to the same office. Other noteworthy cases are:
P. Flor. i. 01 (a.d. 146, 7), 6-7, where a liturgic official has to mortgage part of his property to meet expenses ;
P. Fay- 1(16 {— XX .. Chr. 305; A.D. 140), 9-15, dytjct? eis €7Tt]TypT]cnv . . . ev rfj yp\ela] Trovovpevos e^Tjo&ei'Tjaa
{cf. p. 66, n. 1): and P. Oxy. Ill, 487 (= 31., Chr. 3 22; A.D. 156), 10—12, epov re Ka.Taf3apr]de[v]TOS ev rats
XtTOVpyiats kCl ypauuorov {l. -ype-) yevopevov.

4 Cf. Kolonat. 20.5-6; )(’. Or. 324, 355; and the following documents (inter al.): P. Fay. 296 (a.d. 113);
P. l'lor. I. 91 (146/7). 17-19: P. Teb. n. 439 (151); P. Oxy. in. 487 ( = 31., Chr. 322; 156)'. 15-18; P. Lond.
ill, 924. p. 134 (187/8), 18-19; P. Oxy. VI, S99 (200), 14; P. C'attaouin (= SB4284; 207), 10, 14-15; P. Gen.
16 ( = XV.. Chr. 3.54; 21)7). 17-18.

5 P. Oxy. xn, 1477 ( - Select Papyri i, 195). 15. The papyrus contains a list of cpiestions ‘apparently
intended to cover the principal subjects oil which people were accustomed to appeal to the gods for in-
formation ' (Grenfell and Hunt, introduction to 1477). P. Oxy. 1477 was written about the time of Diocletian,
but the questions contained in the list must naturally have been current for some time.

6 De specialihu'S legibns in, 30 (edd. L. Cohn and P. Wendland, Vol. v [Berlin. 1906], pp. 194—5. §§ 159-63)-

§ 159, 7rpu.>T]v tls eVA oyevs tftbpuiv rayOeis Trap ’ ypiv, erreihi] rues twv boirdiTinv difaeiXeiv bin Tteviav efivyov heel Ttpcoptcov
di7]KeoTuiv, yiraia tovtujv kox T€KV a Kal yovels Kal rip aXXrjv yeveav arrayayedv upas f$lav, tvtttojv Kal TrpoirrjXani£tov hat
~daas ac’hia, aiKiC,6pevos, Iv r/ tov tpvyovra pyvvooioiv t) ra mrep eKelvov Karadwoiv ovherepov huvapevot, to pev otl
yyioovv, to 6* ort ovy JjrTOv rov ibvybvnp diropws eiyov, ov Trporepov avijKev tj (Hauaiois Kal orpefiXais rd a u) par a Kara -
TctVajv arrohre u-at KeKaivovpyypevais lbeais Bavarov . 16).) — the tortures imposed. 161 — suicide of sensitive onlookers

MEPI2M02 ANAKEXQPHKOTQN

hear of depopulations. P. Graux 2 (= SB 7462 ; Select Papyri n, 261) is a draft of a petition
to the Prefect of Egypt, Ti. Claudius Balbillus (Prefect, c. a.d. 55-9) from the collectors of
the poll-tax (npaKropes A aoypafyias) of the villages of Philadelphia, Bakehias, Nestou
Epoikion, Soknopaiou Nesos, Philopator, and Hiera Nesos in the Arsinoite Nome. The
praktores ask the Prefect to grant them a deferment 1 of their payments until their case can
be examined by him at the assize of the nome (with a view to a revision downward of the
total amount of revenue which they must pay in), pleading that (they are short of the
amount for which they contracted, since) ‘the formerly large number of inhabitants in the
aforementioned villages has now fallen to a few, some having fled in poverty, others having
died without heirs-at-law, and for this reason we are in danger, because of the general im-
poverishment (of the remaining inhabitants), of having to abandon the colleetorship ’. 2 Even
allowing for the fact that the praktores, in their effort to obtain relief, would paint as black
a picture as possible of the situation they faced, the decrease in the population must still
have been considerable. For one of the villages concerned, Philadelphia, we known from P.
Corn. 24 that the number ‘of poor people who fled in the first year of Nero (a.d. 54/5) and
whose whereabouts are unknown’ {npiL-ov (eVoas-) dnopoov avevpercov), was 44; and this
number undoubtedly increased considerably in the years immediately following. Unfor-
tunately, however, we cannot at present estimate the importance of this figure, since we
do not know the total population of Philadelphia at this period. 3

who could not bear the sight of these tortures. 162, o i Sc pit] 4>BaaavTes e'ai/Tou? SiaxptjoaoBai, saBa-rep iv Tats twv
sXypwv imSi saotais, Kara orolxov rjyovTO ot airo tov ycvovs rrpojToi /cat per' avrovs Scj/Tcpot /cat rpiroi peypi T ^ v vototwv
teal 07707 c pnj&els Xol-ttos eir] twv ovyyevwv, Sic/Jatre to /ca/cor /cat im tovs yenviwvTas, cart S’ ore /cat cVi swpias /cat 770 A ci?,
at Tayews epypioi /cat /cctat 7 cot’ oiKpropwv iyevovro peravioTapevwv /cat oKe&avvvpiivwv c vda XtjoeoBai TjpooehoKwv. 163,
aAA’ ot/Scp laws BavpiaoTo v el fiopoXoytas evesa ftdpfiapoi ras fvaeis, ypiepou 77aiSeia? dyevoTOi, beovoTiKois TznOapxovvres
imTaypiaai, tovs irpoiovs dvaTTparrovoi daapovs ov piovov c/c twv ovolujv aAAa /cat c/c ra/r owparwv &XP 1 Kai *P V XVS tovs
kivSvvovs imr^ipovres inrep irepwv irepois.

The last sentence recalls the famous reply which Tiberius is said to have sent the Prefect of Egypt, when
the latter paid in more revenue than had been called for, seipeoBa! pov to. irpofiaTa, aAA’ ovk airo£vpeo8ai f3 ovXopai
(Dio Cassius lvii, 10. 0 ). Do we hear an echo of Philo's words in the Edict of Ti. Julius Alexander (UGIS n,
669, 16), iva a l irpdgeis twv Sai'cia/v c/c tluv inrapxovrwv coat /cat pit] c/c twv owpiarwv ? for Other devices to which
rapacious tax-collectors resorted, see Princeton Pap. A.M. 8931 (middle second century a.d.), published
with commentary by 0. W. Reinmuth. Classical Philology 31 (1936), 146-62.

1 imoxetv /ttc'xpt Tys ays Stayvwoews (1. 19) is not ‘qu'il attende ta decision" (Henne). or ‘and await your
decision’ (Hunt and Edgar), but ‘that he grant us a postponement of our payments until your decision'.
Similar phrases occur in PSI 1 , 103, 15-16 and BGU n. 599 ( = W., Chr . 363), 4-5 (both second century a.d.),
where the meaning of eVe'xc iv is clearly 'to defer the payment of taxes’. Cf. also infra, p. 67 . n. 6, and p. 74.

2 LI. 7 - 13 , a 770 Tali’ epcirpooBev rroXvavSpovi'Twv iv rats irpoKCipiivais Kwpiais, vwei /caTiji’Tijaai’ els oXlyovs, 81a to too?
piev dvoLKexwpyKeval onropovs, tovs Sc tctcAci/ttj/ic [ i’ai[ pit] cxoiaa? ayx ia T€is, /cat Sta touto /cfirf Svveveiv i jpias Si aoBeveiav
77y3oAi77e[?i’] tt]V TTpaKTopeiav.

’Aodeveia = ‘economic exhaustion': cf. W., Or. 335. AV., Chr. 395, 15 n. Does TrpoXizrelv rr/v npasTopelav
imply flight? Cf. Henne, 204; V. Martin. Munch. Beitr. 19 (Munich. 1934), 149.

3 I must note here, against Henne and Wileken, that P. Graux 1 (= SB 7461 ; a.d. 45) has no bearing
on the question of dvaxwpr]ois, and therefore must not be associated with the documents just discussed.
P. Graux 1 is a letter to the strategos of the Herakleopolite Nome. probably from the strategos of the neigh-
bouring Arsinoite Nome, who writes (11. 3-10), TrpoaijXBiv pioi Nepeoas, vpaKTwp Xa[oy]pa<l>las Kwprjs ’PiXaSeXrjtelas,

X[iy]wv ovopiara etvai iv tigiv Kwpais tov otto oe vopiov orfelXovra Xaoypa<blav. 810 ipwrid oe om—ipn/iai rivds avTwi,
077 cos Ta oibeiXopieva avri 01 eloirpaxBtji sal x w PV tr 71 to Spfiooiov , Nemesas, the collector of the poll-tax of Phila-
delphia, has come to me with the report that there are persons (from Philadelphia) in certain of the villages
of the nome under your jurisdiction who owe their poll-tax. I therefore request you to send some (guards)
with him, so that the taxes owing may be exacted by him and go to the fisc.’ Henne. in his commentary
(p. 195), points out that it is not stated that the inhabitants of Philadelphia in question had fled to the

NAPHTALI LEWIS

In another papyrus of the first century (St. Pal. xxii, S3 ; provenience unknown), a son
writes to his father (11. 7-12), yeivooaKe 8e, narep, ori ttoAAt) dvfjois y By over ivdd.Be i<f>
erovs kolI ol TrXeloves rdiv nap ’ rjpd >v ave)(ujpiq\oav , ' and know, father, that there have
been many deaths here this year, and most of our people have fled’. P. Perl. Leihgabe I, 7
(Dec. 1, a.d. 162) is a list of peasant cultivators of Lagis and Trikomia (two small villages
in the Arsinoite Nome), named, in view of the approaching sowing season, to work certain
parcels of land ‘in place of fugitive and impoverished persons' (dart dca/ce^aip^Kdrojc xai
ifyaOevTjKOTOjv) 1 numbering 14 and 3 respectively. In all probability, most, if not all, of the
fugitives had fled since the last harvest (May), at the end of which they had found themselves
with a crop which did not suffice to meet their tax obligations ; by the same token, the three
i^rjcrdevTjKOTes would be those persons who had stayed and paid their taxes, but were im-
poverished thereby. Certain of the carbonized papyri from Thmouis tell us of the desertion,
in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, 2 of a number of villages in the Mendesian Nome of the Delta :
we hear of populations reduced in a comparatively short time 3 from 128 to a few, from 85
to 10 and then to 2, from 54 to 4 and then to 0! 1 And other papyri, some thirty years later
in date, testify to a not dissimilar state of affairs in other parts of the country. In P. Oxy.
iv, 705, in (=W., Chr. 407; a.d. 202), addressed to Septimius Severus and Caracalla, we
read (11. 69-74). Kaip.a l -rtve? rov , O^vpvyyetTov vopov . . . cr<^[d]Spa i^7]a0ivr]aav ivoyXovpevai
vrro rd )v KaT eros Aevrovpylcov . . . Kivbvvevovn l re .. . rfjv vperepav yfjP dyecopyrjrov /cara-
Amelv, 'certain villages of the Oxyrhynehite Nome . . . have been utterly exhausted by
the burdensome demands of the annual liturgies . . . and your [i.e., the State] land runs the
risk of being left uncultivated’. P. Cattaoui n (=SB 4284; a.d. 207) is a petition to the
strategos napa tcqv Beivcov rwv i<e kcll r[dj]v Aolttuiv Brjpoaicov yecopyun’ Kcoprjs HoKVonaiov
Nijaov (11. 2-6). The petitioners assert that they returned to their 18 ta and to the cultivation
of their fields under the amnesty decreed by Septimius Severus and Caracalla during their
visit to Egypt (a.d. 202), and complain that they are now being disturbed in their cultiva-

Herakleopolite Nome to avoid paying their taxes, but he assumes that this is so. (Wileken, Archiv 8, 311,
agrees.) But to read this implication into the text is entirely unwarranted. It was not in the least unusual
for a person with a fixed residence in one village to be employed elsewhere. Neither the fact that the praktor
of Philadelphia goes into the Herakleopolite Nome to collect from fellow villagers there, nor the request
for a (police) escort to accompany him, can be taken as an indication that the circumstances in the present
case were different. That this was, on the contrary, the usual procedure of collection from persons who
happened to be away from their Ihia, is abundantly clear from P. Teb. n, 391 (a.d. 99), in which the four
irpaKTopts Aaoypailas of Tebtynis agree to divide the work of collection as follows: two of them are to collect
in the village of Tebtynis itself, the other two are to collect from rrarras rods cv crepes (l. -cur) Kupai s Kara-
yivopevo vs xal imKad-qpeiov s (11. 13-14) ; the first two are to pay the salary of the guard ( paympoifiopos — 1. 20) who
accompanies them, the latter presumably are to furnish guards for themselves in the several villages which
they visit, perhaps with the aid of just such a letter as P. Uraux 1.

1 On the meaning of e^Tjodei-TjKorwv, cf. p. 65. n. 2.

2 This group of papyri (see n. 4 below) dates, as Henne (p. 206. n. 3) remarks, from sometime after
a.d. 168/9. But it is possible. I think, to be more precise. PSI I, 105, 15-16, vpos] to ia (eras) Siaar tAAerac
(present tense!) [so also 107, 10—11; cf. 104. 18—19, Trpos to ia (eros) ra apyvpiKa fi-9[d8e] rWerai] seems to
fix the date as the eleventh year of Marcus Aurelius, or a.d. 170/1 ; cf. P. M. Meyer, Berliner Philologische
H'orhenschrift 33 (1913), 869.

3 Cf. Wileken. Fe-slschrift zu Otto Hirschfelds sechzigstem Gehurlstage (Berlin, 1903), 128 ; Henne, p. 201, n. 2.

4 SB 8, 7-12 ; BGU m, 902, 3-7 ; PSI i. 102, 8-14. Other decreases in population attested by this group
of papyri :

from 27 to 3 and then to 0 — PSI I. 101, 11-15.
from 25 (?) to 2 and then to 0 — PSI I. 105, 2-10.
from many to a few — BGU m, 903. 9-15.

(All these passages are cited by Henne, pp. 200-1.)

MEPI2M02 ANAKEXflPHKOTQN 67

tion by the violent attacks of one Orseus, ix<f>oflajv fjpag lv' [or ro]u[ro]u /card to nporepov els
r[r]v} aAAo[ 8 ] 077 - 171 -’ fivyajpev (1. 10). This must not be taken literally to mean that all the
S^ju-oCTt ol yeojpyoL of Soknopaiou Xesos had fled their homes prior to a.d. 202, hut it is evident,
nevertheless, that a considerable number were in flight at the time of the amnesty . 1

These depopulations of the first, second, and early third centuries were rarely, if ever, com-
plete and permanent, it is true . 2 It is apparent, nevertheless, that the problem of avaxoippois
and of keeping the peasants on the land is one which faced the administration from the very
beginning of the Eoman domination of Egypt . 3 The obvious remedy for the evil was to lighten
the tax burden of the peasants ; but as such a remedy stood in direct antithesis to the Eoman
policy of squeezing the greatest possible revenues of grain and money from the country, the
administration characteristically evaded the issue and bent its efforts, not to solving the
problem proper, but to insuring the fisc against any loss in revenue. Occasionally, indeed,
when the situation grew so serious as to threaten to leave the land without cultivators, some
mitigation was granted. Hadrian, on his accession to the Principate in a.d. 117, decreed a
substantial reduction in the rental of State land, in order to bring cultivation back to normal
after the ravages of the Jewish revolt of 115-17. 4 The Prefect Bassius Eufus, holding his
assize in the Mendesian Nome in a.d. 168/9, apparently authorized a reduction in taxes for
the villages which had suffered sharp declines in population (see above ). 5 Instead of a reduc-
tion in taxes, however, the government preferred whenever possible to grant a moratorium
(iTToxq), which did not involve any diminution of its revenue . 6 Another type of concession,
finally, was the amnesty for fugitives, such as was proclaimed by the Prefect M. Sempronius

1 Cf. W., Chr. 354. introduction. In BGU H, 475 (a.d. 198/9 — on the dating cf. II'. Gr. 325), certain tax-
collectors report that of 8 talents 4040 drachmas assessed for collection, 1 talent 2123 drachmas remained un-
collected. The causes of the deficit, one of which is ivaxwp-qais, are enumerated ; but since only the total deficit
is given, and the amount due to each cause is not itemized, these data remain too indefinite for our use.

2 Complete and final desertion of the villages in the Fayyum (Arsinoite Nome) did not begin until about the
middle of the third century: cf. P. Teb. n, pp. 360-1. But the causes for the final desertion were the same as
those which previously had led to temporary depopulations, namely, the increasing difficulty, aggravated
now’ by the gradual breakdown of the irrigation system, in meeting the ever-increasing demands of the
State; cf. P. Thead. 16, 17, 20.

Henne (p. 210) is of the opinion that the depopulations mentioned by the Thmouis papyri must also have
been temporary. The scarcity of papyri from the Delta leaves us, however, without any definite information
on the subject such as we have for the Fayyum.

3 The evidence, it seems to me, is too uniformly eloquent of the misery and despair which drove an
oppressed peasantrv to flee their homes, for us to consider that these flights were merely "part of an urban
movement to join in the industrial activity of Alexandria, w here life was more varied and less precarious
than in the rural sections' — A. C. Johnson, op. cit. (p. 63, n. 3). 354. following the thesis of E. Biekermann,
Gnomon 3 (1927), 671-5. "While the city undoubtedly had its attraction for some of the country-dwellers,
the evidence leaves little room to doubt that, fundamentally, dvaxdipgcris was the result of the Roman
economic policy in Egypt.

4 Cf., above all. the analysis of Hadrian's decree by W. L. Westermann, Hadrian's Decree on Renting
State Domain in Egypt in JEA 11 (1925). 165-78. The return demanded of the cultivators of State land was
reduced from between 2 and S-Jj artabs per aroura (these, at least, are the limits attested by the group of
papyri which constitute the evidence for the decree; the papyri are listed by Westermann, p. 165. n. 2.
and in the introduction to P. Ryl. n, 96) to the uniform rate of 1A 4 artabs per aroura.

The dreXeiai and KowfoTeXeim (total and partial exemptions from taxes) mentioned in the papyri and
inscriptions were special privileges granted to certain land-owners, and therefore do not concern us here.

6 BGU m, 903, 16-23. Cf. also 11. 4-9; MB 8, 13-14; PSI i. 103. 18-24. The expenses entailed by
liturgies were apparently occasionally reduced by order of the Prefect: a reduction in the expenses of the
gymnasiarchy was ordered by Rutilius Lupus (Prefect a.d. 113/4-117 — cf. P. Amh. rr, 70 [= W., Chr. 149]),
and again perhaps by Valerius P'irmus (Prefect a.d. 245-7 — cf. P. Oxy. xu. 1418, 6).

6 For instances see Worterbuch s.vv. (4), ctropj ( 1 )• and cf. p. 65, n. 1.

NAPHTALI LEWIS

Liberalis in his edict ordering the return of fugitives to their id la after the uprising of a.d.
153/4, 1 and such as the Prefects often included in the edict which they issued in every census
year, ordering all persons back to their I8la for enrolment. 2 For the rest, intimidation and
ever-increasing oppression form the keynotes of the policy pursued by the Eoman govern-
ment, and the general ‘reforms' of the taxation system instituted by Septimius Severus and
several of his successors were nothing more than attempts 1 to devise a new method of extract-
ing money to replace the one that had proved a failure". 3

When a person left the place of his residence ‘for destination unknown’, 4 his nearest
relative hastened to depose before the proper authorities a sworn statement of flight. 5 In
this statement he declared that ‘X son of Y has fled his home’ (dvexd>p r j crav T V V ievyjv), 6
and requested that his name be entered in the list of dra/reycap^/coTes'. The declarant parti-
cularly stressed the fact that the fugitive had left behind no property, real or movable
(nopos). It was no doubt to the declarant's own interest to depose this statement of flight,
for the village officials and the tax-collectors were not above belaboring people in an attempt
to make them reveal the whereabouts of fugitive relatives. 7 Hence also the stress on the
fact that the fugitive had left no -rropos'. if he had, the declarant would no doubt have been
required to take over the property, and would have been held accountable for the taxes
thereon and for any liturgies which the fugitive might have abandoned or been liable to 8 —
would have been placed, in other words, in the same intolerable financial position which had
caused the fugitive to flee. In BGU ii. 447 f a.d. 175), for example, a man writes in his census
declaration ill. 4-6). aTro'/pla^opai) e] piavrov . . . Kal elp.1 6 TlroXAds . . . Kal rov d§[eA</>6c
laov ] ' Apir\o\K[p\di’ ovra ev draycepi/at (/. -ei), and as to property, he declares (11. 13-15),

1 BGU it, 372 ( ik W., Chr. 19). The edict is referred to in P. Ryl.n, 7S (a.d. 157), 3-4, Tjye/floVi Ze\pnpu)vUa
.Ufiepdhi . . , rjtor dvaKex^pT]Kdroj(v) ; and in P. Pay. 24 (a.d. 158), in which the apyefoSos of a village
swears that lie posted the eirKTToMjs ypafeioys |‘[”0 .] . . W/j -npiuvioti .'h/5epdAe(o_ s Trepl rwv evi£evaiv . , . ware
a vrous els 7-171’ id lav aiepyeathu (11. 10— It)).

2 Cf. Kolonut, 209-10; IV.. Or. 193 : W.. Chr. 202, introduction. Such an edict is that of C. Vibius Maximus. P.
Bond, m, 904 (pp. 125-6), 18-43 ( = W., Chr. 202 ; Select Papyri 11, 220 ; a.d. 104). References to similar edicts;
P. Gen. 10 ( \V„ Chr. 354 ; Select Papyri II, 289 ; a.d. 207), 18-20 ; P. Plor. 1, 6 (a.d. 207), 11-12 ; BGU 1, 159 ( =
4V., Chr. 408 ; a.d. 210). 5-7. References to amnesties: SB 4284. 6-8 (amnesty decreed by Septimius Severus
and Caracalla in a.d. 202 — cf. supra, p. 66) ; P. Oxy. xiv, 1668. 17-18 (amnesty decreed by a Prefect in the
third century). We are as yet entirely without information as to whether these amnesties carried with them
cancellation of the fugitives' debt to the State. *4 priori it would seem inevitable that they should, if they
were to induce the impoverished fugitives to return.

3 J. G. Milne, -J. Horn. Stud. 17 (1927). 8, of Septimius Severus’ ‘reorganization of the machinery of
government .

4 Our own English expression is paralleled in P. Oxy. XII, 1438, 14—15, tivujv [drayajp^aarrcur] els dyvoov-
pevovs TOTTOUS.

5 The three examples which we have of these declarations come from the town of Oxyrhynchos, and are
addressed to the officials who combined the duties of rom ypapparevs and Kwpoypapparevs: P. Oxy. n. 251
(a.d. 44) — mother declares flight of son; 252 ( = W.. Chr. 215; a.d. 19 20) and 253 (a.d. 19) — man declares
flight of two brothers. In the villages (since only the chief town of a toparehy had a topogrammateus), the
declarations of flight were no doubt addressed to the komogrammateus.

6 Any person who. legitimately or not. was not in his iSia, was termed em £evys, enlgems, fives : cf. Kolonat,
74-5; Fuchirorttr , M'drterbuch, s.vv. ; and 11. 1 above.

7 Cf. Philo, loc. at. (p. 64. n. 6). anil P. Loncl. 11, 342 (pp. 173-4 ; a.d. 185), where an inhabitant of Sokno-

paiou Xesos protests to a beneficmrius that an elder of the village and his associates came and tried by force to
make him produce (i.e.. reveal the whereabouts of) two of his relatives who (of being claimed

for a liturgy — rf. Wilcken, Archie 1. 155) dfai-els eyemi-ro.

“ Cf. W., Or. 196. That the tax-collectors did attempt to make relatives pay the taxes of fugitives is
abundantly clear from Philo, loc. cit. (p. 64. 11. 6).

MEPI2M02 ANAKEXOPHKOTQN

m Tapx(ei) 8e fJ.ol Kal rot? dSeA^[ot? (i.e., Harpokras and a sister, Ptolema'is) fiov Tra]rpi«:(ov)
{rjjj.Lav) jxipos olk(i as) Kal avX (fjs) Kal ZAaiovpylas ifiet.A6(s) t6{tto$). In this ease Ptollas and his
sister may well have been held accountable for the taxes of their fugitive brother Harpokras.

The KWjxoypafjLpi areis drew up annual lists of fugitives and the taxes owed by each,
as did the tax-collectors for their several taxes; 1 these lists they probably sent to the
strategos’ office. 2 In addition, as each flight was reported to him, the komogrammateus
notified the strategos, 3 who proscribed the fugitive 4 even as he proscribed fugitives from
justice. 5 Thus outlawed and sought by the police. 6 the fugitives adopted, for the most part,
one of the two following courses: either they fled to the cities, in particular Alexandria,
where they could hope to be swallowed up in the large and heterogeneous population, or
they joined together in robber bands and led a vagabond, marauding life. 7 Those who fled
to Alexandria constituted there a floating population without fixed means of subsistence,
which the administration strove repeatedly to drive from the city. 8 The robbers, when
caught, were duly punished. 9 Yet it would seem, if we may generalize from a single

1 Examples of such lists which have been preserved: P. Oxy. xu, 143S (late second century a.d.). drawn
up probably by the komogrammateus; P. Corn. 24 (a.d. 50), drawn up by the Aoycen;? Aao ypafilas. In
BGU II, 432 (a.d. 190), n, 2—4, 8-9, there is apparently a reference to similar annual lists drawn up by the
sitologoi ( cf . infra, p. 73).

2 Cf. introduction to P. Oxy. xn, 1438 and 1434. The reports of the sitologoi mentioned in BGU ir, 432, n,
were also, it is clear from the context, sent to the strategos. On the analogy of these two documents, it may
fairly safely be assumed that P. Corn. 24 was also intended for the strategos' office. For other types of documents
in which fugitives are involved and which were sent to the strategos, see nn. 3 and C below ; p. 70, nil. 4 and 5.

3 Cf. P. Gen. 5 (a.d. 139—10). where a komogrammateus announces to the strategos. Tipnoylverat rfj jaiv
dftavdiy ypatfrfj rijs bioiKrjoeais 6 v— o[y]eypapp€vos bovXos (11. 4—5).

4 Cf. BGU n, 372 (= W.. Chr. 19; a.d. 154), i, 7-9 (cited in n. 3. p. 04); Kolonat, 207-9. The epistru-
tegos, naturally, also had the power of proscription: in P. Teb. n. 411 (second century a.d.), a son writes to
his father to come home, 6 yap . . . cViarpaTifyd? iKavuis err rn-rtjijTTjae, old? re ijy real irpoypaiiai ri p rj emjyyciAapTjr
aypepov oe 7rapeaeodai (11. 5—10).

5 Cf. BGU n. 372, I, 20-1, roe? e [ £] ^? by-ore atria? vrro tGjv arpary[ycui] TrpoypafievTas, and II, 13—14. aAAoi?
Sr rdiv ttot€ TTpoypatb[^e]yTcvv ; Kolonat , ibid.

6 Cf. BGU II. 372, i, 18-19, p[yb]ep!av . . . Crjryou- eoeodai of those who return to their t’Sta under the
amnesty proclaimed by the edict.

P. Graux 3 (= SB 7463; a.d. 51) is an oath addressed to agents of the strategos by a r-po^arotcrijrorpd^o?
of Philadelphia, who swears that ' he has not with him ' a certain m-oi pyv. Is not the explanation of this curious
oath precisely this: the irpoflaTOKTyvorpofos is suspected of sheltering a fugitive who has been proscribed
by the strategos and is being sought by the police 7 ' Par sa date, en effet. notre texte appartient ii la periode
critique ou Philadelphie se depeuple’. remarks Henne in his introduction.

7 BGU II, 372. II, 1—3, €Ko[y]ras a;r[o]Spa(7i irovqp[6v k ]a[i] AjjcrjVjpiicdi’ jSiw [r]Aopi[r]roi? pelyvvaO{ai\ (the Prefect
goes on to say that he has ordered out soldiers to suppress these bands) ; !SB 42S4, 6—8. ol Kvpioi . . . .luror-pdrope?

. . . TjOeXyoav Kal rovs ev aXXobamj Siarpl^ovras Travras Kanevai ri? Tip iblav ouertar, eKKoftavres ra (Gaia [rai arjopa ;

cf. Kolonat, 209. 217.

8 P. Giss. 40, II, 16-29 ( = 11’.. Chr. 22 ; Select Papyri II, 215 ; a.d. 215) contain an order from C'aracalla to
the Prefect of Egypt. The Emperor says, in part : Al[yviTTi]pi -n-avres o< eloiv ev ’AXegavBpela, ica! paXiora a[y]poucoi
oinves TT€({>e[vyaoiv] aA[Ao$ci' .]. . ttiivtt] iravTws eyfiXrjoipol elaiv . . . rod? Sc dAAou? eyj9[a]AAe, oinye s rip 7TAi)(?e[i] rip
I8tcp *a[t oujyi XPWe i rapdoaovai ryv rroXw . . . cjTceu-oi] K'ajA[v]eCT$at o<f>e\ ijAuainr, oltlvcs fjevyovoi tos \top as tci? litas ;
cf. Dio Cassius epit. lxxviii, 23. 2, and the commentary of P. M. Meyer. P. Giss. I, ii, pp. 36-42. Cf. also
the edict of Cl Vibius Maximus (see p. 68, n. 2). in which all persons are ordered to return to their homes
for the census, except those who can show a ' satisfactory reason ’ (evXoyov — 1. 30) for remaining in Alexandria ;
and P. Flor. I, 6, 10—12, d . . . yyepujv Soufianavos *Ak vXas . . . Kal rovs c[y ’.4Ae£ar5]pcia irporepov orra? dveTrepfiaTO
ci? tovs tilovs vopovs (in the year a.d. 202, probably).

9 Cf. BGU II. 372, II, 11-13. to[A?] XypABevras eV aL'r[ojii[ajp]p> KaKovpyovs pAjdci’ -cpaire'pa. toj r cV avrij rfj
Xparela yero[p]eVan’ e^cra^c iv.

NAPHTALI LEWIS

document, 1 that fugitives could return at any time to their t’Si'o without further penalty if
they were in a position to pay the back taxes for the period of their absence.

Another aspect of the problem of avaxcopr/ms concerned the land abandoned by the
fugitive peasants. Since most of the peasants in Egypt were lessees of State land (hrjpoaioi
yecopyoC), and since the taxes on State land were higher than on private land, 2 it was the
State land, naturally, which most suffered desertion. The method adopted by the govern-
ment to prevent abandoned State land from remaining uncultivated was of a piece with its
general administrative policy: unless persons came forward voluntarily to lease the land, 3
the komogrammateus designated people (perhaps other h-qp.6ai.oi yewpyol only) to work the
land. 4 Similarly, persons of property were named to take over abandoned liturgies. 5

There remains, finally, what may be called the fiscal aspect of the problem of avaxcop-qais,
or the question of the deficits in revenue caused by the tax-default of the fugitives. 6 The
pepurpos avaKexcoprjKOTow was, as we have said, an extra levy to make up these deficits.
The tax is first attested in the reign of Trajan, but it is of course possible that this is the result
of chance, and that the tax was instituted at an earlier date. 7 At whatever time it was

1 P. Teb. n. 353 ( = W., Chr. 269; a.d. 192) is a receipt issued to a man who returns from flight of his
own free will (1. 6, aw’ dvaxwpriaews KaTiaeXyXvdws [ l . -«»-]), for payment of the taxes which have accrued
during the four years of his absence. Further evidence must be forthcoming before we can determine whether
this receipt reflects a regular practice or is an exceptional ease.

2 Cf. the Edict of Ti. Julius Alexander (OGIS n, 669, 31—2), dSimv yap eonv tovs wv-rjoapevovs KTypara Kai
rtpds aiiTujv diroBovras ws hypo atovs yewpyovs (Ktjiopia arraiTeLadai twv IBiwv (Bdfwv.

3 P. Flor. i. 19 (a.d. 248) is a proposal for the lease of a parcel of public land (npo-epov) Avvfj Kai [Zap^aTrlwvos
dvaxwprjodvrwv (11. 6-7).

* P. Berl. Leihgabe i, 7 (a.d. 162) is a list, addressed by the komogrammateus of Lagis and Trikomia to
the strategos. of men so impounded for the sowing of public land: kot dvSpa twv yewpyovvr(wv) dm avaice-
XwPT]k6t(iov) Kai c’/pgdfl ■peer) coy) Kara<jn(opds) rrjs rov evecrrwTos y ((tovs) (11. 5—7). BGU I, 7 (A.D. 247) is perhaps
a similar list of men put to work on public land — cf. Kolonat, 195; Oertel. 95, n. 4. Cf. also P. Fay. 123
(c. a.d. 100). 17, Is yewpytav; and P. Amh. n, 65 (early second century), on the interpretation of which
see the introduction and Kolonat, 202, and, against these. Oertel, 96, n. 2. P. Flor. m, 379 (early second
century). 28 and 33 mention, among the (public) lands under cultivation and paying taxes, a parcel whose
lessee has fled (( dpovpwv ) y rierwros dvanex^pyKOTos)).

Priests (in general?) were exempted from being named to work public lands by an edict of Lusius Getain
a.d. 54 (OGIS ii. 664). A like exemption for women was decreed by Ti. Julius Alexander in a.d. 68/9 and
reaffirmed by Valerius Eudaimon in 141/2 and again by the epistrategos Minieius Corellianus in 146/7: BGU
ii. 648 ( = \V., Chr. 360; a.d. 164 or 196). 12-14; P. Oxv. vi, 899 (= W., Chr. 361 ; a.d. 200), 28-30. Cf.
Kolonat, 195 and Oertel. 95-7.

On ’Zwangspacht ' in general, see W., Gr. 292-6 and Oertel, 94-111.

3 Two notifications of such nomination are preserved : P. Gen. 37 ( = AY., Chr. 400 ; a.d. 186), am . . . twv B
‘H eoWl]p ( P TTpaK(roptas) dpyvpi(Kwv) pi/ ifiaivopevwv, BiBopev tovs v-7TOyeypa(ppevovs) dvr as (irropovs Kai eviTy Belovs
(II. 6-12. These four men fled while their names were still only on the list of possible nominees [eV Khrjpw],
even before the selection from this list was made — cf. W.. Gr. 353; \\\, Chr. 400, introduction ; Oertel, 203 § 17);
BGL VII, 1566 ( between A.D. 198 and 209), els ovyXaolav am T[. . . Jeajs 'Qptwms dr[aee^ai]pT;[K-d]Toj, BlBopev rd[v]
i-oyeypappevov ocr[a] evvopov Kai e-tTij&((ior) (11. 7-12). These notifications are addressed to the strategos by
the presbyteroi of the village, who are exercising the functions of the komogrammateus’ office (~a P d toS

Olivos Kai twv Xoittwv irpeofivTepojv BiaBexopevwv Kai ra Kara rip KOjpoypappaT(tav).

6 The treatment of returned fugitives with respect to their arrears of taxes has been discussed above,
p. 68. n. 2, and n. 1 above.

It is perhaps more than a coincidence, however, that the pepiopos d~dpojv, so similar in nature to the
pepiapos dvaKcxwp-qKOTwv (cf. p. 63. n. 3), is also first attested in the reign of Trajan (P. Fay. 53, 5-6), and
that from his reign, too, dates the first of the known edicts ordering the return of fugitives to their IBla (P.
bond, m, 904 [pp. 125-6] = W-. Chr. 202; Select Papyri II. 220; a.d. 104 — cf. p. 68, n. 2). Trajan’s reign is
marked also by the extension, if not the institution, of the liturgy-system; cf. W., Gr. 340-1 : Oertel, 384-6.

MEPI2M02 ANAKEXQPHKOTQN

instituted, however, it reflects an important change in administrative policy. Previously all
tax-deficiencies had to be borne by the tax-collectors, each supplying from his own personal
means the deficit in his collections. For it will be recalled that the total amount which each
tax-collector was to pay in by the end of the year was fixed at the beginning of the year, and
he was required to guarantee this sum with his personal property. It was precisely the fear
of deficits, and of the ruin which making them up might entail, which made persons reluctant
to bid for colleetorships in the days of free choice; and which, when the offices had become
liturgic, made the nominees to, and incumbents of, the offices abscond . 1 The fear of deficits
must certainly be placed, too, beside greed as a motive of the brutality of some of the tax-
collectors. "With the institution of the fiepiafios avaKe^coprjKorcov, the tax-collectors were

TABLE OF PAYMENTS OF MEPIZMOZ A NA KEXQPHKO TON

Ostraeon

Provenience

Amount paid

For tlxe year a.d.

Paid on

WO 101

Elephantine

2 dr. 2 ob.*

114/5

Sept. 4. 1 15

O. Strassb. 194

Upper Egypt

5 ob.

115,6?

Mav. 116.

SB 4338

Thebes

2 dr.

Reign of Hadrian

WO 135

Elephantine

2 dr. J ob.

120 1 and 121/2

Aug. 3. 126

WO 556

Thebes-Charax

1 dr.*

132.3

June 23, 133

WO 564

„

1 dr. 4 ob.*

133 '4

June 25. 134

WO 579

?J ..

4 dr.*

136/7

Sept. 25, 137

WO 606

Thebes

8 dr.*

136/7

April 10, 142

Tait, Ostr. i, p. 69.

Thebes-Charax

8 dr.*

1367

Sept. 23, 142

No. 37

WO 585

4 dr.

137/8

June 24, 13S

2 dr.

137, S

July 15. 138

WO 601

Thebes-Notos

4 dr.*

137 8

March 31. 141

WO 602

Thebes-Xotos and

3 dr.*

138, 9

July 1, 141

Lips

PSI III, 271

Thebes-Notos

1 dr.*

138 9

July 1, 141

WO 1290

Thebes-Notos and

[ ] dr.*

140/1

141/2? f

Lips

2 dr. 2 ob. ? *

141/2 ?

WO 612

Thebes-Charax

1 dr. 6 ob.*

141/2

Feb. 10, 143

WO 614

„

7 dr. 2 ob.*

142/3

July 11. 143

WO 1583

Thebes-Agora Borra

4 dr. 1 ob.*

143/4

July 9. 144

WO 1437

Thebes-Charax

6 dr. 3 ob.

143 4

Nov. 10. 144

P. Lips, i, 74

Syene ?

4 dr.*

144 '5

July 8. 145

WO 620

Thebes-Charax

6 dr. 31 ob.*

144 5

Aug. 5, 145

WO 627

,, ,,

5 dr. 4 ob.*

145, 6

June 8. 146

WO 630

„ ,,

3 ob.*

146/7

May 28. 147

WO 631

„ ,,

3 ob.* thrice

146/7

June 11, 147

WO 635

1 dr.*

147/8

July 27, 148

WO 642

„ ,,

2 dr.*

149/50

July 3. 150

WO 651

Thebes— [ ]

4 dr. 4 ob.[* ?]

159/60 or 160/1

June 1, 161

* signifies that the payment is stated to be in Spaxpai pv-napai.
[ ] signifies that the datum is lost on the ostraeon.

f Cf. BL n 1 , p. 101.

relieved of a serious burden. Henceforth the financial responsibility for fugitives was placed
upon the community, on which, in the last analysis, the responsibility for the satisfactory
performance of all liturgies rested . 2 Henceforth the total annual deficit of each district which

1 Cf. p. 64, esp. n. 3.

2 Cf. BGU i. 235 ( = W., Chr. 399 ; c. a.d. 137), 13-14 ; P. Flor. I. 2 (a.d. 265), 24-7, 55-8, 78-80, &e. ;
W., Gr. 214, 341 ; Oertel, 425; Henne, 202, n. 7. Cf. also P. Oxy. iv, 705, m, 69-74 (cited p. 66 above).
An intermediate stage in the transition from the liability of the tax-collectors to the collective responsibility

NAPHTALI LEWIS

constituted a fiscal unit was divided up among the remaining inhabitants, and was collected
from them in the form of a surtax. 1

The fj.epiafj.6s ai’aKexcoprjKOTtuv was collected in money by the ‘ collectors of money taxes ’
( TTpaKTopes apyvpiKwv) . It will be seen from a glance at the Table that a payment vnep
fieptafiov dvaKexcopJfKOTtuv of any given year was sometimes not made until as many as two,
three, and even five years later. On the other hand, the more numerous cases in which the
tax was paid before the year was out are even more surprising, for the year's deficit from so
uncontrollable a source could not be predicted, and could not, therefore, it would be
supposed, have been calculated until the year was over and the final records compiled. It is
clear, however, from the ostraca of the Table of Payments that the taxfor any given year was
calculated at least three months before the end of that year. Perhaps the rate each year was
based upon the deficit from fugitives in the preceding year. In any case, however the total
annual assessments were determined, we may be sure that the interest of the fisc was never
neglected.

Since fiepiofios usually denotes an equally distributed, or per capita tax, 2 it might be
expected that the total fixed for collection in each fiscal district was divided equally among
the tax-payers of that district. There is indeed, as Wilcken pointed out, 3 some evidence which
tends to support this view, namely, WO 030, where one inhabitant of the Charax district of
Thebes pays 3 obols for the fiepiofios avaKex w p r ] K ° T0JV °f the tenth year of Antoninus Pius
(a.d. 146/7), and WO 031, where another pays a like amount for himself and for each of two
sons. But against this one case of equal payments we now have the following case, also
from the Charax district, where different persons pay different amounts for the same
year :

for the year 136/7: 4 dr. — WO 579.

8 dr. — Tail, Ostr. i, p. 69, No. 37.

Unless the larger payment lie taken to include a fine for lateness (a supposition which other
cases in the Table tend to discredit), this difference makes it clear that the fiepiofios ara«-
XajprfKOTtov was not a per capita tax, but was probably assessed on a property basis — land
in the case of cultivators, and some other form of property in the case of industrials and

of the community is perhaps evidenced by St. Pal. iv, p. 70. In these three columns from a long roll contain-
ing the records of an amphodarch of the c-ity of Arsinoe for the year a.d. 72 3, we read that the two potters
remaining in the amphodon, who pay an annual xetpoa-dfioi' (the tax on xeipwvaKres. or artisans, on which
see WO i, pp. 321-33) of 17 dr. J ob. each, are apparently required together to contribute a like amount,
in year 4 and again in year 5, to make up the tax of a third potter of the amphodon who fled in year 3 of
Vespasian (a.d. 70/1) (11. 384-9. 418-24). It is interesting, and perhaps significant, that the payments of the
potters are made to ‘receivers of fines (a — 6 alpovvrwv KaTaKpip(drajv), 11. 3S4, 390). In anv ease, if the above
interpretation is correct, it shows that under Vespasian the guild bore a corporate liability for the payment
of the trades-tax of each of its members. Cf. Johnson, op. cit. (p. 63, n. 3), 393-5, 545.

1 Johnson, op. cit. (p. 63, n. 3). 545. thinks that the purpose of the pepiopos dvaKexcoprjKOToiv was to make
up the deficits in the laographia caused by fugitives. While there is nothing in the evidence either to prove
or to disprove this view, there are three considerations which seem to me to favour the interpretation that
the tax was intended to cover the deficits in revenue of all (capitation?) taxes due to fugitives:

a. the very name of the tax ;

b. P. (torn. 24, which lists the amount of Xaoypatfla and x w P aT i K ® v owed bv each fugitive;

r. P. Teb. n, 353, where a returned fugitive pays the Aao ypa<f>ln, fiTTjpd, viKi/j, oifiuiviov p.aySuiXo<j>vXd K <uv Kai
aAAcoe pcpiopdiv, yc opariKov (all capitation taxes) and an unknown tax, e-( )y( ), accumulated during his

absence ( cf . p. 70. n. 1).

- Cf. WO i. pp. 256-8; P. Col. ii. pp. 11-12 (and Wilcken, Archiv 10, 271).

3 WO i. p. 152.

MEPI2M02 ANAKEXOPHKOTON

professionals. 1 It must not be concluded from this, however, that the 3-obol payers
represent the poorest class of the population, as opposed to the 8-drachma payers. For
the same man who in WO 631 pays 3 obols, one ’Ap.eva>dr)s 'Apf3fjxtos, the following series
of payments is preserved:

r 133/4: 1 dr. 4 ob. —

WO 564

137/8: 6 dr.

„ 585

142/3: 7 dr. 2 ob. —

„ 614

144/5: 6 dr. 34 ob. —

„ 620

145/6: 5 dr. 4 ob. —

„ 627

146/7: 3 ob.

„ 631

147/8: 1 dr. —

„ 635

149/50: 2 dr. —

„ 642

Not only, then, did the tax-rate vary considerably from year to year, but we may discern a
certain trend in the fluctuation. We notice a sharp drop in the rate for the year 146/7, nor
is this drop fortuitous. The preceding year, 145/6, was a census year. In census years, as we
have already noted, 2 the Prefect frequently included an amnesty for fugitives in his edict
ordering the return of all persons to their t’Sia for enrolment. In the months following the
edict there would accordingly be an influx of people to the villages of their homes. 3 Fugitives
in those months would naturally be few, and the low rate of 146/7, as opposed to the rate of
145/6 which is more than eleven times as high, would tend to support the suggestion made
above that the rate of the pepiop-ds dvaKex (Jt >P r ] K ° Ta>v in any year was computed on the basis
of the deficit from fugitives in the preceding year. In any case, the connexion of the low rate
of 146 /7 with the census seems indisputable. In the following year the rate again rose sharply.

The pepLcrpos dvaKexcoprjKOTaiv is last attested in the last year of Antoninus Pius. This
may again be the result of chance, but even if the tax continued into the reign of Marcus
Aurelius, it probably was no longer in existence by the end of the second century. BGU n,
432 (a.d. 190), ii, 6-10 preserve the beginning of what seems to be a ruling of the Prefect Tineius
Demetrius in the matter of shortages in the amount of grain taken in by certain sitologoi ;
from the preceding document (II. 2-4), to which the Prefect's ruling is appended, it seems
that the shortages were due to fugitives. In the third century, no doubt as a result of the
‘reform’ of Septimius Severus, the peasants were apparently forced to lodge a bond with the
village officials against their possible flight. Thus, in P. Gen. 42 (a.d. 224), the Srjpoatot yetopyol
of Philadelphia pay 20 dr. each to the presbyteroi of the village as a surety for their remain-
ing and completing their stipulated work.

All these repressive measures were consistent with the general policy of the Roman
government in Egypt, for they were directed not at solving the problem of dvaxdjp-qms
(which had arisen in the first instance as a result of the Roman oppression), but at protect-
ing the fisc against loss. The result of applying this policy to the problem in question might
have been foreseen: the number of fugitives at large in the country increased steadilv, and
the problem facing the administration became steadily more acute. The occasional grants of

1 For other pepur/ioi whose basis of assessment was not capitation, but property, cf. F. Blumenthal,
Archiv 5, 333, n. 5 ; C. Preaux, Les ostraca grecs de la collection Charles-Edwin Wilbour au Musee de Brooklyn
(New York, Brooklyn Museum, 1935), 50.

2 Cf. supra, p. 68 and n. 2.

3 M. Sempronius Liberalis, in a.d. 154 (not a census year, but cf. p. 68), allowed the fugitives three
months in which to return: BGU IX, 372, n, 16-18. This is the only case, however, where the time granted is
known to us ; we have no way of telling how much more or less time other Prefects may have granted.

NAPHTALI LEWIS

reductions in taxes, the amnesties for fugitives — these were mere palliatives, not serious
attempts to deal with the problem, and succeeded at best in delaying, but not in preventing,
the economic exhaustion of the land.

There remain two documents whieh bear on our subject, but whose significance is in-
sufficiently clear for them to have been incorporated in the foregoing discussion. Their
possible implications should, however, be noted.

(1) PSI ix, 1043 (a.d. 103) would probably have been of prime importance for the problem
of dvaxiopyjcns if it were not in so sorry a state of preservation. At the end is a request for
the deferment of certain tax payments (1. 21, lav r^atVpr(ai) eVqry(ea')). 1 In lines 12-17 we
find the clause, customary in leases and proposals for leases, which specifies whether lessor
or lessee is to pay the taxes 2 or defray the expenses 3 involved ; we read t < 7>y Si dva/ceyco-
prjKloTOjv) plyp 1 T i?v IveaTajari(s) rjplpas ovtcdv t rpos tovs rrepl I7a.KV(n(v) , tcdv Si per a ttj(v)
pcadcocnv ravrrjv ovtcdv TTpos rjpa.s, Trjs Si yecyoph'vr/s) Sa.Trg.yrjs n ’jre oltckyjs rjre apyvpiKrjs xfac)

. . . ovcrrjs TTpos Tjpas.

If we consider, with Wileken, 4 that plod too is is here a lease of land, tcdv dva/ceytopp/ccmuv
will, by analogy with other leases of land, be a tax. that is, undoubtedly, the pepcapos dvaxe-
XcoprjKOTCDv which we have been discussing. The papyrus would thus bring us at once our
earliest known reference to the tax as well as the first from the Arsinoite Nome, and corro-
borative evidence for what we have already seen to be probable, namely, that the pepccrpos
avaicexiopT] kotlov was assessed on land. But the question arises: Why the specification tcdv
dvaKexcDprjKOTcov instead of the usual tcdv SrjpoaccDv -nav tcdv which covers all taxes '? It hardly
seems likely that the lessees of a piece of land would have asked for the deferment of the
payment of just this one tax !

This difficulty disappears, however, and a more satisfactory interpretation of the
document as a whole is possible, if we take pcadujms to signify a tax-farming contract. 5
Indeed, the text itself points to this interpretation: 11. 7-9, k(cu) -rrapd e/cdcrrfoji' yavpyov v-rrip
Sai ravrjs A oyov (l. -ov) rrvpov dpTafi{r)s) peas, Tr[p]o? Si rjpecg avTol perprjcropev . . ., show
that the collection of grain from a group of cultivators is involved ; and the mention of
Sarravrj here and in line 16 (cited above) is congruent rather with the transfer of an office
than with a lease of land. The situation before us, then, is somewhat as follows: Certain
persons propose to take over the collection of a tax (or taxes) in kind. They ask, however, for
a postponement of the day when they must pay in their receipts — perhaps in view of the fact
that they are entering upon their duties so late in the year (the papyrus is dated ITavvc <5 =
May 29). They agree to make good the deficits caused by flights from the day they take over
the collection ; the deficits up to that day are to be supplied by the former collectors. Tcdv
avaKexcDprj kotcdv no longer presents the highly improbable situation which it did under the
assumption that the plodojcns in question was a lease of land. The specification of the deficits
caused by the default of fugitives, instead of a general provision covering deficits from all
sources, may be merely an indication that the number of fugitives was increasing rapidly and
the problem of dvaxcopr/acs becoming a serious one — which would be in keeping with our
previous findings for the reign of Trajan. 6 At all events, this interpretation of the papyrus,

1 C'f. introduction of the editors ; Wilcken, Archiv 9, 82, 83 ; and p. 65, n. 1.

2 In the ease of leases of land — twv h-qyoaiwv iravrcov [or similar expression] ovtojv tt pos tov 8 etra.

3 In the case of taking over of offices — e.g., P. Lond. II, 306 (= Vi., Chr. 263; a.d. 145: transfer of a
: npaKTopia apyvpiKtijv), 17—18, nai rijs oAAt;? baTrainjs ovotjs Trpos avrov.

4 Archiv 9, 83.

3 As it does, e.g., in P. Oxy. I, 44 ( = W., Chr. 275), 13.

Cf. p. 70, n. 7.

MEPI2M02 ANAKEXDPHKOTON 75

if correct, shows that as late as the year 102/3 the tax-collectors had themselves to make up
the deficits from fugitives, and consequently places the institution of the pcepicrpos avaKexojpi]-
kotujv between that year and 114/5, when it is first mentioned by the ostraca.

(2) Archiv 5, p. 177, No. 29, an ostracon from Thebes (a.d. 146), is a receipt for a pay-
ment of 2 dr. 2 ob. for ivoiKiov, and of 2 ob. d(7ro) Ilerjoiofs) /7e/jdj(roj) eVouc( ) am/c( ).
At present this entry remains unintelligible to me. Johnson 1 makes two suggestions, but
since these are possible only if one accepts his interpretation of the eVofiaov (as against
Wilcken’s), 2 decision on these must be reserved. A revision of the original ostracon might-
result in an improved reading; in the absence of the original or a photograph thereof, it
would be idle to speculate on possible emendations.

Addenda

To the Bibliography: V. Martin, Aliinch. Beitr. 19 (Munich, 1934). 143-64, and Atti del IV Congresso
I niemazionale di Papirologia (Milan, 1936), 225-50.

To p. 64, n. 3: Cf. also P. Lond. Inv. 2565 (publ. in JEA 21 [1935], 224-47 ; a.d. 250), 34, 46-7, and
commentary, p. 243.

To p. 67, n. 2 : Even the capital of the nome, Arsinoe, suffered depopulation in the middle of the third
century: cf. P. Lond. Inv. 2565, 93-4 (and 100-2).

To p. 67, n. 3 (at the beginning): Martin ( loc . cit., esp. 143-50) reaches a similar conclusion, as against
the older view ( e.g ., M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, 578 [Ital. ed. 351],
n. 50; A. C. Johnson, op. cit. [p. 63 above, n. 3], VI, 246, 354, 482, cf. 545-6) that avaxmpi ;ou became chronic
in the second century, and that previous occurrences were due to exceptional circumstances. Martin con-
siders, however, that, in view of the ‘continuity de l'administration ptolemaico-imperiale’ which regarded
Egypt as a land to exploit, dvaxdipyais, which that administrative policy engendered, was likewise a uniform
phenomenon ‘de Philadelphe aux Arabes’. This latter view is untenable, and Martin himself is obliged to
acknowledge (p. 144) the essential difference between Ptolemaic and Roman draxAp-qms (for which see above,
pp. 63-4).

To p. 69, n. 4: Cf., in this light, P. Lond. Inv. 2565, 35.

To p. 70, n. 5 : An edict providing for such nomination was issued by the Prefect 51. Petronius Mamertinus
in a.d. 134/5 (P. Oslo 79).

1 Op. cit. (p. 63 above, n. 3), 561.

2 WO I, p. 192.

AN OXYRHYNCHUS DOCUMENT ACKNOWLEDGING
REPAYMENT OF A LOAN

By PHILLIP H. DE LACY
With Plate xi

This document, 1 from Oxyrhynehus, acknowledges the repayment of 72 drachmas to two
brothers, Ammonius and Hermodotus. In a.d. 48 these and a third brother, Petusius, had
contributed equal shares in making a loan of 72 drachmas to Kendeas and his wife Apollonia.
The latter was sister to the three brothers. Four years later the loan was repaid, but as
Petusius was absent Ammonius acknowledged the receipt of his share and guaranteed
Kendeas and Apollonia against any claim that might be made against them on the instance
of Petusius.

The loan was made for a specified period of four years. In place of interest, the creditors
had the right of habitutw during that period of certain places designated in the original
contract.

[“Etov]s S[o>S] e/cfaron TtB](ptov KXavblov K[aloap\os

[AV/3]acn-ou E<Eppav[tKou\ AuroKparopog TJawl k Ae/3 L (June 14, A.D. 52)

[eV ’OJ^vpvyxan' 7r[oAa] rfjs Qr/jjatbos. d/uoA[oy]o5(ni'

[' Ap]p[oj]vios Kfil ' Eppdborog dp<f>6repoi EapanLa>v{os)

5 [Key] Sea Kevbeov Kal rfj rovrov pev yvvaiKL, [r]ou 8e
h4/a/ia»'[i]oi/ Kal ' EppoSorov a8eA<f>f] ’AnoAXcovla, rov
aeT[ot;] Eapanlcovos , ev ayvia, a7re^e[t]e nap avrujv
6 /acfe] ’ Appdivios to inlfiaAAov aArfq)] re Kal [r]q> erepw
cu3 r [°]£5 Kal rov 'EppoSorov Kal ’AnoAAwvias dbeAdiaj i7e-
1U rovo\L\cp rov a vrov [E]apanlwvos, wvel ovri dnohrjpw,
hlpot-pov pepos' o Se ' EppoSoros ro Kal avrw enifidAA(ov)
rplr\o\v pepos dpyvp[l]ov Ez/daorov Kal riroXepaiKov vo-
pioparos 8pa\pZZ)V IfiSoprjKovra 8 vo KZ(j>aXalo(v )

Sgi'f[toi> o ('?) ’A]ppwvi.os Kal ' Eppo8oro [ ?] Kal IJerovoios SeSavei-
15 Kao i r[oj] re KevSea Kal rfj yurafij/d ’AnoXXwvia Kara
avvy[p^a<f>rjv rrjv rzXziwdzZoav Sia rov iv ’ Odvpvyypov
rroAeft] pvrjpovzlov ro> Ilavvl p-qvl rov oySoov erovs (Alay-June, A.D. 48)

Tfalpl] ov KXavhlov Kaioapos Eepaorov EeppaviKOV AvrOKpdr(opos)
en’ e’[i']ouacr/xq> rwv oijpavdivrojv S id ravrrjs r<r)s oviypatfirjs >

20 Kal e7r[i] rov SrjAwdivra ypdi’or' Kal prjdev ii'KaXzZv
prj 5’ zvKaXioziv pr)8 ’ znzAevoaoBai rovs opoXoyovvrf as)
pr]8’ aXXov vnep av[r)a>v rut KzvSza prj Se rrj yvvaiKi
’ An\oX\Xwvla /u,7jS[e] roZs nap ’ avrtdv prfre nepl rov[ro]v
prjSz -rrefp] t aA Aon prjSzvos anXws p^XP 1 T V$ zv€OTo'ta(rjs)

1 Pa pyms Xo. 7741 of the Garrett Deposit Collection. Princeton. It measures about 14-5 by 32 cm.,
and is almost complete. It was folded lengthwise four times, and a few letters have been lost at the folds.
In a few places the surface of the papyrus has peeled off. LI. 1-33 are written in a semi-uncial script, 11. 34-8
m a cursive script.

Papyrus No. 7741. Garrett Deposit Collection, Princeton

AN OXYRHYNCHUS DOCUMENT

25 fjpepas, 6 de 'App^oj] vios Kal Trdvra r ov erreAe vadpef vov)

auro[l]? i) t ols Trap' [aur] u>v in tov tov aSeXtfrov I7erovai'o(v) .

[ ] r ovtu>v [y]dp[t]e aTTOOTqcreiv avTOV tols lSlols

av\rov S]a[7r]avr)[/ra]ai, rj yaipfiy] tov ti)[i/] iaopevTjv
€<f>o8[ov a]i<vpov [etvjat ert Kal cktlvclv r[ouj] 6poXoyovvT(as )

30 rj tov \ynep~\ avTtuv iireAevaopevov tols irpoyeypappe(voLs)
fj [rot? Trap' ajvTOJV [/ca]d’ €Kolot7]V efxtdov to t€ Aafios

[/cat eTTLTjeipov dpy(vplov) [(Spay/ra?)] reaaapaLKOVTa Kal els to drjpdoLo(v)

[ra]s [hr] a?, /cat prj9ev rjoaov Kvpla rj ovyypa<f>rj .

(2nd hand) "Erovs Stu8e[/c]drot) Tifieplov KXavblov
35 Ka\la\apos Ac[(3]aa tov PeppaviKOv

[A]vTOKpa.TOp[o]s Elavvl R 27ey8[. . . ,]u /cat

[St]a ' HpaKAel[S]ov tov avveoTapevov

vtt[o] 'Emp[d\yov dyopavopov KeKypiripdrioraL} .

‘The twelfth year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Germanieus Augustus Imperator, Pauni 20
Sebaste (?), at Oxyrhynchus in the Thebaid. Ammonius and Herruodotus, both sons of Sarapion,
acknowledge to Kendeas the son of Kendeas and to Apollonia, who is the wife of Kendeas, the sister
of Ammonius and Hermodotus, and the daughter of the same Sarapion, the contract being drawn
up in the street, that they have received from them (as follows) : Ammonius has received the part
falling to him and to the other brother of himself and Hermodotus and Apollonia, Petusius, son of
the same Sarapion, who is now away, two thirds of all ; Hermodotus has also received the third part
falling to him of the capital sum of 72 drachmas of silver of Imperial and Ptolemaic coinage, the loan
which Ammonius and Hermodotus and Petusius made to Kendeas and his wife Apollonia in accor-
dance with a contract drawn up through the record office at Oxyrhynchus in the month Pauni of the
eighth year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanieus Imperator with the right of habitatio
of the places designated in that contract, and for the stated time, and neither those who are making
this acknowledgement nor anyone on their behalf makeorwill make anyclaim orwill proceed against
Kendeas or his wife Apollonia or their agents either about this matter or about any other matter
whatever up to the present day : and Ammonius also undertakes that he will at his own expense
repel any person who will proceed against them or their agents on the [instance (?)] of his brother
Petusius, on account of these matters: otherwise, not only shall any future claims be invalid, but
also those who make this acknowledgement or the person proceeding on their behalf shall pay to
the aforesaid persons or their agents for every claim the damages and a fine of 40 drachmas of silver,
and to the State an equal amount, and this contract shall be none the less valid. The twelfth year
of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanieus Imperator, Pauni 20. . . . The transaction was
made through Heraclides, appointed by Epimaehus the agoranomos."

In the interpretation of this document I am very much indebted to the criticisms of
Prof. A. C. Johnson. I also wish to acknowledge several valuable suggestions which Dr. H. I.
Bell and Mr. T. C. Skeat have very kindly offered.

For the most part, this receipt follows the usual formulae. The closest parallel is P. Oxv.
1282, where, as here, a loan was made through the record-office and repaid through the
agoranomos. 1 The most significant point in the receipt is the provision that the share of the
absent Petusius be paid to Ammonius. Apparently Ammonius was expected to make a
settlement with Petusius on his return, for there is no indication that Petusius forfeited by
his absence his share in the loan. Ammonius is probably acting as an unofficial agent of
Petusius. It is evident that he is not a regularly appointed agent, since he receives the money

1 This circumstance may provide additional evidence for the contention of Dr. Bell that in some cases at
least the ayopavopetov and the piypLoieiov are identical ; see Notes from Papyri in the British Museum in Archie 6
(1920), Ko. 2. The dyopavopelov to *at pspyovelov, pp. 104—7.

PHILLIP H. DE LACY

in his own name with the guarantee that he will answer any claim Petusius might make
against Kendeas and Apollonia on account of this matter. Cf. Leopold Wenger, Die Stellver-
tretung im Decide der Papyri, Leipzig, Teubner, 1906, pp. 172. 186 ff., 198 ff. Wenger does not
cite any papyrus that involves a situation of this kind.

It is also noteworthy that the loan is made jointly by three creditors. Loans with more
than one creditor are very uncommon, and when they do occur the creditors are often
members of the same family. 1 Sometimes two heirs appear as joint creditors of a loan they
have inherited. 2 In P. Oxy. 272 and possibly in PSI 700 the joint creditors are not of the
same family. In none of these cases is it indicated that one of the creditors might collect
on the part of another.

Textual Notes

L. 2. riawl k Eefi L . C'f. 1. 36, JJawl a 27ej8[. . . ,]y koll. The date in 1. 2 looks like kc
rather than k, but in 1. 36 k is quite plain, and from this it seems probable that k was intended
in 1. 2. The name of the day is likewise obscure. In 1. 2 the abbreviation 2A/3 L would
naturally be read Eef3acn~f}, yet in 1. 36 the reading EepaoTrj is impossible. The date in 1. 36
could easily be read IJawl k Eej3[aoTo]v Kal(crapos) , though I have found no other example of
a day being designated in that way. In spite of these uncertainties it is perhaps safe to
infer from this papyrus that Pauni 20 was probably one of the fyilpai EefiacrTai in the reign
of Claudius. Such an inference would be quite in harmony with what we know of the
ypepai, EefiaoTai. The following list includes 46 passages referring to ypepai EefiacrTal, of
which 24 are from the lists of F. Hohmann ( Zur Chronologie der Papyrusurkunden, Greifs-
wald, 1911) and F. Blumenthal (Der dgyptische Kaiserkult in Archil' 5, 317-45).

A. 'Hpipac Eepaorai in the reign of Claudius :

Hathyr 20, a.d. 41. P. Oxy. 325.

Pharmuthi 8, a.d. 42. OGIS 663.

Thoth 17 or 27, a.d. 44. Bericht. II (1931-33) on WO 1383.

Tvbi 27, a.d. 44. (formerly wrongly assigned to a.d. 18). P. Lond. 116S.

Epiph 21, a.d. 44. P. Oxy. 1447.

Phaophi 8, a.d. 45. P. Mich. 123 rt. iv, 30.

Phaophi 15, a.d. 45. P. Mich. 123 rt. v, 6.

Phaophi 20, a.d. 45. P. Mich. 123 rt. v, 23.

Hathyr 8, a.d. 45. P. Mich. 123 rt. vi, 26.

Hathyr 20, a.d. 45. P. Mich. 123 vs. xi, 9.

Mesore 15 ('IovXla EefiactTy), a.d. 45. P. Oxy. 283.

Pauni 2, a.d. 46. P. Mich. 123 vs. vi, 18.

Epiph 8. a.d. 46. P. Mich. 123 rt. xvm, 21.

Mesore 2, a.d. 46. P. Mich. 123 vs. vii, 12.

Mesore 27, a.d. 46. P. Mich. 123 vs. vm, 22.

Tybi 11 or 21 (?j, a.d. 49. P. Tebt. 464 = P. Milanesi, p. 50.

Mecheir 17, a.d. 49. Class. Phil. 30. 142.

Pharmuthi 29, a.d. 52. P. Oxy. 39 = 317.

Mesore 15, a.d. 54. P. Oxy. 264.

B. ’H/Epai EefiaoTal before the reign of Claudius:

Thoth 9, Augustus, a.d. 1. OGIS 659.

Pauni 21 ('?), Tiberius, a.d. 23. P. Oxy. 288.

1 Cf. P. Amh. 110. 2 Cf. P. Lips. 9, BGU 1169.

AN OXYRHYNCHUS DOCUMENT

Pachon 27, Caligula, a.d. 87. P. Oxy. 267.

Pauni 2, Caligula, a.d. 38. P. Eyl. 144.

Thoth 3, Caligula, a.d. 39. P. Eyl. 167.

Soter 20 (Soter = Pliaophi, Tait, Ostr., p. 118), Caligula, a.d. 40. P. Eyl. 151.

Hathyr 6, Caligula, a.d. 40. P. Eyl. 230.

C. 'Hpepai ZefiaaraL after the reign of Claudius :

Choiak 27, Nero, a.d. 54. BGU vii, 1599.

Pauni 20, Nero, a.d. 56. P. Oxy. 310.

Pachon 18, Nero, a.d. 57. P. Oxy. 269.

Thoth (perhaps Hathyr) 15, Nero, a.d. 59. Archil 2, 433.

Mecheir 27, Nero, a.d. 61. P. Oxy. 262.

Pachon 29, Nero, a.d. 66 and 67. P. Oxy. 289.

Phamenoth 29, Nero, a.d. 66. P. Oxy. 289.

Phaophi 1 (’/oeAta ZejSa<rr»j), Galba, a.d. 68. OGIS 669.

Phaophi 4, Vespasian, a.d. 73. P. Oxy. 289.

Pharmuthi 27, Vespasian, a.d. 73. P. Oxy. 289.

Thoth 8, Vespasian, a.d. 77. P. Oxy. 276.

Pharmuthi 8, Vespasian, a.d. 79. BGU 981.

Pharmuthi 20, Vespasian, a.d. 79. BGU 981.

Epagomenai 6, Titus, a.d. 79. P. Oxy. 380.

Epagomenai 6, Domitian, a.d. 91 ('?). P. Oxy. 722.

Tybi 8, Domitian, a.d. 95. SB 7599 = Aegyptus 13 (1933), 456.

Mecheir 4, Trajan, a.d. 100. P. Oxy. 46.

Thoth 21, Trajan, a.d. 108. P. Eyl. 202 (a).

Epagomenai 4, Trajan, a.d. 117. P. Oxy. 489.

Mecheir 16, Hadrian, a.d. 129. PSI 40.

This list indicates that Pauni 20 was Zc^aary under Nero, and that the twentieth of
other months was Zefiamr) under Caligula and Claudius. It has been conjectured (F. Blu-
rnenthal, op. tit., 340; A. Boak, Mich. Pap. n, 103 — yet cf. P. Eyl. 144, note) that the
twentieth of ev§ry month was celebrated in honour of Tiberius’ birthday (Nov. 16 =
Hathyr 20) ; and if this is correct, we would expect Pauni 20 to be Ze^aarg under Tiberius,
Caligula, and Claudius, as well as under Nero.

L. 5. Kev Seas and 11. 9-10 Tle-ovaias are names not otherwise known in precisely these
forms. Cf., however, Kev-ns, and JPervaios, IleTocnos, Tlervais.

L. 14. SayejTou o (?) ’A]ppdivios. The traces of ink at the beginning of this line are very
faint. The suggested reading is not entirely satisfactory, as it is not a usual formula, and the
restoration must be crowded to fit into the available space. Air. Skeat has proposed the very
attractive reading avd' 5>v ; yet the remaining traces of ink do not seem to indicate that the
line began with a. A third possibility is perhaps Kotv[ou as ’Mj/x/xoAioj. Cf. koivos, used of
a loan made by three creditors in P. Oxy. 272: rfjs o^eiAys ovcrgs tw[v t ] piwv tcoivys.

L. 19. i[v]oiKiop.g>. This term undoubtedly means that in place of interest the creditors
received the right of habitatio of certain buildings designated in the original contract. This
would explain why no interest is mentioned in 1. 13. No other receipts are known which
mention ivoiKiapos, yet it occurs in contracts of loan. See A. C. Johnson, Roman Egypt,
Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press, 1936, p. 262-3.

TavTrjs r<rjs avvypafrjs >■ Some such expansion is obviously called for.

LI. 26-7. Ik tov tov a.8eXcf)ov n<LTovalo(v) [ [ ]. Dr. Bell has suggested the reading

PHILLIP H. DE LAC’V

e k rov rov notXdov [Ierovawv | 1 /'.</.) fxipov-; ill preference to the awkward reading €K tovtov
<l6tXrf>ov. Ill- analy-i- seems \ cry probable, though tilt- particular restoration qtepous] is
questionable. fiepuvi would not quite till the lacuna. Furthermore, there are some faint
traces of ink at the beginning of 1. '27 ; ami though they do not clearly resemble any of the
letti r-forms appearing m the rest of t lie document, yet the first letter seems to have a
horizontal har at the base. If that is so, it could not he p. In regard to meaning also, pepov-;
is not quite appropriate. In the context of this receipt it would properly refer to Petusiiis’
share of the loan, hut in that case the follow ing toctoic [y]dp[d]c would he redundant. The
translation of the phrase eV ptpov*; as 'on the instance of’ or 'on the part of’ seems slightly
forced. 1 Perhaps a la tter restoration could he found, though nolle has occurred to me. The
infinitive drroaTi'jijeii', 1 >r. Hell has pointed out, depends on dpoX[oy \ovcnv in 1. 3.

L. 311. toc I i>7T€p j aCrran'. I restore vTrep hv analogy with P. O.xy. 1232, 3(5-3: e-i kolI
txTU'tu - 6>e.Ic y'j roc VTrep avTTii etreAf iwdpecoc. Mr. Ske.it has suggested rov [trap ] avrd )y, a
leading which also occurs in formulae of this kind, r.</. P. O.xy. 271.

1 . . 32. [ i dpuypds * Op'i.Ypds was prohahlv represented hv a symbol which has been lost
in the break of the papyrus between dpy 1 vplov i and rtaijapaKovra. <j. P. O.xy. 1232, 40.

L. 33. 1 did* i-'tand lurui aft'-r xvpln. earoj is sometum-s included and sometimes omitted.
The omission is probably intentional here, since it al-o occurs in the exactly similar formula
of P. Oxy. 12v2.

h. 37. 7/pxK'A tl '|o]oe. Iliis ri-stor.it ton was mad*' by Mr. 3ke.it. crvi'torapei'ov — ’ap-
pointed’; if. P. O.xy. 320: oF VI— oAAtorion rd -pic Kxypip pnriKoro-; \ —exoyydov rov awe-
UTHjLtVDV VTTO Toil- fit T<>X<l)f llyi) pucopius I K€)(p7p fJULTKJTIJU i. ( J. also P. Oxy. 213, 200. Ofcc.

1.. 3s. K(K\p >ipi'i.TitTTiu>. lb*- str* -ngt heiiing of y to try occurs elsewhere in papyri: <’j.
K. M.i \ s* r, ( irummutii > h r prii < litsihn: l ‘a pi/ri. I.eip/ig, Ten lui* r, l00ti-3 1. vol. i, pp. 1(53-!.'.

1 | l In tin- part *>l ', » In* li »a.s tin- sense i n t •- to 1.-* 1 m making tin- n-ster.it mil, seems a legitimate extension
ot tin- Use ot a- ' Vertr.igsp.irtei’ (see I'rei-Oke, It mtubui li, ,s.\ . /ap'i, - e.) The p, iIaeograptiic.il

objections are. h*>»c\ i-r, * onrlti.sne. 11. I. It ]

ADOLF ERMAN, 1854-1937

On - June 26th, after many months of failing health. Adolf Krniaii's long life came to an end.
Mental alertness was his almost to the last ami it is hilt a year ago that, being already past
eighty and almost totally blind, he produced a hook (/be Writ am Silf of which any man
in the prime of life might he proud. Such an achievement was. of course, made possible only
by the help of others, above all of his wife, his untiring reader and scribe, ever since blindness
had begun to incapacitate him.

Krnmn. though a horn and bred Berliner, was of Swi~s descent, hi' family - originally
named Krmatinger — having migrated from (leiieva earlv in the Isth century. Two genera-
tions of them had been conspicuously identified with the newly founded Lniversity, and
though no very diligent schoolboy. Adolf had even then begun to take a lively interest in
those studies which were eventually to bring him too to a professorial chair. In his young
days Egyptology was scarcely a serious pursuit in (iermauv. but at Leipzig (ieorg Kbers
was officially teaching the subject and to him Erman went : though what he learned from
teachers was little in comparison with what lie taught himself. The first published result
of his studies was an article, announcing a not unimportant grammatical discovery, in the
Egyptian Znhchnjt of lSTu. and during the follow ing sixty v ear' not one passed unmarked
by some notable book or- srticle -almost 20(1 in all. e\chi'i\ e of re\ iews from his pen.

Although in those days the whole science of Egyptology still lay within one man's
capacity and though Erman in time was to set his mark upon every branch of the subject,
it was always by the problems of language that he was most attracted and it is as a philo-
logist no doubt that he will he remembered. Those of us who recall the conditions ruling
in pre-Erman days — vagueness in the grammars, chaos in the dictionaries cannot over-
estimate thi- revolutionary effect of his work. (Compare, a' an example, the chapter on
the verb in I.e Page Helmuts (inunniar with the views prevalent to-day. ] The most notable
of Erman’s invest igat ions, that w Inch gave a new orient at ion to tin- cut ire subject . was his
demonstration of a primitive relationship between Egyptian and the Semitic languages.
His predecessors had often recognized ident ity bet ween indiv idual root s : it was left to Erman
to work out a systematic comparison, not alone in the vocabularies, but also in significant
features of morphology and grammar, hurt her. it is to Erman that we owe the first
division of the language into * ( )!d ’ and ‘ Late ’ Egypt in n. with the result ant possibility of
t racing a lingm-t ic genealogy such as laid not previously been eont cm plated. To all the t hree
periods (Old, Middle, and Latei into which Egyptian is at present divided Erman gave
his attention, starting with the latest ( If < Irammahl:, Isstb, followed then by
a grammar based upon a newly unearthed Middle-Egyptian text t />«■ Sjiritihr < /Viyu/n/.s
11 t <trnr, l.KHftj and. live years later, by his epoch-making . ti tiy/itix In’ < ira ttnmil il: . 1MM.
New editions of the first and last have made them practically new books, but from their first
appearance may truly be dated the beginnings of a sejent itic knowledge of t lie language. Xor
was the latest of its phases neglected : indeed, Erman was the first to iii'i't on an adequate
knowledge of Coptic as an essential preliminary to the study of hieroglyphics. The crown of
hi' philological work was the great dictionary which he planned and organized and which,
thanks to the collaboration of a number of his pupils, be lived to see carried through to the
completion of its first phase. Together with the grammars, tlm IE ijrtrrburh drr .Ir/pi jit ischrn

ADOLF ERMAN, 1854-1937

Sprache forms a monument of philological learning and acumen such as it has been given
to few scholars to leave to the world.

‘The Berlin School’, in other words Erman and those whom his teaching was
attracting, remained for some time well-nigh a term of reproach ; the new doctrines found
sympathy at first only in a few quarters. They steadily gained ground, however, and to-day
no more is heard of the views which, until Erman's advent, were current among scholars.
In 1881 he began to teach at the University and lie continued to do so until 1923. It may be
said that all contemporary Egyptologists are, either immediately or indirectly, his disciples.
His first two pupils, U. Wilcken and G. iSteindori'f, are themselves professors emeritus
to-day. The next group, which I joined in 1889, consisted of L. Borchardt, G. Jequier,
H. 0. Lange. H. Schafer, C. Schmidt, K. Sethe, W. Spiegelberg and B. Turaieff. Erman
was then lecturing on all branches of Egyptology: on grammar, elementary and advanced,
on literature, from Pyramid Texts to Abbott Papyrus, as well as on Coptic — attention
had begun, thanks to liis initiative, to concentrate on Sa’idic, rather to the neglect perhaps
of the traditionally more favoured Bohairie. Some classes were at the University, others he
held at his house and, in summer, at a very early hour. Besides work at the University,
Erman regularly held archaeological Uebuntjen at the Museum, where in 1884 he had
become Keeper of the Egyptian (and Assyrian) department. He was, I should say, an
inspiring teacher: enthusiastic, full of ideas and eagerly adopting promising suggestions
from his hearers. He had the capacity of encouraging the timid beginner — and among us
was at least one veritable tiro — and, so far as my recollection goes, no pupil of his who
once got a footing in the subject but continued to pursue it and eventually to make a position
for himself. In his pupils he took a paternal interest and with most of them maintained an
intimate and undeviating friendship throughout life.

Erman was by no means a mere Stubcmjelehrte : his interest in all that concerned Egypt
and its civilization was of the liveliest. Xo one who reads his fascinating description of the
ancient people and their life ( Aejijpten und agijptisches Leben im Altertiun, 188-5, 2nd ed.
1923). or his autobiography (Mein Wenlen und mein Wirken, 1929), can doubt that, had not
the language been his first concern, he might well have made a name as a writer in other
fields.

‘ Out of school’ he was a delightful companion, with a healthy sense of humour and never
happier than on a long walk. To children he was devoted and I can recall his appreciation
of the visits of Professor Xaville, with whom he had this trait in common. A few years ago,
on the appearance of A. A. Milne's TI7;c« We Were Very Young, he wrote enthusiastically
about it and wanted to know if a German translation could not be arranged for. There was,
indeed, in his own nature, beside that vein of irony and malice which can be traced in his
books, a very attractive simplicity, making him happy with all simple things. To his own
family circle the War dealt a heavy blow: his eldest son fell in the Battle of the Somme
and thenceforth a shadow lay on Erman's life which lie never wholly threw off. Other
events, too. contributed to cloud his latter years. By tradition and upbringing a convinced
conservative, how should he appreciate the new order in a world which pays but small heed
to any of the interests that had been his for half a century?

To the end of life his powerful memory held good and what was there stored of German
and Latin literature stood him in good stead during those final months of enforced inactivity.
The last words he was heard to speak were some lines of Horace, which he repeated only a
few days before his death.

W. E. Chum.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT
PART I: PAPYROLOGY (1936)

The work is divided as follows:

§ 1. Literary Texts. E. A. Barber, Exeter College, Oxford.

§ 2. Religion, Magic, Astrology (including texts). H. .J. Rose, St. Andrews University, Fife, Scotland.

§ 3. Publications of Non-Literarv Texts. T. C. Skeat. Dept, of MSS., British Museum. London, W.C. 1 .

§4. Political History, Biography, Administration, Topography, and Chronology. E. G. Turner,
King's College. Aberdeen, Scotland.

§ 5. Social Life, Education, Art, Economic History, Numismatics, and Metrology. J. G. Milne, 23 Bel-
syre Court, Woodstock Road, Oxford.

§ 6. Law. H. F. Jolowicz, University College, Gower Street, London, W.C. 1.

§ 7. Palaeography and Diplomatic. T. C. Skeat.

§ 8. Lexicography and Grammar. The late R. McKenzie.

§ 9. General Works, Bibliography, General Notes on Papyrus Texts. T. C. Skeat.

§ 10. Miscellaneous, Excavations, Personal. T. C. Skeat.

The authors wish jointly to express their gratitude to all those scholars who have sent them copies of
their publications, a kindness which has greatly facilitated the work of compilation.

The abbreviations used in this Bibliography will be found among those given on pp. 142-4 below.

1. Literary Texts

A. General

The most interesting additions to literary texts are contained in Et. de Pap. 3 (1936), 40-92, where
N. Lewis has published eight literary papyri from the Strasbourg collection. The most noteworthy are no. 1
(3rd cent, b.c.), a prose synopsis of Iliad vi with a quotation of 11. 448-55, and no. 5, a collection of lyrics
from the Phaenissae , the Medea, and the Melanippe Dcsmotis (?) of Euripides. The latter papyrus (assigned
by Lewis to the middle of the 3rd cent. B.c.) was partially published by Cronert in 1922. Of the remainder
nos. 2-4 contain Homeric fragments ; no. 0 a declamation against Aleibiades ; no. 7 a mythological and no. 8
a medical fragment. The volume has been reviewed by H. I. Bell in Cl. Per. 50 (1936), 202.

Papyri Osloenses, fasc. Ill (1936), edited by Eitrem and Amundsen, includes twelve literary or sub-
literary papyri. Nos. 65-70 contain fragments of the Iliad ; of these no. 68 (1st cent, b.c.), giving II. iii. 458-
iv. 1, is interesting as being perhaps the latest example of absence of division between books of Homer.
No. 71 (lst-2nd cent, a.d.) contains Isocrates, Paneg. 1-54 (with lacunae). The text is eclectic, the new
variants unimportant. Nos. 72-6 deal with medicine, astronomy, astrology, and magic.

In The Kemlel Harriet Papyri of 11 'oodbrooke College. Birmingham (Cambridge Univ. Press. 1936) J. E.
Powell has published a very mixed batch. Of the two larger ‘New Classical Fragments’ no. 1 has since been
identified as Musonius Rufus in Stobaeus iv. 24 (Wachsmuth-Hense, pp. 606-7); the papyrus goes farther
than Stobaeus" quotation. No. 2 is from a rhetorical treatise and deals with dvoSaois and Kardfiaais.
Nos. 3-11 contain smaller new fragments in verse, and nos. 12-16, 18-22 similar fragments in prose. No. 17
was found to come from Demosthenes, In Meid. Nos. 23-35 are too scanty for classification. Nos. 36-45
come from extant authors, viz., 36 (2nd cent, b.c.) from Iliad xii ; 37, Iliad xv ; 38 (2nd cent, a.d.), Euripides,
Medea (interesting text of good quality); 39, Euripides, Andromache-, 40. Herodotus viii; 41, Thucydides i;
42, Plato, Laws vii ; 43, Demosthenes, Fourth Philippic (the first papyrus to contain this speech) ; 44 and 45
Demosthenes, De Coronet. Finally nos. 113-22 and 123-4 contain minor fragments from the Iliad and
Odyssey respectively.

I have not seen J. MaNtecfeel's article 'Papirusy i ostraka warszawskie ’ in the Bulletin de V Academic
Polonaise de. s Sciences et des Lettres, 1935, 42-5, nor his contribution to M intern philolngica Ludovico Cwiklinski
ohlata (Posnaniae, 1936), 145-54, entitled Wykazy Ksiazek w papyrusach.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROHAN EGYPT

B. Epic, Elegiac, asd Mime

The Commentary to an epic poem of Antimachus published by Vogltano in Vol. I of the Papiri Milanesi
(1935) has been re-edited by B. \Y VSS in his important book Antimachi Colophonii Reliquiae (Berhn, Weid-
mann, 1936). U'yss has included the latest discoveries of Vogltano and the suggestions of various other
scholars and added a photograph of the papyrus. In Hermes 71 (1936). 240. K. Deichgraber has successfully
restored Antimachus, Fr. 174 \\ vss, by reading 0]J[m]c t 6{ipip.[6]To£gv.

Several scholars have elucidated points in Callimachus’ Diegeseis, e.g. E. Orth in Phil. Woch. 56 (1936),
221—1, n ould read rrpos a Taav = ’ berechtigterweise’ in col. S, 7 ; A. vox Blumexthal in Philologus 91 (1936),
115-16, reading roes- f/yovyivovs eVinjcr e in eol. 3, 34, interprets ‘removed the forefeet’, and for ’AXmos
hazards ’AXXAdios (of. Dion. Hal. Antiq. 1. 71. 3) or oAAos; the same svriter in Hermes 71 (1936). 458 finds
an example of haplology in ayaXyaToyiK-qs (eol. 4, 23); 0. Kerx in Archil' 12 (1936), 65-0, discusses the
fivariKos Aoyo? in col. S. 33 ; finally in Phil. Woch. 56 (1936), 711-12, E. Kalixka reviews Pfeiffer’s mono-
graph. In Hirmes 71 (1936), 472-3, E. Diehl has identified Callimachus, Fr. 317, emended to aXualcus
dfvoaires, as lurking in one of the Aetia fragments (Pap. C. fr. 1, 23) published by Vitelli in 1934.
R. Herzog, ibid. 344-6, prefers to o[r’] e[pf<r] in 1. 45 of the Coma fragment, and suggests [erS’ Aa] yrj

or [Irffo] iiij in 1. 59, reading hide Venus in Catullus. T. Thomaxx has written as a dissertation (Tubingen,
1934) a Versuch iiher das Dirhterische des Kallimachos, and in Gnomon 12 (1936), 449-59, H. Herter has
reviewed E. Cahex’s study of Callimachus and edition of the Hymns, as well as J. Loeb's translation of
Cocat's book on Alexandrian Poetry. Theocritus, Id. 2, has been edited by Lavagxiki (Palermo, 1935). In
Phil. Woch. 56 (1936), 11S3, AY. Beschewliew interprets arpei/tov n in Herondas, i. 8 literally and refers
to Bulgarian parallels for such action after long absence.

C. Lvp.ic

Vol. i of Dieiil's Anthologia Lyrica Grae.cn is now complete in the second edition. In Mnemosyne 3
(1936), 241-61, B. A. van Gkoxixoex, writing in English, tries to interpret Aleman's Partheneion with a
minimum of restoration. H. J. M. Milne in Hermes 71 (1936), 126-8, and 0. Schroeder in Philologus 91
(1936), 246-7, both write about Sappho’s ‘haU'erai yoi. the former arguing for the existence of a fifth stanza.
In Hermes 71 (1936). 363-73, W.Schadewaldt discusses Sappho. Fr. 95 Diehl. In Hermes 71 (1936), 124-6,
B. Snell reports new readings and suggestions in Bacchylides, based on a re-examination of the papyri.
His edition of Bacchylides has been reviewed by D. M. Robixsox in Cl. Phil. 31 (1936), 268-70.

D. Drama

C. E. Fp.itsch has collected new fragments of Aeschylus and Sophocles in a dissertation (Hamburg, 1936).
W. Schadewaldt in Hermesll ( 1936). 25-69, re-edits the Myrmidons fragment with app. crit., commentary,
and essays on various points. L. A. Stella in Rendtconti del. R. 1st. Lombardo. 69 (1936), 1-10, disputes the
Aeschylean authorship of the fragment. In Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936), 51)8-11, R. Goossens emends the Glaukos
Potnieus fragment, and ibid.. 139-50 and 511-15, oilers first and second thoughts on the Telepkus prologue.
In the later article he makes a palmary emendation of 11. 9-10. viz., evd' e v pair ip.-qv I pqripa naroiKui, cf.
Diod. Sic. 4, 33. The same scholar ibid., 516. completes so[ in Eupolis, npoanahrioi (PSI 1213), 13, to m\ay
rtyir,]. cf. Ar. Ran. 1235. In Philologus 91 ( 1936), 1 14-15, E. AVi'Est writes about the meaning of Siaarpefeiv
in Eupolis" Denwi. A. \\ . Gojijie in Cl. Quart. 30 (1936), 64-72 and 193, discusses passages of the Epitrepontes
and Perilceiromene and the plot of the Ramin. Cl. Rajibelli in St. Itnl. 13 (1936). 130-60, analyses two scenes
(i. 5; m. 3) from Terence’s Andria with reference to the Greek original. K. Ivlacs (Klnss.-Philol. Studien 8:
Leipzig. 1936) has written on the adjectives in Menander, and in Hermes 71 (1936), 329-37 A. Thierfelder
discusses the motives of New Comedy. Finally W. E. J. Kiiper (Verhaiulel ingen der Koninklijhe Akademie
ran Wetensrhnppen te Amsterdam, A fd. Lettcrkunde, Xiemre Reeks, Deel 38. no. 2. 1936) discusses the adapta-
tion of six plays of Menander by Plautus and Terence.

E. Philosophy, Oratory, Romance

In Yule Classical Studies 5 (1935), 57-92, D. E. V. Worjiell has written an important study of The
Literary Tradition concerning Ilennius of Atarneus in connexion with the Didymus commentary on
Demosthenes.

B. Hasler has published a dissertation (Berlin, 1935) on Favorinus, Ilepl <l>vyrjs, and in Museum 43 (1936),
139-41, A. G. Roos has reviewed WTfstrand’s work (in EIKOTA. Lund. 1932) on this author and Plutarch.

LITERARY TEXTS

The article of De Sanctis in Riv. difil. 14 (1936), 134-52, 253-73, Atene dopo Ipso e un pnpiro fiorentino
is concerned with the fragments of a political speech published by A. Perosa in St. it.fil. class. 12 (1935), 95 II.

Zimmer mann has published three articles dealing with Romance. Fine Yermutung zum Chione-Rommi
in Hermes 71 (1936), 236—40, contains a text of eol. 3 with commentary; Die Apista des Antonios Diogenes
im Lichte des neuen Fundes, ibid., 312-19, justifies his published text ; Ein Bruchstuck aus einem historische n
Roman (P. Oxy. 1826) in Rh. Has. 85 (1936), 165-76, contains a new text, to which Hint and Roberts have
contributed, and commentary.

F. Miscellaneous

The Antinoe fragment of Juvenal (7, 149-98) has been published with two plates bv C. H. Roberts in
JEA 21 (1935), 199-209.

In Rev. it. gr. 49 (1936), 429-39, P. Collart studies the six epigrams contained in P. Heidelberg 1271
verso ( if. Crusius in Mil. R'icole. 015-24) and pronounces the author a ' \ounien fervent’. In Bgz.-nrngr.
Jahrbb. 12 (1936), 1—11, R. Keydell emends Xonnus, Dionysius Bassurika and Gigiintins (lint. Mus. Pap.
273), and other late epic fragments. In Byz.-neugr. .Jahrbb. 10 (1933). 341—5, the same scholar edits some
twenty lines from an iambic letter of Dioskoros of AphroJito.

Finally attention may be called here to H. Hep.ter’s report in Barsian 255 (1937), 65-217, on the litera-
ture relating to Hellenistic Poetry published in the years 1921-35. Callimachus not unnaturally claims a
lion s share of the article, and Herter has accomplished his task with characteristic thoroughness.

2. Religion, Magic, Astrology

A. General

Xo one interested in Egyptology or ancient religion should neglect the second edition (Oxford University
Press, 1936; St. Andrews Univ. Publications. xxxix)ot (Sir.) D'Abcy W. Thompson's Glossary of Greek Birds.
Though professedly ornithological, it continually touches on theories, old and new, ot mythological and
religious importance and contains not a little Egyptian material, e.g.. in the articles IBIE. <POIXIE. It is the
more to be regretted that it is damaged by a number of serious misprints. IV. F. J. Knight, in a highly
ingenious work, Cumaean Gates (Oxford. Blackwell. 1930), uses Egyptian evidence amongst other in support
of what seems to me a hazardous theory. 8ome articles bearing on the subject in general are that of
K. Ivekenyi in Atti del IV Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia (Milan, 1936), 27-37. Die Papyri und das
Wesen der alexandrinischen Kultur, a short but penetrating analysis of the different attitudes towards book-
learning in antiquity; that of \Y. Telfee, The Cultus of St. Gregory Thaumuturgus in Ilarr. Theol. Rev. 29
(1936), 225-344, which does not indeed treat of an Egyptian subject but shows such mastery of the metho-
dology' of hagiography that it may serve as a model to any who try to disentangle fact and legend in the
histories of the Egyptian saints; finally the long and elaborate review by H. Kees in <KIA 19X (1936).
329-39, of Sethe’s posthumous edition of the Pyramid texts and some other works on Egypt takes occasion
to say some interesting things about Sethe’s methods.

B. Cults of the Graeco-Roman Epoch

A. Parrot begins, in Rev. hist. rel. 112 (1936). 149-87, an elaborate study of the idea of icfrigerium.
While fully admitting the close connexion of such formulae as to ijn'xpw v&oip with Egypt, he believes it can
be traced yet farther, into Babylonia. M. Simon, ibid., 188-206, uses Egyptian material for part of his
research into the pagan and Christian uses of the formula ddpoei, ovdels aBdvaros. Two or three reminders
are given that the term ‘syncretism’ is not to be used too freely, nor identifications of gods, Egyptian and
other, assumed without proof, especially in non-philosopliical circles. Thus. T. A. Brady. Vnircrsity of
Missouri Studies, si, 1936, no. 3: Philological Studies in Honor of Walter Miller. 9 2(>. treating of The
Gymnasium in Ptolemaic Egypt, is emphatic in rejecting all suggestions that the Hermes and Herakles of the
dedications are other than the familiar Greek figures; but M. S. Drowep., reviewing Boak and Peterson’s
Sokopaioa Xesos and Boak’s Kaiunis, accepts readily enough ‘a composite deity . . . Zeus-Ammon -Serapis-
Helios’ {JRS 26 (1936), 116). Another review (by A. H. M. Jones, ibid.. 117. of Mono. The Buchcum, vols. n
and ra) criticizes the views of W. W. Tarn, for whose rejoinder see ibid., 136, concerning the amount of
interest in the native cults taken by Kleopatra VII (cf. CAH x, 36). E. Breccia discusses *('n 'Cronos

* An asterisk before a title signifies that the reviewer knows the work only at second-hand, generally from the
useful Bibliographic papyrologigue of the Fondation Egvptologique Reme Elisabeth, Brussels.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

Mitraico' ad Oxyrhynchos in Mel. Maspero 2, 257-64 (reviewed by M. Hombert, Chron.d’Eg. 11 (1936), 593),
and O. Kern, Zu dem neuen Mysterieneide. Archiv 12 (1936). 66-7, defends Wilcken’s restoration Ka[fUpiov
(or Ka[f3lpov) in PS I 1162, 8-9, adducing evidence for the existence of a cult of the Kabeiroi in Egypt. Of
more importance than these is the long and admirable work of C. Roberts. T. C. Skeat, and A. D. Nock,
in Harr. Theol. Her. 29 (1936), 39-89, on The Gild of Zeus Hypsistos, a publication of a late Ptolemaic text
w ith very full commentary.

C. Ruler-Cult

S. Eitrem in Sy»th. Oslo. 15-10 (1936), 111-37, continues his valuable studies Zur Apotheose. In this,
the sixth instalment, he discusses Kaiserbilder ; the work is of direct importance for Egypt as well as other
parts of the Empire. He also, in Atti del IV Congresso I nternazionale di Papirologia, 85-8 (cf. now P. Oslo
hi 77) discusses an interesting festal calendar from Tebtunis. It reckons by Roman months and contains
nothing but festivals connected with the Imperial family. Plainly it is meant for the use of officials and
their imitators, and he rightly compares it with the similar document ( feriale Duranum) from Dura-
Europos (see A. S. Hoey in Harr. Theol. Her. 30 (1937), 15-35).

D. Judaism

Considerable interest has been aroused by the publication of the venerable fragment of the LXX, Pap.
Ryl. Ok. 458. There is now available a full edition by C. H. Roberts (Tiro Biblical Papyri in the John
Hylands Libinry , Manchester Univ. Press, 1936; the other papyrus is a fragment of a testimony-book of the
fourth century, supplemented by and supplementing P. Oslo 11). In reviewing this, P. Kazt in TLZ 61
(1936). 340-1, takes occasion to remark on a rare and curious use of the subjunctive, apparently Hebraising
and confined to the LXX, which the new evidence supports. A. Yaccari, 8.J., discusses the find at some
length in lliblica 17 (1936). 501—4. In connexion with Greek versions of the Hebrew Bible. G. Bertram,
in a belated review of J. Fischer. In uelcher Schrift lag das Buck Isaias dem LXX vor? (DLZ 7 (1936),
053-8). has some interesting remarks on the methods of ancient translators. The important study of this
same subject by C. H. Dodd. The Bible and the Greeks (see JEA 22. 64; Year's Work in Classical Studies,
1935. 64, 69) seems to have met with little dissension; A. D. Nock, in reviewing it (Am. J. Phil. 57 (1936),
483-5), makes only a few small linguistic additions and corrections. Josephus’ sources are discussed by
S. Belkin in Jewish Quart. Rev. 27 (1936-7), 1-32 ; the source of c. Apionem ii is either Philon or. less likely,
Philon's source. As to Goodenough's work on Philon (JEA 22. 63). I have pointed out (JHS 56 (1936),
108-9) some weaknesses in its philology, and R. Marcus (Am. J. Phil. 57 (1936), 203-5) the author's defec-
tive knowledge of Rabbinical lure, while H. G. Marsh (J. Theol. Stud. 37 (1936), 64-80) indirectly refutes
any attempt to make pvaTypinv in any such writer refer to actual cult by pointing out that it generally has
no such connotation in Clement of Alexandria. But the general impression seems to have been favourable-
H. Ki iRTENRErTEL and A. Hohijct. Ostrakon mit griechisch-koptischem Psnlmentext. in Aeg. 15 (1935), 415-18,
publish a limestone Hake w ith Ps. cxvii. 18-19 in Greek on one side, Ps. exviii. 10-1 1 in Coptic on the other.

E. Magic

A. Dklattk, in his recent monograph Herbarius (Paris, Les Belles Lettres) treats, to use his own sub-
title, of 'le ceremonial usite cliez les aneiens pour la eueillette des simples et des plantes magiques’. It is a
most usetul little work, to Egyptologists as to others. There is a sketch, amusing and suggestive, of the
whole subject by IV. R. Dawson, The Magicians of Pharaoh, in Folk-Lore 47 (1936), 234-62. S. Eitrem has
a note in Occident and Orient (the Gaster Anniversary Volume, London, Taylor), 107-9, on pulling by the
hair, with Egyptian among other examples. J. Kroll, reviewing vol. n of Preisendanz's PMG in DLZ 57
(1936). 1185, takes occasion to correct one of that author's few mistakes (his P. vii. 260, is not a charm
against prolapsus uteri nor haswAci -pd in it the unheard-of sense 'hip'). G. W. Elderkin (Hesperia 5 (1936),
43-!)) discusses and publishes the first of a number of lead tablets found in a well in the Agora at Athens
It i-, a deuotio. the formulae of which, though doubtless from a local sorcerer, might have been written in
Egypt. Another bit of magic is dealt with by V. Stegemann, A propos de Tamulette chretienne de Bruxelles
(Chron. d'Eg. 1 1 (1936). 178-9) w ho quotes Coptic parallels for the amulet recently published by C. Preaux
(JEA 22. 63); see also *F. Z(fcker) in BZ 36 (1936), 195-6.

E. Hermetism (including Alchemy): Astrology

At last Walter Scott's huge edition of the Hermetica is completed by the issue of vol. rv (Testimonia :
Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1936). Having been edited by A. S. Ferguson, it enjoys the advantage of his

RELIGION, MAGIC, ASTROLOGY

saner scholarship. The inclusion of three excellent indices is due in part, I am informed, to a suggestion of
E. H. Blakeney, who helped in the immense task of proof-reading. The admirable treatise of .1, Read,
Prelude to Chemistry (London, Bell, 1936), deals with alchemy in general, not that ot Egypt in particular,
though the latter subject is included. \Y. Gundel has elaborately edited very interesting astrological docu-
ments in his recent work, Hermes Trismegistos. Xeue astrologische Te.de de s Hermes Trismegistos. Funde and
Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der antiken Astronomie uml Astrolngie (Abh. Munchen , 1936, Phil. -hist. Alt.,
N.F., Heft 12). 1 Though his texts are medieval Latin and French, he is able to show that their contents
descend in large part from ancient and even specifically native Egyptian sources. A brief, suggestive, and
provocative treatment of the subject is D’Arcy W. Thom fson, Astronomy in the Classics, Proceedings of the
Classical Association of Scotland, 1936, 38-111. O. Lagercranz in Synth. Oslo 14 (1935), 1-5. finds all con-
fusion in the work of ‘Moses’ on alchemy, p. 309, 8-9 Berthelot, and leaves all plain by simple and good
emendations. It is high time he, or some other qualified person, gave us a text of these strange productions,
where now diuinare non legere oportet.

G. New Testament

As was to be expected, the Unknown Gospel (JEA 22, 65) continues to arouse lively interest, and com-
plete agreement on it is not yet. The balance of opinion, however, is in favour of taking it as put together
from the Canonical Gospels. So M. Goglel, in an elaborate discussion in Her. hist. rel. 112 (1936), 42-87. 2
He adds that this makes it one of the earliest, perhaps the very earliest, testimony to the existence of the
Fourth Gospel. In agreement with him are H. Lietzmann. Xene E range! ienpapyrif in Z. next. ll'Cvs. 34
(1935), 285-93, who also discusses the fragment of St. John and the Dura Diatessaron (see below), Johannes
Behm, OLZ 39 (1936). 613-16, H. Vogels. Theologische Rerue 34 (1935), 312-15, E. Buonailti. IMigio II
(1935). 370-2, and M. Dibelius, BLZ 57 (1936). 3-11. L. Cerfaux. Paralleled canon iq ues et e.drn-cn nomques
de ‘ L’Evangile inconnu', Muscon 49 (1936), 55-77, takes the same line, agreeing with Lagrange and Gogeel
that it is best regarded as an anti-Jewish production. The same writer, discussing also the Chester Beatty
papyri, the St. John fragment, and the Dura Diatessaron, concludes that 'ces decouvertes n'ajoutent a pen
pres rien a notre materiel’ (Les recentes decouvertes de te.itcs E cangeliquts. Re me des Sciences Philosuphigiies
et Theologiques 25 (1936), 331-41). K. Fr. IV. Schmidt and J. -Jeremias. Ein Usher u nh.ka antes Erangelien-
fragment, Theologische Blatter 15 (1936), 34-45, propose some drastic textual alterations; H. I. Bell reports
on their palaeographieal possibility, ibid. 72-4. \V. G. Ivimmel in TLZ til (1936). 47 9, holds that it is not
directlv dependent on the Canonical texts ; *M. Rist, Caesar or God ' in Journ. Pel. (1936). 317-31. thinks it
may contain a pre-Marean account of that episode. *D. W. Riddle in ./. Bill. Lit. 55 (1936). 45-55, uses
it in support of his thesis that the pericope is the structural unit of a Gospel. YV. Western in Expository
Times, October 1936. 43, suggests that in line 62 to fldpos airrov doTarm’ means that the seed has perished
and so weighs nothing. C. H. Dodd. The Fete Gospel Fragments' {Bull. J . Ryl. Lib. 26 (1936). ;>6— 96), is
thoroughly judicious in his handling of this and other new documents. The liturgical fragment published
in the same volume as the Unknown Gospel is reviewed by (A. Felice). Ephcmerides Lituryicae. 1936. 46-50.

The new fragment of the Fourth Gospel (JEA 22. 65). small though it is (the separate publication now
reprinted almost verbatim in Bull. J. Ryl. Lib. 20 (1936). 45-56), is important as giving a hard blow to the
foolish theory that that Gospel is of later origin than about the end of the first century. Besides some short
accounts, originallv from various newspapers, by C. H. Dodd and Deissmann, dealing with the discovery
{ibid., 4-9), I notice *G. Ghedint in La Scuola Cattolira 64 (1936). 11 pin nntico Codice del IV Yangelo. and. in
Thought, 1936. 273-85, *\V. J. McGarry. whose article, however, is mostly concerned with the documents
mentioned in the next paragraph; H. I. Bell in JLA 21. 266—7.

The great Beatty-Michigan papyrus (as it is now generally called) of the Pauline corpus has been pub-
lished in the fullest form possible, unless some lucky find should put us in possession of the missing leaves, as
fase. in Suppl. of the Chester Beatty Papyri, a combination of (use. hi and the portions published by H. A.
Sanders (JEA 22, 65), in all 86 leaves of the original 104. Although about a century earlier than the great
uncials, it is seen not to differ from them in any sensational or radical manner. On the whole it is an Alex-
andrian text. SirF. G. Kenyon (Am. J. Phil. 57 (1936), 91-5, in a review of Sanders’s edition) suggests that
its placing of the doxologv at the end ot chap. 15, not 16. of Rom. is due to lectionary influence. Other
reviews or mentions are those of S. Colombo in Riv. di Fil . 14 ( 1936). 38 7 -96, E. C . Colw ell in Journ . Rel.
16 (1936), 96-8, *Iv. W. Clark in J. Bill. Lit. 55 (1936), and H. G. Oi-itz in DLZ 57 (1936). 391-5. In the

1 Reviewed by me in JUS 56 (1936), 262. 2 Includes full reprint of the text.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

same series have appeared photographic reproductions of fasc. m and fasc. rv (respectively papyri of Rev.
and Gen.).

A recent article in Han-. Theol. Rev. 29 (193ti), 345-52, by R. V. G. Tasker, The Chester Beatty Papyrus
and the Caesarian Text of Luke, gives occasion to mention, somewhat belatedly, the very full discussion by
Teofilo Aviso of the ‘Caesarean’ text (cf. .JEA 22, 66), in Biblica 16 (1935), 369-415, £ Texto Cesariense o
precesarit use ' in which he maintains that the text in question was very old, belonged originally to central
Egypt, and, as we have traces of it now, shows indeed the hand of Origen, but only as an ‘elemento reeen-
sional’. Also in Biblica 17 (1936). 234-41, A. Merk, S.J., reviewing the Dura Diatessaron (JEA 22, 65),
somewhat inclines to suppose that it had a Syriac original. A fundamental question, the historical value of
the Apostolic writers, is illustrated by K. S. Gapp in Harr. Theol. Rev. 28 (1935), 258-65, The Universal
Famine under Claudius. 1 He produces evidence to show that there was, not a famine in the sense of a general
failure of crops, but a decided caritas annonae, which he holds is what ancient writers generally mean by
famine, owing to successive failures of the Egyptian and the Syrian harvest in 45 and 46 respectively. T ito
e Pensiero. 1930, S3-6, has a short article by *A. C'alderini. 11 Vangeli e la papirologia.

The very elaborate new edition of the XT now in progress under the general editorship of S. C. E. Legg
(M ark has so far appeared from the Clarendon Press) comes in for frank and constructive criticism as well
as praise from H. Lietzmaxn in Z. neut. H iss. 35 (1936), 310-12 and J. M. Creed in ./. Theol. Stud. 37
(1936). 299-301; E. C. Colwell, Journ. Rel. 16 (1936), 234-6, thinks the result not proportionate to the
labour expended.

H. Christianity and Christian Heresies

A. D. Xock, in a long review of H. Jonas’s Gnosis (see JEA 22, 66). in Gnomon 12 (1936), 605-12, gives
an interesting sketch of w hat yruiois was. Elsewhere (Am. Journ. Phil. 57 (1936), 108-9), reviewing Polotsky,
Manichaisehe Hnndschriften, he stresses the importance of these fundamental documents. A. Softer,
•7. Theol. Stud. 37 (1936), 80, compares the mysterious Zatchlas of Apuleius, Met., ii, 28, with the Saclas
who, according to Ambrosiaster ( = pseudo-Augustine, quaest. net. et nou. test, cxxvii), 3, 1, p. 21 of his edition,
was reputed by the Manichaeans to have made the world.

3. Publications of Non-Literary Texts

A. General

The publication of the year is undoubtedly the third volume of the Michigan papyri, Papyri in the
l niversity of Michigan Collection, vol. m ( = University of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series, vol. XL),
edited by John Garrett Winter, xviii + 390 pp., 7 pis. Univ. of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1936. S5.00.
The task of editing the texts has been divided up among various members of the Faculty of Classics and
students in the papvrologieal seminary, the chief contributors being A. E. R. Boak, F. E. Robbins, H. A.
Sanders. \ . B. Schu.man, and the editor himself, while smaller shares have fallen to Campbell Bonner,
M. F. MacGregor, and 0. M. Pearl. Though not included among the contributors, H. C. Yoittie’s valuable
aid is acknowledged in the Preface. In the wide range of interests and complete mastery of the technique
of editing which the volume displays, it rivals the most noteworthy of the Oxyrhynchus series, and alto-
gether may be described as a landmark in the history of American papyrologv.

The Biblical, classical, mathematical, astrological, and magical papyri (nos. 131-56) must be left to other
sections. Among those which concern us (nos. 157-221), the following may be noticed, a dagger beino-
placed before those already published: fl57-8, libelli, of the Deeian persecution. -fl59 (a.d. 41-68), Latin
decision in case of intestate inheritance. +162 (late 2nd cent,), Latin list of soldiers, with dates of enlistment.
+ 165 (3rd cent.), similar list; a new reading by Sanders gives a new Prefect [ ? Yict]orinus, in a.d. 234.
Honoratianus, « ho was previously supposed to have held office continuously from 231-6, must therefore
have served two separate terms, like Aur. Basileus a few years later. +165 (a.d. 236), bilingual request for
a guardian. +166, 167, fl68, +169. birth certificates, with revised texts of two more in the Cairo Museum;
the problem of expanding the abbreviations is exhaustively discussed. 170-2 (a.d. 49-62), apprenticeship
documents, from Oxyrhynchus. 173, petition to Antaios, epistates of Philadelphia; since BGU 1012, a
similar petition, is now securely dated to the reign of Philometor (P. Teb. 779 introd.), the 12th year here
mentioned must be 170-169, and the petition may well have been written during the first invasion of
Antiochus. 174 (a.d. 14.5-7), a tine petition to the Prefect. 176-9 (a.d. 91-119), census declarations. 179-81

1 The reference is to Acts xi. 27-30.

PUBLICATIONS OF N ON -LITERARY TEXTS

(a.d. 64-131), property returns. 182, 183, 193, 200 belong, with two unpublished Columbia papyri, to the
archive of an 'agricultural firm’ at Philadelphia, in the last years of Epiphanes and early years of Philometor ;
a remarkable fact is the occurrence in 182 (182 B.c.) of the phrase, well known in later papyri, apyvplov tov
T rakaiov IlToXefiaiiKov vofj.iap.aTos. 184-99, miscellaneous contracts, mostly of the late first or early second
century and exceptionally well preserved. 201-21, private correspondence, including: j203 (temp. Trajan),
letter from a soldier at Pselkis. 206, 209, letters, the first probably, the second certainly, relating to the
family which appears in P. Lond. Inv. 2102 = SB 6263 ; 209, though not by the same person as the London
letter, is written in the same sentimental style, e.g. (11. 11-13), oUas yap, dSeXfie, Orel ov povov tus aSeA^ior
ae eyoj, dXXd xal tus irarepa xal nvpwv Kal deov. t214-t 221, the letters of Paniskos. Of capital importance
is the demonstration, in the introduction to 220, that (a) the epanorthotes Ac-hilleus is not the same person
as the usurper L. Domitius Domitianus, and (b) the title epanorthotes does not denote a usurper or ‘dictator ",
but an extraordinary civil official subordinate to the existing emperor. 1 Proof of this is furnished by another
Michigan papyrus (shortly to be published by Boak) of which an extract is quoted: (at the end of a petition)

. . . 7re.pl ov avaStSaa kiv to peyedos tov hiaa-gpordTov erravopdtoTou AitpyXlov XlyiXXeoJS xtX. . . . (erovs) f> ro[v
K\vplov Tjpdjv Aovklov do/iiTT[iou] ilofiiTTiavov Pefiaorov, Quid tj.

A small collection of papyri, bought in 1922-3 by Rendel H arris and presented to Woodbrooke College.
Birmingham, has been edited by J. Exgch Powell, of Trinity College, Cambridge: The liendel Harris
Papyri, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1936, xii+134 pp., 5 pis. 15s. Xos. 1-00 are literary: the documents
(61-165) are with one exception Roman and Byzantine, and they include a number of interesting pieces.
The solitary Ptolemaic document (61, between 176 and 170 b.c.) is a fragmentary -piorayp a of Philometor
ordering a registration of slaves. 62 (a.d. 151) concerns the advertising of runaway slaves, but is also inter-
esting from the mention of a strategus 'Otlaews ? X<yi[<5r. which confirms the supposition that the Little Oasis
was an independent nome of the Hcptanomia (sec JEA 21, S4). 2 64, a transfer of the (liturgical) office of
phylarch, together with the attached aaXapwv (!), is also noteworthy; 3 the date presents a problem. 4 But
easily the most remarkable piece is 107, a Christian letter the beginning of which may be quoted here:

TLfiiajTaTri pov prjTpl | Mapla Bp a dp | ev Becui ttXIoto. yalpeiv. [ apo fi£v Trdvrutv euycu-|ua: Top srarpl deutt TTjs dAr; -
6eias xal rat TrapaxXrjTw [ irvevpaTt os ae biatftvXa- j cotou’ saji ) ra re 4tvxyv xa L [ aatpa xal Trvevpa, rat per i oujpaTL
viyiav (1. vytelav), rot be TTtev- paTt evdvpLav, rfj be C<°V 1 ' aluiviov.

The decipherment of the more straightforward pieces may be thoroughly relied upon, and the comments,
though rather brief, bring out the important features, while the method of presentation and typography are
alike excellent. But there are rather a number of obviously impossible readings and unsolved difficulties,
and some pieces (e.g. 62) need drastic revision.

The second volume of the Princeton papyri has appeared, in a larger format than its predecessor:
Edahixd Harris Kase, Jr., Papyri in the Princeton University Collections, vol. n ( = Princeton Univ. Studies
in Papyrology, ed. Allan Chester Johnson, vol. i). Princeton Univ. Press. 1936. xi--130 pp., 10 pis. 83.
The texts (nos. 15-107) are numbered on from vol. i. 15 is a fragment of the Epistle of James, while the
remainder are documents, some already published in various periodicals. The following may be noticed
here: 21 (a.d. 236—7), emanating from a oTparyyos t rjs ’AXHavSpewv x‘l>pas. 24 (a.d. 21). d-noypai-q of sheep
and goats, the earliest of its type. 26 ( c . a.d. 154), skipper's receipt, closely resembling, and perhaps by the
same hand as, P. Warren 5. 29 (a.d. 258), report to the strategus by a man whose brother had been injured
by falling off a house-roof while both were living away from their home at Philadelphia bid ryv yevopevyv . . .
tujv AifSvutv eVeAfcCTijy. 5 6 38 (c. a.d. 264), a translation of a Roman will, fragmentary but valuable lor restoring
parallel documents. 96, a long account from the Apion archive. 102, a good Christian letter oi condolence."
The reading and interpretation of the texts is of a consistently high standard, and Mr. Kase deserves our
thanks for an interesting and valuable edition.

A third volume of Oslo papyri has been published, and the preface indicates that yet another may be

1 Cf. the epanorthotes Theodoros in P.SI 1047.

2 Cf. also P. Harris 147, 1-3, where t]1]v ypa<J>ei\aav emoToXip’ tta[pd tov beivos OTpaTyyov 'Ojboto.s j ’ Err r a XXopwv
should probably be read.

3 In 11. 17-18 TrpooKaptvmv looks like a misreading of TrpoaeSpevotv (i.e. -ear).

4 The 20th year in 1. 6 would naturally be referred to Caracalla (a.d. 211-12). were it not that the parties are
Aurelii ; can x be a misreading for j3 ?

5 I feel rather doubtful of some of the editor's supplements; in 1. 5 perhaps cp.(ov kcu'!. removing the stop from
1. 7 to 1. 10 (after eVc'A evatv) ; in 11. 12-13 possibly ijs [eyei or ey<u] ev rt; ainfj \ Ko)fir\ ol\_xias I6l]as.

6 LI. 10-11 of this should no doubt be read Si? (i.e. Sets) be to avDpunrivov tjtepe t v .

90 BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

expected. S. Eitrem and Leiv Amundsen, Papyri Osloenses, fasc. m. Oslo, Norske Videnskaps-Akademi,
1936. xi- 326 pp., 12 pis. in separate album. Kr. 50.00. Nos. 65-76 are literary ; of the documents (77-200),
for which Amundsen is primarily responsible and which nearly all belong to the Roman period, the follow-
ing may be noticed: 77, Calendar (temp. Marcus Aurelius) of festivals of the Imperial cult. 78, another copy
of the edict of Hadrian alleviating taxation, very fragmentary but giving us a practically complete text.
83 (c. a.d. 300), interesting monetary problems, studied in a separate article by Heichelheim (see below).
85 (a.d. 273), letter from the prytanis of Oxyrhynehus about a forthcoming celebration of the Capitolian
games. SS (late 4th cent.), dealing with the collection of taxes and giving an equation of 1 solidus = 2,250
myriads. 93 (a.d. 212). a declaration on oath to the strategus 'Odaeuis (f&rrd) vo(pwv ), 1 corroborating the
evidence of P. Harris 62 and 147 discussed above (the editors' note here needs revision). Ill (a.d. 235), a
long roll containing a house-by-house register of all "free men and freed men' in various quarters of Oxyrhyn-
chus. 123 (a.d. 22), petition to Dionysodoros, arp. ' ApatvoL-rov, about an assault at Euhemeria, supporting
Preisigke's contention that in the early first century a.d. there was one supreme strategus for the whole
Arsinoites, with, perhaps, subordinate strategi in the merides (the evidence of P. Graux 1 should have been
adduced). 129 (3rd cent.) gives a new deme-name of Antinoopolis, Movcrqyeruos. but the phyle is unfortu-
nately lost. 149 has an interesting dating-clause, L£ Upov Nepuivos ktX. The editors, taking Upov as qualify-
ing eToi-s-, interpret it as 'a sort of sabbatical year’; but an ostraeon quoted by Tait, Greek Ostr., p. 123,
begins Li; Upov Nepun-os, so the epithet probably applies to Nero after all; see also PSI 1132, 1.

The names of the editors are sufficient guarantee for the high quality of the work, and they have shown
great perseverance in handling some, on the whole, rather unresponsive material; the commentaries, as
w as to be expected, are particularly strong on the philological side. At the end (pp. 273-80) is a valuable
collection of corrigenda to P. Oslo i-m.

A summary catalogue of hitherto unpublished papyri in Strasbourg is being published under the super-
vision of P. Collomp. The numeration continues that of Preisigke, and so far four instalments have
appeared, in the Bulletin cle la Fuculte lies Lettres de Strasbourg, 14 (1935-6), 60-3; ibid., 170-2 ; ibid., 226-9 ;
15 (1936-7), 58-60. Only the texts, with the briefest of notes, are given; all are Roman or Byzantine, and
are of more or less familiar types; a letter from Antoninus Pius to the city of Antinoopolis (no. 131) consists,
alas, of virtually nothing more than the prescript.

Xaphtali Lewis has published, with brief commentaries, 26 ostraca in the Cairo Museum, in Et. de
Pup. 3, 93-111, 1 pi. They are mostly of usual types, ranging in date from 160 b.c . 2 to about the third
century. No. 8 contains two successive receipts for yewperpia, the first dated LS 'A6i>p 3 (of Titus), the second
La JopmamC, <Pap(ei‘ <hd) iT. Thus news of the death of Titus on Sept. 13, 81 did not reach Edfu until some
date between Nov. 5, 81 and March 11, 82. 3

G. Rosenberger, P. Ianda vi (.JEA 21, 84). has been reviewed by F. Zucker, DLZ 56 (1935), 320-2;
M. Engers, Museum 43 (1935-6), 62-3 (lexicographical notes); C. AY. Keyes, Cl. Phil. 31 (1936), 1S6.

L’. Wilcken. P. AYurzb. ( JEA 21, 84) is reviewed by H. I. Bell in Mizraim 2, 76-7 (on meaning of
Sgpoaios Aoyo? under the Arabs).

C. Pkeaux, 0. AYilb.-Brk. ( JEA 22, 67-8), is reviewed by K. Fr. AY. Schmidt, Phil. 11 'och. 56 (1936), 9-13
(important ; joins issue w ith P. on the Xaoypa<f<la question). Some interesting general reflections on taxation
are to be found in reviews by E. Bickermann, Her. de phil. 10 (1936), 375-6, and G. Patroni, Boll. Jil.
class. 7 (1935-6), 151-3. I have not seen N. Hohlwein’s review in L'Antiquite classique 5 (1936), 226-7.

L. Amundsen, O. Mich., Part I (JEA 22, 68), has been reviewed by B. Olsson, DLZ 57 (1936), 575-6
(philological). K. Fr. AY. Schmidt, Phil. I Yoch. 56 (1936), 714-18 (many notes, chiefly on proper names),
and J. 0. M[ilne], JUS 56 (1936), 97 (correction to O. Mich. 157).

G. Manteufiel. P. A'arsov. (JEA 22, 68). has been reviewed by AA'. Schcbart, Gnomon 12 (1936), 425-9
(important corrections to nos. 10 and 12, checked on the original by Manteuffel; a revised text of 12 is
printed), and V. Wilcken, Archie 12 (1936), 94-7 (many corrections, taking note of those proposed by
Schubart and Bell).

A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar, Select Papyri, vol. I (JEA 19, 74), is reviewed by C. J. Kraemer, Cl. Journ.
31 (1936), 450-1 (some minor corrections).

M. HorFMANN's Ant ike Briefe (JEA 22, 6S) is reviewed by H. Kortenbeutel in Gnomon 12 (1936),
559-60 (good description), and by H. Ostern, Humanistisches Gymnasium 47 (1936), 110 (not seen).

1 Better so. at this date, than the editors’ (' Eina)vol plas).

- Xo. 1 dates from the reign of Philometor; r/., e.g.. Tait, <>. Bodl. 156, and correct the readings accordingly.

3 Cf. also the case of Tacitus, referred to p. 92 n. 1 below.

PUBLICATIONS OF N ON -LITERARY TEXTS

E. J. Goodspeed and E. C. Colwell, .4 Greek Papyrus Reader ( -JEA 22, 68) has been reviewed, on the
whole appreciatively, by P. Collomp, Rev. et. anc. 38 (1936), 238-9; A. M. Perrv, J. Rel. 16 (1936). 240;
H. I. Bell, Cl. Rev. 50 (1936). 148-9; C. H. Roberts, J. Theol. Stud. 37 (1936). 417 ; and in Ejp. Tunes.
July 1936, 445-6.

B. Ptolemaic

Gertrude Malz, Another Zenon Papyrus at the University of Wisconsin. A.J A 39 (1936), 373-7. publishes
a papyrus which proves to be the lower part of P. Cair. Zen. 59328, an account of floats leased from Zenon
by Hermias. (_'. Preaux. in a review (Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936), 558-9), quotes an unpublished BAT. papyrus
(P. Lond. Inv. 2084) which shows that the usurious interest exacted by Zenon had its natural result in the
flight of the goatherds.

C. C. Edgar, P. Mich. Zen. ( JEA 17, 125) has been reviewed by E. Kiessling in DLZ 7 (1936). 1004-6.

W. Schubart has re-examined the Dikaiomata (P. Hal. 1) and gives a brilliant reconstruction ot the law-
suit in respect of which the collection was made. Causa Halensis. Archie 12 (1936). 27-39.

C. Preaux, Note sur le de-stinataire du rnandement P. Tebtunis 703, Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936). 163-9,
challenges E. Berneker’s contention that it was addressed to the strategus, pointing out that the papyri
he quotes in evidence date from the second century b.c.

T. C. Skeat, The Epistrategus Hippalos, Archie 12 (1936). 40-3, shows that he was the addressee of
P. Teb. 77S.

Colin Roberts, Theodore C'. Skeat. and Arthur Darby Nock. The Gild of Zeus Ilypsistus. in Hare.
Theol. Rev. 29 (1936). 39-88, with pi., publish P. Lond. Inv. 2710, the foundation-statute (topos) ol a local
club, probably at Philadelphia, and dating from the reign of Ptolemy Auletes. Text and commentary
are followed by an elaborate discussion (by Nock), on the title Hvpsistos and on such clubs in general.
Reviewed by C'. Preaux. Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936). 559-61.

W. Schubart and D. Schafer. BGU viii (JEA 20, SO) has received an important review in Gnomon 12
(1936), 476-85, from F. Zucker, who gives a penetrating analysis of the contents with a wealth of comment
in detail.

G. Maxteuffel is said to have published three Ptolemaic- ostraea in Pr'.eglqd Historyczny 13 (1936),
385-93, with 2 pis., but this is not yet accessible to me.

C. Roman

U. Wilckex’s long-projected edition of the Bremen papyri has seen the light, rich with the fruits of
many years’ study of the texts. Die Bremer Papyri (Abh. Berlin. 1936. phil.-hist. Kl. nr. 2). Berlin. \\ . de
Gruyter, 1936. 178 pp., 1 pi. RAI. 11.50. With two insignificant exceptions, the entire collection comes
from the archive of Apollonios, strategus of Heptakomia ; it was bought practically en bloc in 1902 b\ the
Papyruskartell and divided between Bremen and Giessen. Several of the more important papyri, such as
those referring to the Jewish rebellion in 1 15-17. have already been edited by \\ ilckex in the ( hrestomathie
and elsewhere, but even so the editor rarely fails, by some novelty of reading or interpretation, to throw-
fresh light on the texts. Among those entirely new are: 5. a letter of recommendation from a Roman.
Faberius Mundus. of considerable palaeographical interest. In itself a line specimen of the 'Chancery
hand’, it has an autograph valediction in a hand strongly influenced by Latin cursive. 6. another letter ot
recommendation, brief but elegantly phrased, from Flavius Philoxenus. epistrategus of the Thebaid. L>,
interesting letter from an architect supervising some building operations for Apollonios in his native town
of Hermopolis. 29 is identified as the missing conclusion ot P. Ryl. 82. 43. account ot taxes in kind le\ud
on the Apollinopolite nome. the total in a.d. 118-19 being the huge sum ot 90.000 artabas of wheat. 48,
another fine letter from Herodes the architect w hile on a visit to Alexandria, concluding apologetically that
he had been too tired by the journey to visit the Serapeum to pray for his correspondent, but would do so
the next day. All these and the other letters which make up so large a part of the volume are exceptionally
interesting as specimens of the epistolography ot the educated Greek class.

O. W. Reixmuth. Two Prefectural Edicts concerning the Publicam. Cl. Phil. 31 (1936). 146-62. publishes
two fragmentary edicts denouncing their unjust exactions of tolls (now republished as P. I rinccton li, -0 a
and b).

T. C. Skeat and E. P. Wegener. A Trial before the Prefect of Egypt Appin.s Sabinas, c. Aid .i n . JEA 21
(1935), 224-47, with pi., edit an extensive papyrus in the British Museum (Inv. 2565) recording the appeal
of certain villagers claiming to have been illegally elected to the office ot cosmetes. Though defective at the

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

beginning and disfigured by serious lacunae, it gives some new information about the liturgical system and
the nomination of local magistrates.

The remarkable letter from one Theon to a 'comrade' and philosopher Heraclides, announcing the dis-
patch of certain books, edited by A. Voguaxo in the new volume of Milan papyri (JEA 22, 68) is discussed
by U. Wilckex, Archiv 12 (1936), 80-1. Theon Wilckex regards as an Alexandrian bookseller, iyp(d<jn])
eV ’AAef , referring not to the letter but the books themselves ; on the second point he is obviously right,
but I do not feel that the tone of the letter, still less the use of iralpun to a supposed client, suits a business
man. In reviewing P. Jouguet's edition of a cession of catoecic land in the same volume, Wilckex comments
on the new details of the processes of registration furnished by the papyrus (Ibid., 81-2).

The selection Da Papiri della Societd Italiana published by pupils of Norsa and Yitelli in St. it.fil. class.
12 ( JEA 22, 62) is reviewed by U. Wilckex, Archiv 12 (1936), 78-9. He demonstrates that the will edited
by A. Pekosa is really a copy enclosed in an application to some official by the granddaughter of the
testatrix ; the second document, the application to the eVcnjpTjTi); fei'ueijs irpaKropelas edited by Cl. Schofflich.
he elucidates by referring to the parallel documents, especially P. Meyer 48. C. Preaux, reviewing the
publication in Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936), 562-3. rather over-stresses the novelty of the second document for
our knowledge of the process of execution.

The other similarly entitled selection in Aeg. 15 (1935), 207-29 ( JEA 22, 69), is also minutely discussed
by Wilckex, Archiv 12 (1936). 85-91. Among his masterly comments may be noted that on the irebiaKov
eiruiptaeais, the official register drawn up on the basis of the <car’ oikIclv dir oy penpal. Also reviewed by
C. Preaux, Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936), 174-5.

Perhaps the most remarkable item in this section, however, is not a new publication, but PSI xi 1183
as interpreted by Wilckex. Archiv 12 (1936), 75-7. He convincingly shows that this is the first specimen
to come to light of a return for the Roman census. He stresses the exact correspondence between the details
here recorded and those required by Ulpian for Roman census-returns, and aptly observes that all the
previously known returns are from non-Romans. Wilckex also thinks that the Roman census was held
simultaneously with that of the native population, though as the date of PSI 1183 is unfortunately lost this
cannot yet be proved.

P. Collomp, Cn bail de troupeau, Mil. Musp. 2, 335—44, with plate, publishes a lease in Strasbourg of
an 'immortal’ flock (add.va.Tos), a type of contract for which another Strasbourg papyrus (no. 30) has hitherto
been the chief authority. The various points in the document, which is dated in Choiak of the first year of
Claudius II (268 or 269 i), are carefully discussed ; other papyri in Strasbourg are used to trace the history
of the flock over a considerable period.

A. C’alderixi and Lydia Baxdi, Dai papiri della Raccolta Milanese (JEA 22, 69) is reviewed by
U. Wilckex, Archiv 12 (1936), 91-2.

A. E. R. Boak, A Petition addressed to ApoUonios, Strategos of Heptakomia (JEA, ibid.) is reviewed by
U. Wilckex, Archiv 12 (1936), 84 (pointing out that the papyrus might date from the end of 119, when
Haterius Xepos, as is shown by P. Berk Leihg. 10, was already in office), and C. Preaux, Chron. d'Eg. 11
(1936), 177 (suggesting IJaralKios for ClanaiKios in 1. 5).

C. W. Keyes, Four Private Letters from the Columbia Papyri (JEA, ibid.) is reviewed by U. Wilckex,
Archiv 12 (1936), 82—4, who touches on some interesting points of diplomatic; in connexion with the use
of e’x opeva as an adverb with the genitive, attention may here be drawn to the curious word exdvopa (J. G.
Wixter, Life and Letters in the Papyri. 61 ; G. Rosexberger, Gnomon 10 (1934), 43), which is perhaps best
regarded as a perversion of ix°t ieva -

Most of the reviews of A. E. R. Boar, Soknopaioa Xesos (JEA 22, 69), deal with the archaeology rather
than the customs receipts, and are accordingly left over to § 10 below ; an exception is that by C. B. Welles,
who in AJA 40 (1936). 2S5-8, makes some important comments. In particular, he points out that in nos. 1-3
Boak's unconvincing reading eV ai> (mAui) 5ev. a fl is to be corrected to eiray(opei'<ov) S evrepa, /?, the receipts
being issued eight days in advance of the date for which they were required (Thoth o). 1 He also notes that
yinyrg sal eiY(d3i), kP, must be the true reading at the end of no. 11.

A. B. Schwarz’s note Turn Papyrus Oslotnsis 40 (Symb. Oslo. 14 (1935), 77-81) is dealt with under
§§ 6 and 8.

It is impossible to describe in detail here the rich store of material from Dura presented bv C. Bradford
Welles, Mon-literary Parchments and Papyri, in Excavations at Dura-Europo.s, Report of Sixth Season
(7932—3.3) (Yale Univ. Press, 1936), 419-38, with plates of D. Perg. 21 and 22. This admirably succinct
1 Welles, by a slip, speaks of 'the second of the three intercalarv days’.

PUBLICATIONS OF NON-LITER ARY TEXTS

catalogue is literally packed with information of the highest interest to all students of papyrologv. To give
some idea of the contents, no. 1 is a double contract before the paaiXtKov hiKatjTqpiov (87 a.d., when Dura
was under Parthian rule), by which a creditor returns as a gift property seized from an insolvent debtor
who had already performed avavctuois of the original deed of loan, followed bv a cession (l/ccr-am?) of her
property executed before the same Royal Court. Welles's discussion of these two terms is of capital impor-
tance, especially in view of the new light now thrown on the famous D. Perg. 10 ; the much-disputed hypothec
in that document is illuminated by the second text here published. No. 7, a dissolution of an ay pathos ydfxos ,
no. 9, a soldier s contract of marriage, and no. 10, a sale of a slave, in Syriac, are perhaps the most important
of the remaining pieces, but the editor’s masterly comments draw new history even from the most unpromis-
ing scraps.

D. Roman -Byzantine

A fifth volume of P. Ross.-Georg. has appeared, containing various documents left over from earlier
fascicules, but not the ostraca and mummy-tickets, the publication of which is reserved for a sixth and final
volume. In spite of its miscellaneous character, the present volume includes a surprisingly large number of
interesting pieces, and all are edited with the same scrupulous care and deep insight w hicli have marked its
predecessors. Papyri russischer und georgischer Sammlungen, hernusgegeben con Gregor Zereteli: fasc. V,
Varia. Bearbeitet con G. Zereteli und P. Jep.nstedt. Titlis. 1935. ii — 2S0 pp. Xos. 1-3 are literary. 3-12
private letters, no. (i being, as the editor has acutely observed, the top half of P. land. 13. Among docu-
ments of the first three centuries (nos. 13-26) are several references to the Apis cult, viz. nos. 1.3-10. receipts
given by various attendants on the Apis, designated leporidyvoi , iepotarpoi. and iepot, at povpyoi ('brewers
of the sacred broth’), to the Sypomoi Tpa-n-e^lra i of the Memphite nome. for their own salaries and ‘expenses
of the God' ; and no. 19. receipt for I ToraSej for sacrifices to Apis. Xo. 18, an extract of proceedings before
the Prefect Juncinus (a.d. 213). is of great interest in that the observations of the Prefect are introduced
by the formula Iuncinus d(ixit), in Latin, a practice hitherto supposed to be an innovation of Diocletian. 20 is
the heading of a poll-tax register dated a.d. 223 — a good example of the continued existence of the poll-
tax after the Const. Ant. 22 shows that the praenomen of the Prefect Valerius i'irmus (a.d. 245-9) was
Gaius, not Claudius, so any connexion with the Epanorthotes Claudius Firinus is now definitely out of the
question; C(aio), not [C]l(avdio) should be read in P. Oxy. 720, 1. Xo. 27 is a bilingual tablet of an
unparalleled type, but hopelessly defective, while the remaining pieces (27-73) are contracts, receipts,
accounts, lists, etc., mostly of the Byzantine period. U. Wilcken's review, in Archie 12 (1936), 98-102,
which naturally pays special attention to the Apis documents, includes some corrected readings from copies
made by him self during a pre-War visit to Leninurad.

Miss E. P. Wegener has edited Four Papyri of the Bodleian Library in Mnemosyne 3 (1936). 232-9. with
pi. (of no. II). They are: I. application for lease of land, 1'ayyum, a.d. 225; in the usual vrropty pa form, but
in place of the autograph subscription of approval by the lessor, it has only her name and sigmihment. in
the same hand as the body of the document (cf. now P. Mich. 184). II. lease, Panopolis, a.d. 330, in a difficult
cursive and very condensed phraseology. III. receipt for price of cummin paid in advance, a.d. 320 ( ?).
TV (6th-7th cent.) the most novel, though least easy of interpretation, seems to be addressed to a guild of
e’Aaicmparai by a member who wished to trade 'on his own', offering (as compensation '!) 300 myriads monthly
vTrep Xoyov iy[y]aplov and 250 yearly v-ep reXcoi lov.

E. Visser, Briefe and Vrkunden aus der Berliner Papyrussa mm! it ng (JEA 22, 69) is reviewed by
U. Wilcken, Archil' 12 (1936), 92-3. making some corrections in the difficult P. 10010. 1 2 In the curious phrase
pvyoByn on wfioods pot Kara rys nvpias Beds oou xat ri js aperijs II ILCKEN interprets apery as the goddess rather
than the Yirtus Augusti.

E. Byzantine

In Ft. de Pap. 3 (1936). 1-45, A. E. R. Boak continues his publication of the archives of Aurelius Isidores
of Karanis, Early Byzantine Papyri from the Cairo Museum, nos. 8—20. Xos. 8-11 are declarations of land
made for the census of a.d. 297," followed by revised editions of P . Ihead. 54—5, w hich are similar returns,
authenticated by the identical surveyors and iuratores who appear in the Karanis documents. Xo. 12 is an
interesting declaration, parallel to P. Strassb. 42, of persons classified as vrroreXys and dreXys respectively,
and Boak plausibly suggests that these returns were made for assessing the capitaiio humana introduced

1 Incidentally, in P. 13362 Verso 4, read epuiryaov Te<t>ipvyv for epenryaovre <f*pv yv. continuing re pi. rov viov ktX.

2 Boar’s interpretation of the w ord \ujpia in these returns as crasis of cat opia is not very satisfactory ; I prefer
to treat it as simply ympia, governed by KCKryoBai, ra per pa being the object of perpyuavron 1 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

by Diocletian. The rest are leases of land or rent receipts. 1 with the exception of no. 15, in which Aur.
Potion contracts to undertake forced labour on the River of Trajan in place of Aur. Peras, who had originally
been impressed for the purpose (a.i>. 297).'

X. Lewis, Mummy-ticket* from Achm'.m-Panopolis, Mizraim 2 (1936). 70-2, begins an account of two
groups of mummy-tickets in Strasbourg, mostly published in the Sammelbuch. but in a very contused fashion,
the same ticket sometimes appearing twice over; the only text in the present instalment is in Coptic.

F. Heichelhelm's note Zu Pap. Osl. S3 (Symb. Oslo. 14 (1935). 82-5) is of purely numismatic interest.

C’. H. Roberts. Tiro Letters of the Byzantine Period (-JEA 22, 70) is reviewed at length by C. Pbeaux,
Citron. d'Eg. 11 (1936). 565-6, who makes some attractive suggestions for the interpretation of the first
letter.

At Prof. K. Kalbeleisch's suggestion I gladly draw attention here to the discussion of the phrase
’.48pcia[i<Si] Kal ’Afunatww in P. land. vi. 99 by Karl Muller, Die Ep'ujrumme ties Antiphilos von Byzanz
(Sene Deutsche Forschuntjen. Alt. E lass. Philologie. Bd. 47), Berlin, 1935. pp. 53-5, apropos of Anth. Pal.
vi. 257. 2. Muller prints a long note by Kalbfleisch suggesting that these were ‘types' of wine rather
than actual imports, and referring to receipts for ‘making’ Aminnaean wine. The olras ’A&piavos got its name
from Haclria in Pieenum (mod. Atri). not from Hadria, the Adriatic, nor yet Hadria in Vcnetia.

4. Political History, Biography, Administration, Topography, Chronology

A. General

In Aevurn 9 (1935), 137-87 0. Giannelli summarizes literature published between 1923 and 1930 on
the Hellenistic age. .See. with reference to Egypt, esp. 147 If.. 161 If. In Archn - 12 (1936), 1-26 W. Schubart
writes on Das hdlemstische Konigsideal nach Insch/iften and Papyri. Paola Zancan's interesting study of
the fundamental ideas of the Hellenistic kingdoms. II monurcuto ellenistico nei sitoi dementi federativi , is
very favourably reviewed by W. Sciiubart, Gnomon 11 (1935), 513-18; also by J. Hatzfeld. Per. de phil.
10 (1936). 370-1 (summarizing). Tn. Lexschac. Phil. Woch. 50 (1936). 795-7 (somewhat critical). E. Bicker-
maxx. Her. it. one. 38 (1936), 94-0, Piero Treves, Suoia Fiivistn storira 19 (1935), 399—101 (strongly
critical). Fit. Miltner. Khv 29 (1936), 134-5 (favourable, but dissenting on some points).

B. Political History

W . Ivolbe, in a Freiburg lecture. Die II dtreich-sidee Alexanders des Grosser (Freiburger Wissenschaftliche
Gcsellsehait, Bd. 25; Freiburg 1 . Br.. 1936. 24 pp.) stresses the non-national character of Alexander's 'ideo-
logy . G. de Sanctis, lliv. di fit. 14 (1936), 134-52. 253-73. Atene dopo Ipso e un papiro fiorentino , refers
the situation described in a fragmentary papyrus published by A. Perosa in St. It.fil. class. 12 (1935), 95-7
to the struggle between Charias and Lnchares, and treats afresh the history of Athens in the early years
of the third century b.c. H. I. Bell and T. G. Skeat review W. Otto's Zur Geschichte der Zeit des 6. Ptole-
mtiers (.JEA 21.89),in./FJ 21,262-1 (on the date of the death of Cleopatra I, and the position of Cleopatra II).
A. Passerixi in Athenaeum (Pavia) 23 (1935), 317-42, Roma e VEgitto durante la terza guerra Macedonia
re-examines the relationship in law between Egypt and Home in the second century, and investigates the
political situation in 169 and 168 b.c. Writing an Esquisse d'une histoire des revolutions egyptiennes sous les
Lnjida in Chron. d' Eg. 11 (1936). 522-52. Claire Preaux throws light on the forces of disintegration
in Ptolemaic Egypt, on the difference in character of revolutionary movements in Alexandria, Middle
Egypt and the Thebaid, and the precarious equilibrium maintained by the monarch. In JRS 26 (1936),
187-S. The B iicheu m Stdae: A note. W. W. Tarn defends his view (CAE. x, 36) that Cleopatra ‘in person
escorted a new Bui his bull to his home .

H. I. Bell continues his history of Roman Egypt in Vol. xi of CAE (chap, xn, 649-58, short biblio-
graphy, supplementary to that in Vol. x. on p. 927) with a notable use of new material. U. Wilcken's
•’ 11110,1 1>ip - Bremer Pnpyn (i f. $ 3 a) contains much ot value for the history of the Jewish war under

Hadrian.

Concerning questions of status, Willy Plremans. "EAAHNEI dans P. Paris 00 (UPZ, n, 157) in
Chron . if Eg . 11 (1936). 517-21 disputes Wilcken's interpretation of 1. 32 of that papyrus, and suggests

1 One of these (no. 10) is, with P. Stiassb. 8, 17, the latest known dating by Tacitus, 14 Payni = June 8, 270;
Tacitus actually died in April.

2 In " here Bi,ak ha ° failel1 to 11,1,1 a satisfactory reading, something like K vptov to yeypappev ov seems

to be iequire l.

POLITICAL HISTORY, ETC.

that the term EXPqv as an official class designation applied only to the wealthy or socially important immi-
grants. i' . Heichelheim contributes a Xachtrag II zur Prosopographie der ausicurtigen Berblkerung im
Ptolemderreich to Archiv 12 (1930), 5-1-04. A. H. M. Joses has an important paper in J MS 20 (1930), 223-35.
Another interpretation of the ' Constitutio Antoniniann'. Accepting Wilhelm's restoration, he translates the
disputed clause ' I grant therefore to all the inhabitants of the world (w ithout exception) Roman citizenship,
no one remaining outside the citizen bodies (of the several cities which the empire comprises) except the
dediticii' — i.e. the grant of Roman citizenship was universal, but deditini (among whom the Egyptians
are included) did not thereby become members of a deltas. This view has an important administrative
corollary: it explains why an Egyptian nome did not become the terrilurium ot a metropolis. (For the
relationship between villages and metropolis, see the valuable commentary on P. Lond. Inv. 2595 by T. C.
Skeat and E. P. \\ egener, .1 Trial before the Prefect of Egypt Appius Sabinus in JEA 21, 224-47.)

C. Biography

I have not been able to see W. Gorlitz, Kleopatra. Bildnis einer ddmonischen Frau (Hamburg. 1939).

D. Administration

A good deal of work has been done on administrative officials. In The Epistrategus Hippalos, Archie 12
(1936), 40-3, T. C. Skeat, from a new reading of the address of P. Teb. 77S, shows that the sphere of com-
petence of Hippalos ( ? 185-109 B.c.) was not restricted to the Thebaid, but extended over Middle Egypt
as far north as Memphis, and in fact probably embraced the entire yc upa. Hippalos’ post was an extra-
ordinary one, but might serve as a precedent lor the later appointment of epistrategi with a similar sphere
of action. H. Henne’s monumental Liste des slrateges des homes egyptiens a Tt pot pie grico-romaine (Mew.
Inst.fr. tome Ivi, Cairo, 1935, pp. xxii— l*-7 1*-- 1 -1 1 3) consists of an exhaustive catalogue, with dates,
notes, discussions, and indices; there are also lists of husilirogiammateis supplementary to Biedermanx
and Marten. The awkward form of the book, of which the main text is preceded by a supplement (pp. 1 *-
71*) embodying the latest information, with separate indices, is not the fault of the author, w ho has struggled
heroically with the task of keeping up to date a text of which printing began in 192S. The whole work is
packed with material of administrative importance, t.g. the lists of Ptolemaic occononics and ini t<Zv rrpo ooSim
on pp. 52*-58*. Reviewed by M. Hombert in Chron. d" Eg. 11 (1939). 579-8. In deference to this publica-
tion T. C. Skeat’s plan for a catalogue of strategi. announced in Mizraim 2 (1939). 39-5. A forthcoming
Catalogue of Xome Strategi, has been suspended for the time being. E. G. Terser collects the evidence for
the existence and duties of beKa-apwroi in and outside Egypt in JEA 22, 7-19. Egypt and the Homan Empite :
the AEKAEIPQTOI.

J. X. Coro I wTites on Le Conee ntus juridicus en Egypte aux trois premiers slides de V Empire rnmain in
Actes du C'ongres international des etudes byzantines, 1935. 393 tf. which I have not seen. ( Irete Rosexuerger
contributes a note to Archiv 12 (1936). 7U-3. on Die Berechnung der e»aTocn) eon Aituben in den Papyri.
In Studien uber Steuerverpachtung ( Sitzungb . Munchen 1935, Heft 4), \\ . Lotz traces in broad outline the
history of revenue farming in the ancient and modern world.

In PIC, xvn/i (1936) \Y. Schwahx writes on Aogos tDuuvikos and E. Ziebarth on voydpxys.

A. C. Johnson's Roman Egypt (Yol. n in Tenney Frank’s series - I u Economic Survey of Ancient Rome)
is likely to prove of considerable value to the student of Egyptian administration also. See especially his
fourth chapter, on taxation.

E. Topogratoy

The first part of A. Calderini’s Dizionario dei nomi geogrnfici e topogrnfici dell' Egitto greca-romano
( JEA 22, 71) is warmly welcomed by H. I. Bell. JEA 21, 207-8, and \Y. Schebart, Gnomon 12 (1939),
282-4, though both reviewers make some criticisms of the plan of the work. The first two fascicules of
Cl. Lumbroso’s Testi e conunenti concernenti l antica Alessandria (pp. 1-32. 33-88) have appeared, a marvel-
lous collection of passages in literature referring to Alexandria or in a n\ wav concerning it, filled out with
ample references to papyri, inscriptions, etc. The names of E. Breccia, A. Calderini, and G. Ghedini
on the editorial board are sufficient guarantee tor the excellence of the presentation. H. Gauthier, I.es
Homes d.' Egypte depuis Herodote a la conqinte arabe (Memoires presentes d l Instilut d Egypte, vol. 25, Cairo,
1935, xxiii+ 219 pp., 5 pis.), which I have not yet been able to sec, is obviously a work of capital importance,
consisting of a detailed study of the changes in number and extent of the nomes, their transformation into
pagi, and ultimate survival in the limits of Coptic dioceses. It is reviewed bv B. v [an] d[e] \\ [alle],
Chron. d’Eg. 10 (1935), 403-5. and A. Adrian!. Bull. Soc. arch. d'Alex. 39 (1939), 142-3.

96 BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

I have not yet seen A. Calderixi, IBII2N nei nomi di luogo dell ' Egitto greco-romano, Mel. Masp. 2,
343-oj.

In a note in Her. arch. 8 (1936), 104-5, C'h. P[icard] summarizes recent work on medieval Arabic accounts
of the Pharos of Alexandria. The dimensions recorded in different accounts do not agree very well, but the
date of the final collapse of the structure can now be fixed between a.d. 1326 and 1349.

F. Chronology

In an important paper, The Accession of Ptolemy Epiphanes: A Problem of Chronology, in JEA 22. 20-34,
F. IV. WalbaXK reviews the complicated evidence for the chronology of Epiphanes’ accession, and puts
forward a new theory to explain the divergent traditions. He argues that Philopator died between mid-
summer and Oct. 12, 204 B.C., and that the news of his death was concealed for a period of from ten to
fourteen months. The official accession of Epiphanes did not take place till c. Sept. 203, but some years
later when the story of Sosibius’ intrigues had leaked out, and for religious reasons, his reign was extended
retrospectively to the death of Philopator, and his sixth regnal year was suppressed. The expression eV 17
TrapeAa/Jrr ryv fiaoiAeLav irapa tov Trarpos ( Rose t tu stone, 1. 47. dated Phaophi li) is to be interpreted as
referring to the anniversary of the beginning of Epiphanes" co-regency \v ith Philopator, not his coronation
by Agathocles.

5. Social Life, Education, Economic History, Numismatics, Metrology

A. Social Life and Education

The second of Orsolina Moxteyecchi’s studies in Egyptian sociology appeared in Aeg. 14 (1936),
3-S3: it deals with Contratli di matrimonio e gli atti di divorzio. and contains an exhaustive review of the
material available.

Two articles by \V. Peremaxs in (Jhron. d' Eg. 11 (1936) are important for the evidence collected as to the
social standing of foreigners in Egypt: they are entitled Egyptiens et Grangers en Egypte au IIP siecle (pp.
137-02) and ’EAAHNEE dans P. Paris 00 (pp. 517-21). On the latter cf. § 4 above.

In .4 lecole acec les petits Grecs cl'Egypte (Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936), 489-507) P. C'ollart has provided an
interesting summary of the documents which illustrate the school curriculum of Graeco-Roman Egypt, both
elementary and advanced.

Ibrahim Xoshy has just published a book on The Arts in Ptolemaic Egypt, which contains a careful and
appreciative study of the respective influences of Greek and Egyptian traditions in the work of the period
considered.

There is not much direct reference to Egypt in Theodore Fyfe's Hellenistic Architecture, but what there is
is valuable.

D. B. Harden' has made the most thorough examination of Romano-Egyptian glass that has yet appeared
in Roman Glass from Karanis (cf. § 10).

In this connexion should he noted F. W. vox Bissixo's Aegyptische Kultbilder der Ptolomaier- und Romer-
zeit ( Der Alte Orient. 34, V 2 ).

B. Economic History

Students of economic history will find A. C. Johxsox's Economic Surrey of Ancient Rome, II: Roman
Egypt to the reign of Diocletian of great value. It contains a wide but judicious selection of the documents,
and is well arranged.

31. Rostovtzeff’s article on The Hellenistic World and its economic development in Amer. Hist. Rev. 41
(1936). 231-52 is useful for the first century of Greek rule in Egypt.

To most people the chief interest of Maria Cobiaxchis Ricerche di ornitologia nei papiri dell’ Egitto
greco-romano, Aeg. IG (1936). 91-147, will be economic rather than zoological : it is mainly occupied in dealing
with domestic fowls — pigeons, geese, and hens.

C. Ncmismatics and Metrology

In Aegyptisches Theoxenion des Jahres 107 auf einer bisher unbekannten Munze des Marcus Aurelius
( Deutsch . Miinzblatter 56 (1936), 408) P. Lederer describes a somewhat enigmatic type and makes su<wes-
tions for its interpretation.

SOCIAL LIFE, ETC.

H. Mattingly, in an article on The Palmyrene Princes and the mints of Antioch and Alexandria (Sum.
Chron. 16 (1936), 89-114), rather overrates Palmyrene influences in Egypt before the accession of Aurelian.

W. Kubitschek criticized some recent theories on later Roman and Byzantine currency, including that
of Egypt, in Uebergang von der vordiokletianisrhen Wahrnng ( BZ 35 (1935), 340-74) — presumably his last
appearance in a field where he has been a master for many years.

J. G. Milne described Coins found at Tebtunis in 1900 in J EA 21. 210-16.

Grete Rosenberger’s note on Die Berechnung der UaToaT-q von Artaben in den Papyri (Archiv. 12
(1936), 70-3) will be useful to metrologists.

6. Law

A. General

(i) Bibliography.

U. WlLCKEN, Urlcundenreferat, Archiv 12 (1936), 74-102. L. Wenger, Juristische Literaturubersicht, v,
ibid., 103-71 includes works up to 1935. Pp. 113-28 are devoted to the papers in Papyri u. Altertumswissen-
schaft ( JEA 21, 91). E. Seidl, St. et doc. 2 (1936), 239-50 continues his J urislische Papyruskuiule to include
publications up to Sept. 1935. A. C'alderini, Aeg. 16 (1936), Bibliografia metodica , 178-224 ( Diritto e
amministrazione 207-9) ; also Testi recentemente pubblicati, ibid., 166-8. BZ 36 (1936), Papyruskunde, 196-8.
461-4, Jurisprudenz 271-5, 540-2. P. Collart, Rev. et. gr. 49 (1936), 501-35 (Documents 517-23). List
of French doctorate theses relating to legal history. Rev. hist. dr. 15 (1936), 189-94 (Droit oriental et dr.
romain, 189). Summaries of papers read to Soc. d'hi-st. du droit, ibid., 204-11, 401-18. J. Ernst (sous la
direction de J. Marouzeau), L'anne’e Phdologique 8 (1935), Bibl. de Vannee 1935 (Papyrologie 177-82,
Droit 356-63, Droit alexandrin et ptolcmaique 967-8) ; 9 (1935), Bibl. de Vannee 1934 (Pap. 184-9. Dr. 380-9,
Dr. alex. et ptol. 388-9). Chron. d'£g. 10 (1936), 222, announces that the section £gypte gnco-romuine of
the Bibliotheque will no longer be published, as its place is taken by the card-bibliography.

(ii) Legal history of antiquity.

(a) Egyptian Law.

E. Seidl, KVGR 28 (1936), 310-16, continues his Sammelbericht of translations and treatises concerning
pre-Ptolemaic law for the years 1934-6. A. H. Gardiner, JEA 21 (1935), 140-6 publishes with translation
P. Cairo 66739, a fragment of a hieratic proces-verbal of a lawsuit arising out of the sale of two sla\ es, dating
probably from the beginning or middle of the reign of Ramesses II. The report ends with a species oi medial
judgement whereby the court calls upon the defendant to acquiesce in her punishment should the case go
against her by swearing that if witnesses establish the charge she will be liable to 100 strokes. Seidl (Sammel-
bericht, 313-above) notes that this text makes it clear that Diodorus’ description of Egyptian procedure
as written, which was already known to be inapplicable to the beginning of the New Kingdom, does not
apply to the time of Ramesses II either. J. Capart, A. H. Gardiner, and B. van de Walls, Sew Light
on the Ramesside Tomb-robberies, JEA 22 (1936), 169-93, publish P. Leopold II (cf. JEA 22. 77) with tran-
scription, translation and full commentary. N. J. Reich, The Legal transactions of a family, preserved in
the University Museum at Philadelphia, Mizraim 2 (1930), 13-29. gives a brief description of the demotic
papyri from Dira‘ abu'l Naga covering a century of the early Ptolemaic period, and, ibid.. 57-9, publishes
the oldest of the group,adeed of gift of317B.c. He also publishes, ibid., 36-51, the 'Field Museum Papyrus
of Chicago, a demotic promissory note of 109/8 B.C., of a type otherwise represented only by P. Louvre
2436 b (Revillout, Chrest. dem 110 ff.)

(b) Various.

L. Wenger, Antike Rechtsgeschichte, Forschungen u. Fortschritte 12 (1936). 1-3, explains briefly his
general point of view (cf. JEA 15, 127), welcoming also Wilcken’s use of the phrase antike Urkundenlehn
in Munch. Beitr. 19 (JEA 21, 93). R. Taubenschlag’s Geschichte der Reception des griechischen Privatrechts
in Aegypten, Atti del IV Congr. Internaz. di Papirologia, 1935 (1936), 259-81 (offprint) forms a pendant to
his article on the reception of Roman private law in Studi Bonfante I (1930). The conclusion is that a com-
plete reception took place only in the law of slavery, guardianship, and possession. With respect to putna
and matema potestas, pledge, obligations, and inheritance, the reception was subject to Egyptian influence
and the result a system composed of both elements. E. Albertario, Le dassicisme de DmcKtien. St. et Doc. 3
(1936), 115-22, collects a number of instances in which a reform commonly, and also by Taubcnschlag,

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

attributed to D., turns out in his opinion to be of later origin. In one such instance, adoption by ■women
(cf. his article, J Inemosyna Pappulia, 17-27). he has the support of 0. Bellelli, St. et Doc. 3 (1936) 140-4,
who, however, disagrees as to the extent of the interpolation in C. 8. 47. 5.

(iii) Juristic texts and comments.

U. \V ILCKEX, Die Bremer Papyri, Abh. Berlin 1936, Phil.-hist. Klasse. 2, publishes with introduction,
notes, indices, and (in most cases) translation, the texts now in Bremen belonging to the Heptakomia group,
together with an unconnected document of the fourth century. Some of the texts have been published, others
mentioned in various places before, but the legal interest of the edition, even if subordinate to the historical,
is very great. One may mention especially three ear' olutav a~oypaf>al for a.d. 117—18 (nos. 32—4), and two
‘cheques’ (nos. 46-7) or rather, as W. now deduces from the absence of an authenticating greeting at the
end, copies of documents of which the signed originals went to the bank, for without authentication the
bank would not have paid. The payee then added his receipt to the copy and left it with the bank. No. 39
confirms the view that boys ceased to be subject to guardianship on becoming liable to poll-tax at 14,
girls on marriage. A. E. R. Boas, Early Byzantine Papyri from the Cairo Museum, Et. de Pap. 3 (1936),
1—45, publishes a further selection from the archives of Aurelios Isidores of Karanis, the most important of
"hich are four declarations of land for the census of a.d. 297. From these he is able to reconstruct com-
pletely (pp. 2-3) the formula for such declarations, and also to give a revised text of P. Thead. 54 and 55,
uhich follow the same scheme. No. 12 is a declaration of persons, in which Isidores himself appears as
taxable, whereas his three-year old son is exempt. Other documents are leases, receipts for rent in kind, and
a contract whereby Aurelios Pollion agrees in return for payment to take the place of Isidores’ brother,
who has been drafted for forced labour at Trajan's River for the year a.d. 297. The greater part of Papyri
Osloen-ses, Fasc. Ill, edited by S. Eitrem and L. Amundsen (Oslo, 1936) consists of ‘documents’, public
and private, mainly of legal interest. The longest is no. Ill, a list of freemen and freedmen in two quarters
of Oxyrhynchus of a.d. 235, of a type hitherto unknown. It is arranged by houses and each householder
confirms his return by a written oath either in his own hand or that of a substitute. E. P. Wegener,
Mnemosyne, 3rd series, 3 (1936), 232-40, publishes with translation and notes Four Papyri of the Bodleian
Library, a lease a.d. 225 in common form, an obscure lease or resume of one. a.d. 330, a receipt for the price
of cummin paid in advance, a.d. 320, and a contract with oil dealers of the sixth or seventh century. A note
on the last by Bell with a textual correction and a suggested explanation of the transaction is added.
C. Bradford Welles, Excavations at Doura-Europos. Report of Sixth Session, 1932-3 (1936), 419-38,
describes fourteen parchments and papyri, nearly all of which were mentioned in Munch. Beitr. 19 ( JEA 21,
91). For D.Pg. 20 cf. JEA 22, 85, for D.Pg. 21 below D (i). G. Klaffenbach. Neue In-schriften aus Atolien,
Sitzungsb. Berlin 1936, 358-88, includes a number of manumissions, an obscure gift, a lease and an arbitral
award (p. 380) ending K aS<hs o TrojA]™* viyos ras miAtoj twv ©ecmeW [<reA*i*t], which K. takes to favour
Partsch's view of w. as die allgemeine Bdrgersatzung against Schubart's das stadtische Recht. W. Schubart,
tlnomon 12 (1936), 425-9, reviewing G. Manteuffel, Pap. Varsovienses ( JEA 22, 68), makes a number
of important corrections and suggestions for the reading of the two chief legal documents, no. 10 (a.d. 156),
which consists of a notarial agreement, a 8i aypaty rpave^s and a memorandum addressed to the jSijSA. iysr.,
all concerning a loan of money on security, and no. 12, a fragmentary register of contracts, dating according
to him from Vespasian’s reign. The suggestions agree in part with those of Wilcken, Archiv 12 (1936),
94-7. F. Zucker, Gnomon 12 (1936), 476-85, reviewing W. Schubart and D. Schafer, Sputptolemaisch’e
Papyri aus amthchen Biiros des Herald eopolites (JEA 20, 89), would read inyvU' [5,] t]^

i.e. fail to abide by our contract , in no. 1738 1. 32, and has other suggestions. K. F. W. Schmidt, Phil.

11 och. 56 (1936), 714-18, suggests a number of corrections in the readings of L. Amundsen’s Greek Ostraca
in the University of Michigan Collection, Pt. 1 (1935). -M. Hombert and Q. Preaux, Les papyrus de la fonda-
tion egyptologique, Chron. d' Eg. 12 (1937), 92-100 say that the newly acquired collection includes a loan of
the third century b.c., a fragmentary ‘Egyptian’ contract of the second century B.c.. a certificate of exemp-
tion from Xaoypadtla in the name of Mettius Rufus, and other legal documents of later date. A private letter
is published and the more interesting parts of the collection are to follow in subsequent numbers Michigan
Papyri, 3 (1936), Miscellaneous Papyri, ed. by J. G. Winter, includes several documents of legal interest
some of them previously pubhshed, but arrived too late to be read. Vol. 4 (1936), Tax Rolls from Karanis
Pt. I, ed. H. C. Youtie contains the texts only. I have not seen P. Collomp, Papyrus grecs de la Biblio-
theque nationnle et umversitaire de Strasbourg. Bull, de la Fac. des Lettres de Strasbourg 14 119351 60-3 •
review by P. Collakt, Rev. et. gr., 49 (1936). 51S. ' ’

LAW

(iv) The oath.

H. Rreller, Gnomon 12 (1936), 98-102, reviewing favourably E. Seidl, Der Eid im rom.-ueg. Provinzial-
recht, i ( JEA 20, 98), suggests that the edi/ios 'Pupa lois opxos may not bo, as S. argues, the oath intro-
duced by the Roman Government, but the true Roman oath per Jovem et Diios Augustos et Genium principis
deosque Penates. Though Romans in Egypt might well be allowed to use the oath prescribed there for
subjects generally, no imperial or prefeetoral edict requiring them to do so could make it iBipo s. M. 1)ayii>,
Tijdschrift 14 (1936), 467-74, though also favourable, disagrees in important points. The oath formulae
do not, as S. believes, mirror political facts or the attitude adopted by successive emperors. Unlike legends
on coins they remain unaffected by the succession of Xero and Domitian. Nor can S.'s view be accepted
that in declarations and returns the imposition of an oath was a matter for the discretion of the authorities;
the declarant would have had to discover the authorities' view in each case, and BGU 1068 (IT., Chr ., 62)
shows the contrary.

B. Law op Persons

(i) Status civitatis.

W. Peeeiians, Chron. d’Eg. 11 (1936) 517-21, contends against Wilcken that iv rois "EXX-qai — a in
UPZ. n, 157, 1. 32 does not imply that one Egyptian has acquired the status of Greek and thus become
exempt from the corvee. The term ‘Hellene’ included, as Kornemanx thinks (Aeg. 13 (1933), 644-50)
other foreigners besides Greeks, but only those of some social standing, and the phrase quoted means mereh'
that one foreigner has been moved from the lower to the higher category and thus obtained exemption.
G. I. Luzzatto, St. et Doc. 2 (1936). 210-19, reviewing A. Momigliaxo’s Picerche sail' organ isazzione della
Giudea solto il dominio romano (1934) disagrees with M.’s view that the status of dediticius was transitory
only and incompatible with that of stipendiarus. A. H. M. Jones, Another Interpretation of the ‘ Constitutio
Antoniniana’, JPS 26 (1936), 223-35, after summarizing previous views, gives a new explanation based on
Wilhelm’s text. Most provincials did not remain permanently dediticii but became 'ordinary peregrini'
on the recognition of their ‘autonomy’ by Rome. Where, however, as in Egypt and Cappadocia, the govern-
ment was on bureaucratic lines, the bulk of the population were dediticii, in the sense of peregrini directly
governed by Rome and lacking all ordinary means of attaining Roman citizenship. The organization of the
metropoleis by Septimius Severus changed the status of those who lived in these cities, but left the other
inhabitants of the nomes unaffected, and the CA itself, though it gave the citizenship generally, maintained
the exclusion of these dediticii from the cities. This was of practical importance, as seen from the recently
published papyrus of A.D. 250 (below F). for it meant that they could not be subjected to city liturgies.

(ii) Marriage.

A. Biscardi, npol£ ed 'Eyyvya is nel diritto matrimoniale attico, St. it.fil. class. 11 (1934), 57-80, is directed
chiefly against Roessel’s reassertion of the view that a dowry is a presupposition of a valid Athenian
marriage. On the other hand a dowry, if it exists, is proof of marriage. It is always constituted by the
person who carries out the iyyvyais and necessarily presupposes iyy., but the two have no formal conne-
xion, nor need they be simultaneous. O. Moxtevecchi, Picerche di sociologia nei documenti dell' Egitto
greco-romano, II, I contratti di matrirnonia e gli atti di divorzio, Aeg. 16 (1936), 1-83, begins with a summary
of divergent views on the nature of marriage in Egypt, and contains much else of legal importance. Though
preserving an open mind on many points she holds definitely that yapos dypafos was a fully legal marriage.
Very useful lists of documents, pp. 4-5 and 20. E. Yoltekra, St. et Doc. 3 (1937), 135-9, holds that B. Oxy.
129 (31., Chr., 296), in which a father sends a repudium on behalf of his daughter, refers to an engagement,
not a marriage, and that, although there is no mention of arrha sponsalicia, the reason why he uses so formal
a document and sends it tlirough the defensor is that he wishes to make it clear that he did not know of the
fiance's misconduct until after the engagement, and so to escape the penalties in accordance with C. 5. 1.5. 4.

C. Law of Property

An Economic Surrey of Ancient Pome. ed. Tenney Frank, \ ol. n. Soman Egypt to the Reign of Dio-
cletian, by A. 0. Johnson, includes much of legal importance, particularly with respect to land and taxation.
L. Zancan, II diritto di sepolcro nel Gnomon, Aeg. 16 (1936), 148-65, attacks the problem presented by the
statement in Gnomon § 2, that only Romans could sell ra.<j>oi aKaraxp-npaTioToi and that according to Hadrian
nothing was aKaraxpripaTiarov to a Roman (cf. JEA 21, 93). Originally the whole extent of a family tomb
was deemed to be outside the scope of the law and subject to the dispositions of the founder or failing these,
the Pontiffs, hut with the decay of the family and the rise of columbaria, in which all except niches actually

100 BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

occupied could be bought and sold, a new conception arose. Trajan (Gnomon, § 1) allowed the parts sur-
rounding the actual grave to be sold for the benefit of creditors, and Celsus (D. 11.7.2.5) expressed the
new view bluntly in saying that only the place where the body lay was ‘religious’. The Egyptian attitude
was quite different, and to prevent trouble the Roman government permitted Romans only to be parties
to the sales referred to in § 1. As against the view of Uxkull-Gyllenband, Z. holds that § 2 can be explained
only as closely connected with § 1.

D. Law of Obligations

(i) Loan.

A. B. Schwarz, Si/mb. Oslo. 14 (1935), 77-81. shows that / i i; Si<cai[o]7rpayouge'wa in P. Osl. n 401. 18 does
not mean ‘without having to go to law' but ‘if right is not done to you', i.e. ‘if you are not paid’. Some
phrase of this meaning is necessary to show that the creditor can exercise his rights only if he is not repaid
in due course, and is found in parallel contracts of pledge, e.g. P. Oxy . Ill 506. F urther, the other meaning
would imply that the creditor could not only acquire the pledged property in case of default without legal
proceedings, but also that he could proceed to execution on his own responsibility, and for this there is no
parallel. C. Bradford Welles, Z. Sav. 56 (1936) 99-135, publishes and comments at length on D. Pg. 21
of a.d. 87 (cf. above A. III). It is. in his view, a gift inter vivos made before, not merely registered by, a
royal court at Dura. The controversial avaveojctts (cf. JEA 19, 86-7 ; 20. 97). now found in four of the five
contracts of loan from Dura, he translates ‘acknowledgement’, not ‘renewal’, taking the particular point
to be that such acknowledgement was required in the interest of the creditor to enable him to enter into
possession of the mortgaged property. drareWi? occurs now also in P. Oslo 118.

(ii) Sale.

H. J. Vi olff, Bomische Oru ndst ticks verkii ti fe a us dem Yandalenreich, Tijdschrift 14 (1936), 1-23, reprints
and comments on two Latin documents, one a triptych (a.d. 493 or 494), the other a diptych (a.d. 494),
published by E. Albertixi, Journal des Savants, 1930, 23 ff. They are evidentiary protocols, without
mancipation, of a type hitherto unknown, Roman in origin, and showing traces of Eastern influence in style
rather than substance. Though the sellers are evidently coloni they appear to dispose freely of their holdings.

(iii) Lease.

The upshot of H. Comfort s article Bev. it. gr. 49 (1936), 293-9. may be given in the words of his own
summary of his paper in Proc. Am. Phil. Ass. 65 (1934), xxxvii. ‘Four papyri (J Iasp. 1 67116, II 67128, 67129,
67251) dealing with leased land and the payment for it, addressed to Dioscorus of Aphrodito by his tenants
a.d. 547-9 are peculiar in style. It is shown that the first and last are receipts for seed grain, while 67128 and
67129 are leases in the disguise of promissory notes. The latter pair is unique, and it is suggested that in
order to be in a better legal position, D. used this device to alter his land leases from contracts bonaefidei to
stipulations stricti iuns.’ For leases cf. above A. (iii). I have not seen P. C’ollomp, Un bail de troupeav,
Mel. Maspero 2 (1935). 335-44. According to M. H[ombert], Chron. d'£g. 11 (1936), 563 it includes an
edition of P. Strasb. no. gr. 1707 concerning the lease of ‘iron’ cattle and a study of six leases of animals
previously published which enables us to follow the fortunes of a flock for several years.

(iv) Societas.

C. Roberts, T. C. Skeat, A. D. Hock, The Gild of Zeus Hypsistos, Harv. Theol. Bev. 29 (1936), 39-87
(offprint), publish text, translation, and commentary of P. Lond. 2710. a fragment of the vopos of an associa-
tion dated tentatively 69-58 B.c., perhaps from Philadelphia. The association is analogous to an eranos ,
but the closest parallels are found in demotic texts. One feature is that the members undertake not to bring
accusations against each other, but the main significance of the papyrus and of the commentary is for
religious, not legal, history. H. Levv-Bruhl. Bev. hist. dr. 15 (1936). 211 (summary of communication
to Soeiete d'histoire (lu droit) holds that both the natural and the artificial consortium constitute a sort of
joint family, differing from the normal Roman regime and characterized by the absence of succession and
pntria potestas. Ibid., 337-41 he deduces from the negative phrase ercto non cito that division was usual.
G. Sciierillo, St. et Doc. 2 (1936), 203-5. reviewing €. A. VIaschi, Disertiones ( JEA 21. 86) disagrees with
his results.

(v) Delict.

M. M Kho 29 (1936), 113-lo, finds the first trace of the principle dpxmv x<upd>v dSbcwv in Od. xvi 72—
ore Ti? 77po7€po$ xaAemypg.

LAW

101

(vi) Discharge of obligations.

F. Maroi, St. et Doc. 3 (1936). 163-6. maintains that Sammelbuch 7634 ( ^ P. Lond. Inv. 2554, JEA 20,
21-7, cf. JEA 22, 80) confirms the views expressed by Sec-re in Bull. 1st. dir. rom. 34 (1925), 74 ff., and
makes it clear that where a chirograph evidencing a debt had been ‘published’, the debtor obtained the
effect of a contrarius actus, by getting the repayment registered in the j3i|8A. iyxT . ; so also Wilcken, Mit-
teil ungen aus d. Wurzb. Papyrussammlung no. 6 shows that a debt contracted by a avyypatj>y i^apapTvpos is
extinguished by a similar document. M. also argues that Segrf. is right in his interpretation of the ‘ bearer’
clause, as against Weber’s criticism, U ntersuchungen zum gr.-ug. Obligationenrecht, 31.

(vii) Querela non numeratae pecuniae.

P. Collinet, L' Edit du Pn’fet d" Egypt e Valerius Euduemon (P. Oxy. II 237, col. viii, 11. 7-18, 138 ap.
J-C.); une hypothese sur Vorigine de la 'Querela non numeratae pecuniae’, Atti del IV Congr. Internaz. di
Papirologia, Firenze, 1935 (1936), 89-100 (offprint), suggests that the querela n. n.p. appears from this edict
to have originated as a criminal action for pa&ovpyla (to be translated ‘fraud’), by which, as by a charge of
forgery or Trepiypaify ( circumscriptio ), a person sued for money on a document might seek to meet the claim,
with the result that he had to deposit the sum claimed, but received it back if he was successful in the
criminal action. C. also suggests that the querela inofficiosi testament i may have originated as a criminal
charge, but does not go into this question in detail.

E. The Law of Succession

U. E. Paoli, St. et Doc. 2 (1936), 77-119, L’ c-yxiarela nel diriito successorio attico, argues that though
females, not being TroAlrai, have no share in the law of the woAir, they have rights in family law, and that the
state will see that the head of the ohcos fulfils his duty of respecting these rights. 'Ayxiartla is the limit w ithin
which successoral rights are allowed to the cognatic family, and, in spite of the prevailing opinion, ascendants
can inherit. W. Ch. Kamps, Rev. hist. dr. 15 (1936), 142-55, interprets the inscription from C'rimisa in which
the phrase Sods /c[ai] dayov occurs, and two others in the Acluean dialect from S. Italy as referring, not to
donationes mortis causa but to trusts which will result to the donor if he survives a certain peril, and thinks
that the institution thus evidenced may have been the pattern for the mancipatio familiae. See also summary,
ibid., 413-14.

F. The Courts and Procedure

H. C. Harrell, Public Arbitration in Athenian Law, University of Missouri Studies, xi. 1 (1936), re-
examines the evidence, but comes in the main to the same conclusions as Bonner. Review by H. 1 . J[olowiCz],
JHS 56 (1936), 264. W. Schubart, Causa Halensis, Archie 12 (1936), 27-39, assuming that the contents
of P. Hal. 1 were prepared for the purposes of a special case, seeks to reconstruct the facts and the nature
of the parties' claims. The result is a complex story. Note on ap4ovpiov pp. 34-5 (cf. JEA 20, 105). C. Pklaux,
Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936), 163-9, contests for the third cent. b.c. Berneker’s assertion (Somlergerichlsbarkeit,
69-74) that the comarch and the comogrammateus are under the disciplinary jurisdiction of the strategic,
and so also his view that the addressee of P. Tebt. 793 is a strategus. She also reviews the book ibid. 181-8
very favourably, but with some criticism. E. Bickermann, Utilitas cruris, Observations sur les rents du
proves de Jesus dans les Evangiles canomques. Rev. hist. rel. 112 (1935), 169-241, uses some pap\ rological
material in criticizing those who criticize the Gospel narratives from the point of view of legal procedure.
P. Lond. Inv. 2565 (cf. JEA 2 1,80), published with introduction and notes by T.C. SKEATand E.P. Wegener,
JEA 21 (1935), 224-47, is the record of a trial before the prefect Appius Sabinus held probably in a.d. 250,
and by far the most extensive document of the sort so far known. The case concerned the validity of the
appointment of certain Kuipyral to the office of Koopyrys, and both the appealing villagers and the members
of the Arsinoite Senate are represented by several counsel, but the editors do not discuss the points of
municipal administration involved in view of Miss Wegener's forthcoming thesis on the local senates after
the reforms of Severus. The references to procedure on appeal are tantalizingly obscure, but there is clear
reference to the three summonses necessary before judgement by default was allowed (Digest. 5. 1. 68), and
the editors argue that we have here the only known example of a judgement by default pronounced by a
delegate (the epistrategus). The case is decided by reference to an enactment of Severus which seems to be
conclusive in favour of the villagers and against which the Senate’s counsel can only say that the application
of the law is limi ted bv the city's needs. The manner in which decisions (xploeis and Spoi) are quoted as
authorities is noticeable, and in one place (1. 98) there is what looks like a stronger reference to the binding

10-2

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

force of precedent, unfortunately just incomplete. ( >n pp. 239—10 the edd. show that the phrase 6 hUiruiv . . .
must no longer be taken to reter necessarily to a substitute; it is frequently a paraphrase tor the person
at tually in olltee. A. Stein w enter, »N7. et l)uc. 2 (1930), 4U0-12, reviewing L. Abu, 11 processo civile con-
tumuziule (}!t34- not seen) in part reaffirms and in part modifies his own original views. E. Balogh,
'/.ar Dutin ttiaj dvr \ r rdnatltchung den prtninzialen Formal prozesses, Bull. let. dir. rom. 43 (1933), 216-36,
holds uith Kitting against the more general modern opinion that the first six books of Julian's Digesta
must have been written before a.ii. 129, and therefore that the Emperor referred to in 1). 1. IS. 8 must
be lludiian not Antoninus. He agrees, however, with Wlassak ( Proiinzialprozess , 10 ff.) in holding that
the passage presupposes the disappearance of the formulary system in its original form from provincial
litigation. A. E. Giifarp, Etiulei sur la procedure civile du Bas-Empire, n: La dispurition de la denuntiatio
it la rl ferine de lot), Her, hint. dr. 1 a (1936), 99-104, holds that procedure by litis denuntiatio was abolished
in provincial governors' courts by Xov. Marc. 1 of 450, which was followed by an enactment of Marcian’s
of 451 (( 'J 9. 39. 2) dealing w ith exsecutores and one of Valentinian's of 452 (Xov. Val. 35) which dealt with
.security for appearance. The object of Xor. Marc. 1 was to save defendants from being dragged into distant
courts, but it exposed tin m to exactions from exsecutores and hence special constitutions were needed to
secure to civil servants and e» elesiastics their traditional privileges. Such a constitution is Zeno's of 484
(CJ 12. 2 1 . 8) m w hu h the words pro tenure generalium edictorum refer to the provisions of Xov, Val. 35 § 15
regarding security for appearance. This last point is taken up again by Giffard, Xotes sur la date d’ appari-
tion dei 'Jideiii wj/v < o ,fi np i causa’, Ft. el Doc. 2 (1936), 16-19. The first mention of these fide tussores
comes, not in t J 1.3. 25. of 456, but in Xov. Val. 35. CJ 12. 26. 2 of 444 shows that scholares had before then
enjoyed the priv ilege of giving their own officers as fideiunnortn. and CJ 12. 29. 3 (after 474) speaks of the
pra? tiee as "very old’. Xor. Val. 35 was therefore generalizing an existing institution. It was, however,
not appliid every where in the East as Justinian tells us Inet. 4. 11. The new procedure thus arose in the
middle ot the fifth eentuiy and cannot be due to Zeno or the school of Beyrout. It is also shown to have
been Used in the barbarian kingdoms, which would not have happened if it had originated after the fall
of the Western Empire. See also summaries of papers read to the Sue. d'histoire du droit. Rev. hist. dr. 15
(1936), 412 13, and 41s, the latter supporting; against C'oLLINET, the view that litis contestatio remained
bilateral. K. he Zi u'itv, JUS 26 (1936), 174-86, continues his studies of the new fragments of Gains by
discussing the lejin nrluAtf • ■

G. Public Law

E. G. Tt iim.u, J F. A 22 ( 1936), 7-19, uses the Stmirr/xurot as an instance to show how false is the assump-
tion that Egypt was the source ot mtu h administrative practice in tilt 1 Homan Empire. The 8. were the
prtxlw t of a system organized independently in the Empire and depended originally' on the independent
administration ot tile When introduced into Egypt they were the agents of the central government.

< *. W. IfiiMli Til,/'/. Fin I 3 1 ( 1936), 146 16, Two edicts concerning the pnhlinini, publishes w ith commentary
Prims ton I’. A..M. 8931, which is also to appear in E. 11. Ease's Papyri in the Princeton Collection, Yol. n.
The edicts forbid \c\ ntmus exactions by the TtXiaiiu and date from the middle ol the second century A.D.,
perhaps bom the prefecture ot M. lVtronius Mumertiniisg 133 5. II. C. Veil AJA 40 (1936), 284, reviews
bivnnrablv A. M. IIuui"n\ Egyptian Pinprrti/- /{iturn.. with a lew minor criticisms and suggestions,
for 'big ,,.! Cu rj . abner A (in ).

7. Palaeography and Diplomatic

V. Wiii'Ken's edition of the Bremen papyri (rf. §3 A above) includes a remarkable palaeographical
specimen in 1’. lirem. 5, a let ter of in trod m turn (in Greek) from a Roman of high standing, Eaberius Mundus •
t he body of the letter show s a rather rough ty pe of '( ‘luneery ' hand, but the autograph valediction is in an
extraordinary- script, the Greek letters being so distorted l.v the influence of Latin cursive forms as to be
almost inirei ognizable. A collotype plate of the pujnnis i, given. Another example of this Graeco-Latin
V i ,c IP ‘/pm is 1’. lirem. IP. a letter from one I '1 pins ( Viet (not illustrated).

Wirr.rxM II. I“. H itch. 'Flo thigm and Meaning of the Tirol ‘CnciaF. Class Phil. 30 (1935), 247-54,
mav be mentioned here though it does not make Use of papyri. His theory is that the ‘uncia' in question
is neither an ounce nor an inch, but one-twelfth of a line of writing; uncial .MSS. were thus books written
m n irrmv i oh mins about twelv e letters w ide, a format common in Latin MSS. of the fourth and fifth centuries.
The suggestion is at tru< tive. but it is by no means clear that such a format was characteristic ot the editions
de Imp disdained by Jerome.

PALAEOGRAPHY AND DIPLOMATIC

103

E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiore s. Part II: Great Britain and Inland (Oxford, Clarendon Press.
1935 ; xii-J-53 pp., 45 pp. of pis.) gives facsimiles of all Latin literary papvi l in British eollei tions. ( )ne nun-
literary document (no. 228), an unpublished letter of recommendation in the K\ lands eollei turn, is included.

A fourth edition of Wattenbach's Schrifttafeln has appeared, hut 1 have not xet seen it: Gii.ielmi.s
\V ATTEN BACH, Script it/ae Graecae specimitta in usum scholarum colluia it txplttaitt. Libre nil mscnpUtm nat
‘ Schrifttafeln zur Geschichte des griechischen Schrifl' editio quarto. Beilin. 193ti. 17 pji., 35 pis.

A. SlGALAS, 'Iaropia rrjs ' EWrjviKijs Ppatjiys (JEA 22, 911) is reviewed bv A. 1>.\1N. At i . it. gr. 48 (1935),
594-5 (rather critical, but welcomes the author's break with convention), and P. Maas. BZ 35 (1935). 82 3
('the most comprehensive treatment of Greek xvriting since Montfaueon'l.

X. Lewis, L' Industrie da papyrus (JEA 21, 99) has received a lengthy and important renew from
M. Rostovtzeff, Gnomon 12 (193(i), 46-52; with his unrivalled knowledge of ancient »» iety. Uostoxt/.ki r
makes some most valuable remarks on the distribution and popularity of different writing materials (i g. the
introduction of papyrus by the Romans at Dura, and the Roman predilei tion lor waxed tablets). He also
discusses at length P. Teb. 9 and convincingly explains the word SiasoAirmAu. while with scleral other
reviewers he rejects Lewis's explanation of the x a P T Vpd as a charge for authenticating a document. 11. C.
Youth:, in Am. Journ. phil. 57 (1930), 217-21, concentrates on the meaning of mIAA^iu and u*AiV, i hallenging
Lewis’s hard-and-fast distinction that the former always means a sluet of papyrus (whether loose, or
joined to others to form a roll), and the latter a column of writing : he quotes a papx rus in < 'aim in wliii h
the first two columns of a long list are numbered u and /? though actually both are w ritten on the same 'bet t .
Other reviews by P. Yiereck, Phil. Work. 56 (1936), 1121-3 ami P. ( ’iiantr vine. lit r. d> jdid. 19 (193(i),
360. In connexion with the growth and manufacture of papyrus, we may note an interesting dcs< nption,
with photographs, of a modern papyrus swamp in Palestine: Ron Eli Washiku i:n. The I‘t rty Slmh n Ejjudi-
tion to Lake Huleh, Palestine Exploration Fund Quarter!)/ Statement 68 (1936), 294 lit. pis. 1 5.

Ruth Stellhorn Mackessex, Background of the History of Muslim Librarits, AJSL 51 (1931 5),
114-25, 52 (1936), 22-33, 104-10, includes a discussion ot the Alexandrian libraries ami the date of flu ir
destruction.

H. J. M. Milne, Greek Shorthand Manuals (JEA 21, 199), lias again been re\ iewcd at length by A. Mentis
in GGA 197 (1935), 481-7, and Gnomon 12 (1936), 499-6. In flu- former plate lie contests the dem.it ion
of the Roman from the Greek system; in the latter lie makes the interesting suggestion that the formation
of Christian nomina sacra was influenced by Greek shorthand (dad.. 493). and also adduces arguim tils
(ibid., 494-5) for placing the invention of the Greek svstem in the latter part of the first century a.h., a
good deal later than the Roman. Also reviewed by (’. IT. Roberts, ( 7. lit r. 59 (1936), 24 •>. w ho mentions
a vellum fragment of the Commentary in the Bodleian [actually it contains Comm. nos. 12 22]. Mii se
himself has an interesting popular article, Greek Shorthand, in Aberdttn Tninrsity linmr. 23 (1935 6).
127-32, touching incidentally on the psychological background of shorthand and its itdlm nee on literature.

A. Gulak, Dus Urkumleniresen imTulmud im I.ichte dirgriechisrh-ayyiiti'iltni Papyri and d< sgrtttlnsrht n
anil romischen Bechts (Jerusalem, 1935. vfl62 pp.), is an important wmk which may he mentioned here
though its interest is mainly legal. Some remarkable parallels between the firms of extant pap.tri ami those
prescribed in the Talmud are brought out. and the book will lie well omed by champions of antikt lit this-
geschichte. A series of preliminary studies by the same author, originally published in the Hebrew l«‘rindii id
Tarbiz, is summarized in El. de Pap. 1,97 194. under the title litthl-n rgbohmd, Station :u Talmud and
Papyri.

G. Pasquali, Storia della tradizione e criticn del Onto has been exhaust ivclx n viewed by (). Ski.l, Gnomon
12 (1936), 16-30; in spite of some criticism of details, lie pays a warm tribute to the inspiring qnalitx of
the work. Other reviews, also laudatory in the main, are by K. I’m: vnuii.. Bn. tndo gnto-ital. Is (1934).
102-10 ; G. Contini. Archivum Bomanicum 19 (1935). 339-40; A. M wim. Ann. ii. Sc. /*, v/ 1 (1935). 285-91 .

P. Collart’s lecture on Lett Papyrus it la htuhtion des lutes liW rairrs ( Acli - da < nnyru ,{r A in dt
V Association G. Butle, 91—102) is inaccessible to me.

8. Lexicography and Grammar

The expression , roXXh ™AW in P. Oxy. 744 is very fully dismissed by A. \\ hiiei w m Symh. OJo ] 1
(1935), 6-21. In the same volume, pp. 77-8], A. 15. S< HWarz gives (onviming reasons for rend, ring ,,y
OiKaiorrpayovpBoi in P. Oslo 40 ‘Dir. (lem gegenuber ni. ht gereeht (reehtmassig) g.-liamlelt win! . If max
be noted here that H. I. Bell had reached the same conclusion (‘if you do not rc-eixe satmla. tion ) m

104

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

CL Rev. 46 (1932), 24 without offering arguments. I have not seen the article by P. Chantraine (on the
adjectives in -tyaios and the name of the dowry) which is summarized by M. Hombert in Chron. d' Eg. 11
(1936). 594. The uses of the moods in Chariton are described by W. E. Blake in Am. Joum. Phil. 37 (1936),
10-23. The use of the perfect tense in the fourth Gospel is the subject of an article by Morton S. Enslin
in J. Bibl. Lit. 55 (1936), 121-31. In U Antiquite classique 4 (1935), 403-17 there will be found an article in
Dutch (with French summary, pp. 416-17) on bilingualism in Ptolemaic Egypt by W. Peremans. E. Mayser
is producing a second edition of vol I of his Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemaerzeit ; of
this volume Teil 3, Stammbildung has been published (Berlin-Leipzig, 1936, vii+ 308 pp.) ; it is appreciatively
reviewed by H. I. Bell in Cl. Rev. 50 (1936), 201.

9. General Works, Bibliography

A. General Works

L. Wenger’s J uristische Literaturubersicht v includes two very lengthy reviews, practically summarizing
the contents in each case, of Papyri und Altertumsicissenschaft (JEA 21, 103) and Preisendanz’s Papyrus-
funde und Papyrusforschung (JEA 21, 102): Archiv 12 (1936). 113-28, 128-39.

A well- writ ten summary of recent discoveries, both archaeological and papyrological, from the pen of
F. Zucker, Xeues aus deni hellenistisch-rdmischen Agypten is to be found in Geistige Arbeit 3 (1936), 3-5.

H. Leclercq contributes a long article on Ostraka to the Diet. arch, chret., Fasc. cxl-cxli, Paris, 1936, cols.
70-112. After outlining the information on Church organization in Egypt in the sixth and seventh centuries
provided by ostraca (chiefly Crum’s Coptic Ostraca), he prints a representative selection of theological or
liturgical texts, both Greek and Coptic, complete with translation, notes, and bibliography in each case.
While early works on ostraca are used to the full, it is to be regretted that a number of standard editions
of more recent years are omitted, with the result that no references are made to such interesting Christian
documents as O. Strassb. 810 or O. Tait Petrie 415. But even so the article contains a rich store of valuable
material. 1

A brief account of the various collections of papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, is given
in Bull. Ryl. Libr. 20 (1936), 9-16. T. Hopfner s statement concerning the Wessely papyri now in Prague
(cf. JEA 22, 93), is repeated in German in Archiv 12 (1936), 68-9 under the title Die Pupyrussammlung
Carl Wessely. jetzt ‘Papyrus Wessely Pragensis'.

E. Visser, De griekse papyrologie en oud-Egypte, Ex Oriente Lux: Jaarbericht, 3 (1935), S0-2 I have
not seen.

El. de Pap. 2, fasc. 1 is reviewed by H. Bengtson, Bull. Soc. Arch. d'Alex. 30 (1936), 128-30 (in the
case of the P. Baraize strongly favouring the view that 8taSoxos is a court title); fasc. 2 is reviewed by
H. I. Bell, Cl. Rev. 30 (1936), 90.

B. Bibliography

The following bibliographies, etc., are continued :

P. Collart, Bulletin Papyrologique, xiv (1934), Rev. et. gr. 48 (1935), 551-81.

M. Hombert. C. Preaux, and others: the bibliographical sections in Chrcm. d’ Eg. 10 (1935), 371-416
11 (1936), 170-207, 553-9.

Papyruskunde, BZ 36 (1936), 196-8, 461—4.

A. C'alderini. Bibl iograjia metodica, Aeg. 15 (1935), 433-8 (index only), 16 (1936), 179-224; Testi
recentemente pubblicati, Aeg. 16 (1936), 166-8.

10. Miscellaneous, Excavations, Personal

Accounts of the 4th International Congress of Papyrology are given by M. Hombert in Chron. d’ Eg. 1 1
(1930). 208-9 and L. Wenger, Z. Sav. 56 (1926), 410-14. The 5th Congress is being held in Oxford on
30 August-3 September this year, and any persons desiring information concerning it should write to
Mr. C. H. Roberts. St. John's College. Oxford.

Koranic Topographical and Architectural Report of Excavations during the Seasons 1924-8, (JEA 18, 103)
and Karanis ■ The Temples, Coin Hoards, Botanical and Zoological Reports, 1924-31, have been reviewed by
M. S. Drower in JRS 26 (1936), 115-16, the latter volume alone bv H. Comport, Mizraim 2 (1936) 77-8
A. E. R. Boak, Soknopaiou A esos (.JEA 22, 93) has received reviews from A. Calderini, Aeg. 16 (1936),

1 The section on Latin ostraca from X. Africa (cols. 109-110) is a fascinating by-path.

MISCELLANEOUS, EXCAVATIONS, PERSONAL 105

170-1 ; D. B. Harden, JRS 26 (1936), 118-19 ; C. B. Welles, .4.7.4 40 (1930), 285-8 ; U. Wilcken, Archiv 12
(1936), 84-5; H. I. Bell, Cl. Rev. 50 (1936), 204; H. X. Fowler, ,4m. Hist. Rev. 42 (1930), 95-6; C. H.
Roberts, JEA 22, 112-13.

I). B. Harden, Roman Glass from Karanis found by the L nirersity of Michigan Archaeological Expedition
in Egypt, 1924—9 ( = Univ. of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series, vol. xl), Unix, of Michigan Press. Ann
Arbor, 1936, xviii+349 pp., 23 pis., price $4.00, is an outstanding work on the subject of Roman glass.
Karanis has long been famous for the amount of glass it has produced, but until recently this has come from
illicit digging and the activities of sabbdlchin, and therefore has no archaeological context; here we have a
catalogue of the pieces which have rewarded the Michigan expedition, and their chronology is discussed
in the light of the evidence provided by meticulous excavation. Xot only so. but the author, for comparative
purposes, has made generous use of his wide knowledge of ancient glass as a whole. Altogether a book of great
interest for all students of ancient culture.

A. Vogliano has produced with commendable promptitude a report on his remarkable excavations at
Medinet MadI, in the centre of the Fayyum: Primo Rapporto degli Scad cundotti dalla missions archeologica
d'Egitto della R. Universita di Milano nella zona di Medinet Modi, 1936, vi-j-88 pp.. 18 pis. Unfortunately
this has not yet reached me, and I know only brief accounts, based on articles in the Egyptian Gazette, which
have appeared in AJSL 52 (1936-7), 56-7, 127.

In Chron. d'Eg. 11 (1936), 34-6, is a summary of a lecture given by Samy Gabra on his excavations at
Tiinah el-Gebel, the necropolis of Hermopolis Magna. Cf. also AJSL 53 (1936-7), 55-6.

E. Paribeiji gives a Rapporto preliminare su gli scad di Hibeh in Aeg. 15 (1935), 385-404.

Though just outside the geographical limits of Egypt, the truly astonishing discovery of papyri by the
Colt Expedition at ‘Auja el-Haflr, on the Palestine-Sinai frontier about 40 m. south of Gaza, must be
recorded here. The documents fall into two groups, one, wholly in Greek, dating from the middle of the
sixth cent., the other, Greek, Arabic or bilingual, from round about the 50th year of the Hcffira. The Greek
papyri are to be edited by Mr. C. J. Kraemer of Xew York University, the Arabic by Prof. L. A. Mayer
of Jerusalem, and all scholars will wish them well in their exciting, if arduous, tasks. In addition to documents
of all kinds — contracts, letters, accounts, etc. — some fragments of literary works appeared, notably a
codex of the Acts of St. George, and a Latin-Greek glossary to Vergil Aenekl iv. A popular account of the
excavation is given by H. Dcnscombe Colt in the Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement 68 (1936),
216-20. It may be recalled that during the war the Germans found a few papyrus scraps which Schlbart
published (reprinted as SB 7011-2).

I am afraid there is still less excuse for referring here to an even more sensational find — the group of the
sixth-century Hebrew ostraca from Tell Duwer (Lachish) now famous as the ‘ Lachi-h Letters . I nfor-
tunatelv the final publication by Prof. Torczyner has been held up by the friendly controversy which has
raged around the date and interpretation of the ostraca ; cf. Bull. ASOR 61 (Feb. 1936), 10-16 ; 63 (Oct. 1936),
36-7. There are good pictures in III. Ldn. News 10 Aug. 1935, 241-2. Particularly interesting are the clay
seals of about the same date with impressions of papyrus on the hack. If this is of Egyptian manufacture
(and the use of ostraca for quite important communications suggests that papyrus was not being produced,
at least in sufficient quantities, in Palestine itself), this is certainly the earliest direct witness to the export
of Egypt’s staple product. Xow that Palestine has produced written documents of the sixth century B.c.
and the sixth century a.d., is it too much to expect something of the sort from the Hellenistic or Roman
periods ?

From every quarter tributes have been paid to the memory of Girolamo 4 itelli. first and foremost
may be mentioned In memoria di Girolamo T itelli, Pubblicazioni della R. L niversita di Firenze, I irenzo, 1936,
131 pp, 3 portraits and 2 other illus. It comprises two separate memoirs, by G. Pasqfali (pp. 5-20) and
M. Norsa (pp. 21-50), followed by unpublished lectures of Vitelli on Sophocles and Horace, and con-
cluding with a bibliography (indexed) compiled by T. Lodi. Other commemorative articles are by 4’. Aran-
gio-Rtjiz, Bull. Soc. arch. d’Alex. 30 (1936), i-iv; E. Breccia, Chron. d’Eg. 11 (1936). 210-18; A. Caldkrini,
Aeg. 16 (1936), 176-8 ; M. Xoesa, Ann. R. Sc. Pisa 4 (1935), 335-48 (with portrait) ; R. Pfeiffer. Gnomon 1 1
(1935), 670-2 ; A. Vogliano, Atti della Reale Accademia Archeologica di Xapoli 14 (1935-6). 132-42 ; and an
unsigned article in Atene e Roma 37 (1935), 226. U. 44'ilcken’s Xachruf in Archiv 12 (1936), 172-4. recalls
the work of Vitelli, O. Gradenwitz, and P. M. Meyer, while 4Y. Kuxkel writes an article entitled
In Memoriam Arthur S. Hunt , Paul M. Meyer , Girolamo 1 itelli in Z. Sar. .>6 (1936). 426-30. Meyer is
separately commemorated by X. Hohlw'EIN in Chron d Eg. 1 1 (1936), 21S-21. Gradenwitz b\ 41. Hombert,
ibid., 221-2, P. Koschaker, Z. Sav. 56 (1936). ix-xii, and E. Kiessling, ibid., 418-25.

106

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

Athanase J. Sbarounis, Andre M. Andreades: Fondateur de la Science des Finances en Grece, Paris, 1936,
viii-j-294 pp., summarizes A.’s life and work; the only pages concerned with papyrology are 132-9, Les
F inances des Diadoques, mainly a precis of his article on Les Droits de douane preleves par les Lagides ( JEA
20, 94).

Two veterans of papyrological studies have reached their seventieth birthdays, A. Deissmann and
A. Korte. Tributes are paid to the former by H. Lietzma nn in Forschung und Fortschritte 12 (1936), 402-3
to the latter by W. Schadewaldt, ibid., 315.

Campbell Bonner, Classical Scholarship: A Boeing Commission, in Michigan Alumnus Quarterly,
Autumn 1935, 582-93, is unfortunately inaccessible to me.

PART II: GREEK INSCRIPTIONS (1935-1936)

By MARCUS N. TOD

The following Bibliography, continuing that for 1933-4 published in this Journal 21, 104-7, contains a
brief survey of the books and articles which appeared in 1935 and 1936 relative to Greek inscriptions from
Egypt and Xubia, together with a few remarks on inscriptions which, although not of Egyptian origin,
are of interest as attesting the spread of Egyptian political or religious influence to other parts of the Greek
world. For the abbreviations used to denote periodicals see pp. 142-4 below.

Following hard upon the completion of E. Mayser’s monumental Grammatilc der griechischen Papyri aus
der Ptolemderzeit mit Einschluss der gleichzeitigen Ostraka und der in Agypten verfassten Inschriften comes a
revised edition of that section of the first volume which deals with ‘Stammbildung - (i. 3, Berlin, 1936), en-
riched with the results of the discoveries, publications, and discussions of the last thirty years ; it is reviewed
by H. I. Bell in Cl. Rev. 50 (1936), 201.

The year 1935 witnessed the inauguration of another ambitious work, based upon epigraphical materials
as well as upon those derived from literature and papyri, in the first fascicule of A. Calderini's Dizionario
del nomi geografici e topografici dell'Egitto greco-romano (Cairo, 1935), an alphabetical list, fully documented,
of (a) geographical names, Greek and Latin, found in Greek and Latin records of Egyptian provenance,
whether the places themselves are in Egypt or elsewhere, and of (6) geographical names relative to
Egypt found in Greek and Latin sources outside of Egypt down to about a.d. 1000. The present instalment
of 216 pages, of which 152 fall under the heading ’AAegavSpeia, goes down to 'Ahucapmoocvs. It is reviewed
by O. Montevecchi {Boll, filol. class. 7 (1935), 58-60), A. Adriani {Bull. Soc. Arch. d’Alex. 9, 134-5).
W. Schcbart (Gnomon 12 (1936), 282-4), M. Hombert ( Chron . d’Eg. 11 (1936), 198-200), and L. Wenger
( Archil ■ 12, 108-71), and the author has given a list of addenda and corrigenda in Aeg. 15 (1935), 321-7.

F. Heichelhem has added a second supplement to his valuable register of the foreign population in the
Ptolemaic Empire, containing a few names drawn from inscriptions and many from Papyri (Archiv 12,
54-64).

Another work of great utility, in which epigraphical evidence plays a not unimportant part, is H. Henne's
Liste des strateges des nomes egyptiens a I’epoque greco-romaine {Mem. List. Fr. 56, Cairo, 1935; reviewed
by A. Adriani in Bidl. Soc. Arch. d’Alex. 9, 144), containing (a) a list of the oTparyyol of the Greco-Roman
period, arranged under their nomes, with dates and references; (6) a supplement to Biedermann’s list of
fiaaiXiKoi ypapparels; (c) special lists of the o TpaTrjyol and jjaoiXiKoi ypapyaTels of the Arsinoite and Hermo-
polite nomes in the Roman period; ( d ) a complete list of fiaoihiKoi ypapfiarcis, and (e) an alphabetical list
of names occurring in the foregoing lists together with those of officials whose nomes are unknown. Un-
fortunately, the printing of the work was unduly delayed, so that the supplements (pp. 1*-71*) and the
addenda (pp. xix-xxii) amount to all but three-quarters of the main text.

O. W. Reinmuth’s monograph entitled The Prefect of Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian {Elio, Beiheft 34,
1935), which has been reviewed by H. I. Bell (Cl. Rev. 50 (1936), 41-2) and by C. Preaux (Chron. d’Eg.
11 (1936), 192-5), is based mainly on the abundant evidence afforded by papyri, but makes full use also of
the available epigraphical sources, notably OGIS 664, 665, and 669. As a contribution to the study of the
administrative relation between Egypt and the Roman Empire, E. G. Turner has investigated the develop-
ment and the functions of the StW-n-pcorot in Egypt and in other provinces and has considered their relation
to the decemprimi found in certain cities of Italy and Sicily in the Republican period. For Egypt oup sole

GREEK INSCRIPTIONS 107

sources are the papyri and ostraca; elsewhere inscriptions provide almost all the available evidence (JEA
22 (1936), 7-19).

D. Zuntz has made a careful study of the material and ornament of the Coptic grave-stelae and of the
formulae of the epitaphs engraved on them with a view to determining their time and place (Mitt, deutsch.
Inst. Kairo 2 (1932), 22-38), developing A. Mallox's article on Coptic epigraphy in Cabrol-Leclerco.
Diet, d arch, chre't. m, 2819-80, and H. Junker s discussion of the Christian tombstones of Nubia in ZAS
60 (1925), 111-48.

O. Gueraud publishes (Bull. Soc. Arch, d’ Alex. 9, 31-3) a quaint record from the plaster covering of the
interior of a cistern some 7 kilometres SE. of Mersa Matruh, the ancient Paraetonium ; it consists of the
impress of a right hand, made while the plaster was still soft, and a rudely scratched altar and palm, accom-
panied by the inscription Komarov ’IoaXaros rvnos x l P°s arid an indication of the date, August 15th, 6 B.c.
An epitaph from Paraetonium is quoted by E. Combe (ibid.. 127) in a review of A. de Cosson's Mareotis
(London, 1935).

In Mel. Bidez, 1013-14, A. Wilhelm criticizes the restoration of an epigram (Satnrnelbuch, 0178) from
Leontopolis (Tell el-Yahudlyah) proposed by W. Peek in Hermes 66 (1931), 320, and 67 (1932), 131.

P. Roussel provides (Mem. Inst. Fr. 67 (1934), 33—40) a greatly improved text, unhappily far from com-
plete even now, and a masterly discussion of a decree from the Aphroditopolite nome (Rev. Arch. 2 (1903),
50-5 ; Archil’ 3, 132, No. 9), now preserved in the Institute of Ancient History of the University of Strass-
burg ; it was passed, in 57 or 56 b.c., by ot £k rov ev ’Afpobl-rgs rrfoAei yvpvaolov] in honour of a certain Herodes,
who, as gymnasiarch and lmra.pxrjs eV avS puiv kutoIkuiv Irr-ewv, had rendered signal services to the community
and especially to the gymnasium, and perhaps also of his father Demetrius (cf. Rev. et. gr. 49 (1936), 393).

In his interesting ‘Notes epigraphiques ’ P. Jouguet comments on a stele from Medlnet el-Fayyum, now-
in the Alexandria Museum (Bull. Soc. Arch. d’Alex. 7, 283) and describes the characteristics of the Egyptian
hero-cult (Ann. Inst. Phil. Hist. Or. 3: volume oifert a J. Capart, Brussels, 1935. pp. 227-33: cf. Rev. it. gr.
49 (1936), 392).

A. E. R. Boak's report on the excavations at Socnopaei Nesus (Dime) includes two Greek inscriptions,
one of which records the dedication of a road in the second or first century b.c. in honour of a Ptolemy,
while the other may also be dedicatory in character, but is unhappily mutilated beyond the possibility of
restoration (Sohiopaiou Xesos (Unix, of Michigan Studies, xxxix, Ann Arbor, 1935), 34-6: cf. AJA 40
(1936), 285-8, Rev. et gr. 49 (1936), 392-3).

F. Cujiont reports the discovery at the Kom of Medlnet Macli, the ancient Ibium, at the south-western
extremity of the Fayyum, of a temple of Isis built by Ptolemy X Sotcr, on the pilasters of which a certain
Isidorus inscribed four hymns to Isis, showing that the temple was dedicated to Hermuthis (assimilated to
Isis) and to Socnopaeus: of two of these poems he gives a brief summary (Rev. arch. 6 (1935), 97-S). An
account of the excavation of this site in 1935 is given by A. Yogliaxo in his Primo rapportn degli scan . . .
nella zona di Madinet Mat}i (Milan, 1936), in which the epigraphical discoveries made there are published
(pp. 23-70). These consist of (a) two dedications 'EppovBi 9ea peyltrrgi sal EoKovdvei 6ewi peyaXiui of the
vestibule of the temple and the lions which adorned it, probably in 95 B.c. (pp. 23-7): ( b ) two tantalizing
fragments too mutilated for restoration (pp. 52, 63-4) ; (c) eight dedications (pp. 22, 52-5) to Isermuthis,
Hermuthis, Anubis, and Apollo, one of which is dated 12 B.c.; (d) seventeen graffiti and dipinti traced by
individual worshippers (pp. 55-60); and (e) the four hymns above mentioned (pp. 27-51) numbering 144
verses in all, each bearing the signature of Isidorus, whose Egyptian nationality may be pleaded in extenua-
tion of his atrocious metrical errors : the absence of literary quality does not. however, rob these compositions
of some religious interest. Yogliaxo also re-edits (pp. 64-6) the perfectly preserved dedication of a neigh-
bouring precinct ’Apaivoyi sal Oeois evepyerais, between 163 and 145 B.c., now in the possession ol E.
Kiessling at Berlin (Aeg. 13 (1933), 542-6, 690; Sammelbuch, 7606).

The twelve Greek inscriptions, ranging from the Ptolemaic period to the third century A.D., found by
R. Weill on the ruin-covered hill on the right bank of the Nile at Kom el-Ahmar of Zawyet el-May\ itln
have been published by P. Jouguet in Mem. Inst. Fr. 67 (1934), 93-104 ; the longest, and one of the latest,
of these is engraved on a cippus and runs: @ew peylorip dpxgyHg ’ A-noXXuivi 'Iyvanoi ’ App.u>viavos <cai .loyyo;
PovTrXiKidpLoi Trjv eortar yapiorijpiov eid aya8q>, and the rest are short \ otive texts or epitaphs.

O. Gueraud examines afresh (Ann. Serv. 35 (1935), 1-3) the curious monument published by J. G. Milne
( JHS 21 (1901), 286-90; Cairo Catalogue 9267, p. 48) and an inscription (Archiv 2, 94-5) from Abu Tig,
near Panopolis (Akhmlm), showing that both refer to the same Agrius and claiming Panopolis as the
provenance of both.

108 BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

H. Kortenbeutel has published an interesting, if somewhat tantalizing, inscription, bought in Egypt
about 1 90S anti now preserved in the papyrus collection of the Berlin State Museums, which gives us our
first information regarding the relations existing between the yvpvdmov and the f}ovXi 7. It comes, in all
probability, from Ptolemais and contains a resolution passed in 104 B.c. by the members of the gymnasium
relative to the erection of portraits of ex-gymnasiarchs and of the king : the fovXg resolves to set up a portrait
of the king, to bestow on fifteen men membership of the gymnasium and citizenship, and from their entry-
fees ( elao&ia ) to defray the cost of the portraits of the king and of a certain Sarapion, to whom further
honours are granted ( Archil ■ 12, 44-53).

In Et. de Pap. 2 (1934). 229-40, P. Lacau deals fully with a graffito from the chapel of Osiris in the
Memnonium of Abydos (G. LEFEBVREet P. Perdrizet, Les graffites grecs du Memnonion d' Abydos, No. 74),
Greek in script but Egyptian in language. The king YPrONA<POP mentioned therein represents, in his view,
a rebel king, of whom no other record survives and whose reign lasted for at least five years in the second
century B.c. This interpretation of the text is confirmed by P. Jouguet, who maintains that Hurgonaphor
reigned at Thebes and Abydos over the natives who had revolted from the Macedonian kings, possibly in
the reign of Ptolemy VI Philometor ( Melanges offerts d M. Octave Navarre, Toulouse, 1935, 265-73: cf. Rev.
et. gr. 49 (193C), 392).

C'. H. 0. Scaife re-edits, with the aid of H. I. Bell and A. H. M. Jones, an interesting fourth-century
inscription from the porphyry-quarries at Mons Porphyrites (Gebel el-Dukhkhan), recording, under the title
KnOoXadj eKKXriaia MeXirlov, the renewal of a road, or perhaps of the necessary' winches, ‘for the lowering of
the columns of Jerusalem’ by an official of the prefect (InapyiKos) in conjunction with two chief-quarriers
(dpxiAardpoi) and other craftsmen ; he also publishes a TrpooKvvrjpa from a neighbouring site, dated July 4th,
a.d. 29 ( University of Egypt: Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts, m. 2, 58-63).

In Rev. de phd. 10 (1936), 318-24, H. Henne discusses the date (110 or 107 b.c.) and the historical inter-
est of a dedicatory inscription to Isis set up over a well at Coptos by two brothers, both oTpaTyyoi, which
was discovered and published by A. J. Reinach (Rev. epigraphique 1 (1913), 109-12).

With the help of P. Maas, W. Peek has provided a much-needed re-edition of the poems inscribed
on the Memnon-colossus of Thebes, based on a fresh examination of the originals and of the squeezes
made by Lepsics (Mitt, deutsch. Inst. Kairo 5 (1934), 95-109). These include the four poems of Balbilla
(O. Pechstein, Epigrummatu graeca in Aegypto reperta, 17 II.; Kaibel, Epigrammata graeca, 988-92; O.
Hoffmann, Oriech. Dialekte, n. 124 ff., Nos. 174-7; of Edmonds's edition in Cl. Rev. 39 (1925), 107-10,
Peek speaks slightingly) and ten other inscriptions, two of which (Nos. 12, 14) were not seen by Peek
while on another (No. 13) he contributes a note without re-editing the text. There is a useful summary
(pp. 101-2) dealing with the metre and dialect of Balbilla's poems and a translation into German of these
and of one other epigram (pp. 108-9). M. Avi-Yonah points out (Ann. Serv. 36 (1936), 88) that in a graffito
on the sixth syrinx at Thebes (J. Baillet, Inscriptions grecques et latines des tombeaux des rois a Thebes,
( Mtm . Inst. Fr. 42), No. 875) Xeyi(un-os) y' IIa(p6iK-fjs) should be read in place of the editor's Xcyi(uims) fm(?).

I 11 the ‘Notes epigraphiq ues’ already referred to. P. Jougcet also discusses (pp. 233-40) the ruins un-
earthed near the temple of Luxor and the Latin inscriptions found there, and examines the relation between
the worship of Anunon and that of the Roman Emperors; he publishes two Greek graffiti and an inscription
w hich proves that the cult of the great Theban deity still survived down to the third century of our era. He
further edits (pp. 240-3) four inscriptions found at Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu): (a) the epitaph of a fiuXasP ys
dating from about the beginning of the Christian era, ( b ) a tomb-inscription of the second century A.D.,
(r) a dedication, dated a.d. 150-60, of the apyiepevs and the members of a cult-guild of Ammon, similar to
one already known at Coptos, and (d) a votive stele of one w hose father is described as £vXovpyos to. 8ewv

peytoTon-.

O. W. Reivmuth has examined (Trans. Am. Phil. A.s.s. 65 (1934), 248-59) the nature and the occasion
of the edict of the prefect Tiberius Julius Alexander, dated July' 6th, a.d. 68. of which the text has survived
engraved on a temple- wall in the Great Oasis (0(1 IS 669). He concludes that it was a fiscal edict, published
not on the entry upon office of a new viceroy but at the opening of a new lustrum, and that it was addressed
to the province as a whole and not to the Alexandrians in particular.

I may group together a number of Egyptian inscriptions whose exact provenance is unknown. On
the rim of a miniature gold cup, now in the Egyptian Museum at Cairo, is the dedication, engraved in letters
only one millimetre in height. ' EXlvy dreX <f>fj (sic) ’ Afpoblrys, dated January 9th, a.d. 58 (P. Perdrizet,
-4«n. Sere. 36 (1936), 5-10). H. Seyrig comments (Mem. Inst. Fr. 67 (1934), 71-2), on the names and
numbers found on the facets of a bronze icosahedron in the collection of the late King Fuad (Bull. Inst.

GREEK INSCRIPTIONS

10 !)

Fr. 30 (1930), 1-16: cf. JEA 18 (1932), 105), especially on rplfopy is, associated with the number 14, and
conjectures [2fdpn-e]s as the name corresponding to 3.

Seymour de Ricci has published ( C.-R . Ac. In see. et B.-L. 1934, 256-61) two marble tablets from Egypt
acquired by the Louvre. One of these bears an epigram accompanying a statue of Zeus So ter, erected in
the second century a.d. in the npoSopos of a temple in gratitude for deliverance, with an added note in prose
naming the ypapparevs fiovXrjs and the Upo-jroios in office; the second is an interesting Christian epitaph of
the fifth century. P. Perdrizet describes (J Inn. Inst. Fr. 67 (1934), 137-44) a bone medallion bought in
Cairo and now preserved in the Cabinet des Mcdailles at Paris, bearing an inscription in which the god
Khnum receives the magical name of BpivraiTyvonbpis, a solar invocation for which the editor cites many
parallels from the magical papyri.

Among the recent accessions of the British Museum are two gems of about a.d. 200, probably Egyptian
in origin. One of these, intended to promote good digestion, show s an ibis tied to a vase and has on the
reverse a thrice repeated ircn, while on the other is engraved the bust of Sara pis and the legend ply a to
ovopa rov Fa.pa.TTis (F. 2s. Pryce, B M Quart. 11 (1936), 33—4).

Of L T . Monneret de Villard's projected work on the archaeology, the history, and the art of medieval
Nubia, based on the accounts of previous travellers and on his own researches, the first two volumes have
appeared (La Nubia medioevale: Mission archeologique de Xubie 1929-1934, Cairo, 1935); one of these con-
tains an exhaustive inventory of the Christian monuments of Nubia and of the sites of archaeological
importance from the third to the fourteenth centuries, while the second comprises a hundred photographic
plates. Epigraphical evidence is constantly cited, and a considerable number of Greek and Coptic inscrip-
tions, graffiti, and dipinti are edited, some of them for the first time; an appendix (pp. 281—4) collects twenty-
four Greek inscriptions found on Nubian lamps. Graffiti and inscriptions also play an important part
among the sources of the same scholar’s detailed survey of the .Jacobite bishops of Nubia, in which he exa-
mines the sees comprised in the kingdom of Dongola, their names, their geographical limits, and their
organization (Mem. Inst. Fr. 67 (1934), 57-66).

Among the discoveries made by W. B. Emery and L. P. Kirwan between the Wadi os-Sebua 1 and
Adindan were eleven Greek ostraca and two inscriptions written in black ink on the shoulders of amphorae
(The Excavations and Survey between Wadi es-Sebuu and Adindan 1929-1931, Cairo, 1935, pp. 530 1).

I append a few notes on recently discovered epigraphical evidence of the penetration of Egyptian
political or religious influence beyond the frontiers of Egypt.

T. A. Brady devotes a monograph, largely based on inscriptions, to The Reception of the Egyptian Cults
by the Greeks, 330-30 B.C. ( Urtiv. of Missouri Studies. 10, 1, 1935), the four chapters of which deal respectively
with (a) the creation of Sarapis. 330-285; (b) the expansion of the cult of the Egyptian gods, 285 -223;
(c) the reaction of the natives in Egypt and the spread of the cult in Greece, 223-145 ; and (d) the resort to
the native cults in Egypt and the final development of the cults in Greece, 14. >-30. An appendix contains
a list of the temples, altars, and shrines of Isis and Serapis, while a second appendix comprises a prosopo-
graphia of non-Egvptians who adopted the worship of Egyptian gods within the period under review. 1 In-
work has been reviewed by H. Henxe in Rev. et. anc. 37 (1935), 481-3. by P. Roussel in Rev. it. gr. 19
(1936), 476, and by C. Preaux in Chroit. d'Eg. 1 1 ( 1936), 579-84.

The metrical epitaph of Charmadas (cf. JEA 21 (1935), 107). discovered at Gaza and now in the Jerusa-
lem Museum, has been edited and discussed afresh by L. H. \ incent (Mtm. Inst. Ir. 67 (1934), 4l-o2),
who agrees with P. Roussel in assigning it to the last quarter of the third century B.c.: his remarks on the
palaeographical characteristics of the inscription arc especially interesting. Among the inscriptions
contained in the first volume of the Inscriptiones C reticae (Rome, 1935), edited b\ M. Gi ari>( cci, arc a
dedication to Sarapis from Chersonesus (vn. 3), a thank-offering to Isis from Lasaca (\v. 2), a votive
inscription from Lebena Au -TepdmSi ’ AoK?ojm<p uirpip Tcltiuiw Aeftyvaup (\un. 2<), and a ynpimi for to
Sarapis and Isis from Olus (xxii. 11).

Among recent discoveries at Philippi are three inscriptions of the third century a.d., one of w Inch honours
a certain Clodianus d™ cVit/xW twv tv Movoelw (7«ro ¥ dw (the Museum referred to is almost certainly that
of Alexandria), while the other two were erected by ol QpyoKemal to C Fepdm in honour of Q. flavins Hernia -
dion, benefactor of the societv, and his like-named son, whom they describe as top Ihiov ilyon-odiWyv rmv
peydXoev ’AosXynei o>v (P. Lemekle, BCII 59 (1935). 131-47). L. Robert has rediscovered and re-edited a
manumission-record (IG. IX, 1, 66) from Daulia in Phocis, w hich refers to a copy of the document as lodged
Trapa riv Eipamv and adds the name of the priest of Sarapis at Daulia (BCII 59 (1935), 200-5).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: CHRISTIAN EGYPT (1936)

By DE LACY O’LEARY, D.D.

Only a few months have passed since the last Bibliography of Christian Egypt, so that this one is neces-
sarily briefer than usual. 1

1. Biblical

A. Bohlig, Untersuchungen iiber die Icoptischen Proverbientexte, Stuttgart (1936), vii-f SO pp., is chiefly de-
voted to grammatical notes on the Sa'ldie, Bohairie, and Akhmhnic texts of the Book of Proverbs. It is
reviewed by L. Th. Lefort in Museon 49 (1936), 316-17.

F. G. Kenyon, Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri . . . ( cf . JEA 20, 206) is reviewed by F. C. Bttrkitt in
J. Theol. Stud. 36 (1936), 195-6, by L. Cerf vijx in Rev. d’hist. eccl. 31 (1935), 572-4, by A. C. Headlam
(Bishop of Gloucester) in Ch. Quart. Rev. 121 (1935), 131-5, and a summary appears in Mizraim 2 (1936),
9-12. M. Hombert in Chron. d'Eg. 10 (1935), 169-71 gives an account of P. Collomp’s paper in Rev. hist,
philos. relig. 14 (1934), 130—43, on the same subject.

J. L. Koole, Studien sum koptiscken Bibeltext . . . (cf. JEA 22, 94) is reviewed by L. Th. Lefort in
Rev. d’hist. eccl. 32 (1936), 650-1, who points out that this attempt to classify Coptic versions makes no solid
contribution to the subject as the writer confines himself to the Pauline epistles. Koole accepts Horner's
editions of the X.T. in the dialects of Upper and Lower Egypt as definitively ‘ the Sa'ldie’ and ‘ the Bohairie’
versions. But H.'s edition of the Sa'ldie is, says Lefort, ‘fatalement composite par suite du triste etat du
materiel eopte dont il disposait'. To form a continuous text Horner uses a variety of fragments, not from
a single version, and so produces a mosaic which cannot claim to be ‘the Sa'ldie’, points already noted by
Sir Herbert Thompson (in The Coptic Version of the Acts, . . . (1932), p. xxi). Lefort also reviews it in
Museon 49 (1936), 146-7, and W. Grossouw in Biblica 18 (1937), 135-8.

H. Lietzmann, Zur Wiirdigung des Chesler-Beatty-Papyrus der Paulus-briefe . . . (cf. JEA 21, 108) is
reviewed by H. Stelter in TLZ 60 (1935), 155-6, and by L(agrange) in Rev. bibl. 44 (1935), 627-9. The
same author’s Xeue Evangelienpapyri appears in Z. neut. IF As. 34 (1935), 285-92, and his article Hie Chester-
Beatty-Papxjri des X.T. in Die Antike 11 (1935), 139-48.

C. H. Roberts, Two Biblical Papyri in the John Bylands Library, in Bull. Ryl. Libr. 20 (1936), 219-44,
2 pis. and separately at the Manchester Univ. Press (1936), 62 pp., 2 pis., gives from one of these papyri
the passages Deut. xxiii. 24 — xxiv. 3, xxv. 1-3, xxvi. 12. 17-19, xxviii. 31-3; from the other only scattered
passages. Cf. the same writer’s An unpublished Fragment of the Fourth Gospel . . . (cf. JEA 22, 91) and an
article on the same in Bull. Ryl. Libr. 20 (1936), 45-55. The earlier publication is reviewed by H. I. Bell
in JEA 21 (1935). 266-7, by P. Benoit in Rev. bibl. 45 (1936), 260-70, by R. V. G. T(asker) in Ch. Quart.
Rev. 121 (1936). 313-14, and by Dibelius in DLZ 58 (1937), 4—6. Notes upon it appeared in Allgem.
deutsche Zeit. for Dec. 3, 1935.

H. A. Sanders, Some Fragments of the oldest Beatty Papyri in the Michigan Collection, in Proc. Amer.
Phil. Soc. 75 (1935), 313-14. maintains that the text in the Chester Beatty Old Testament represents the
oldest known form of the LXX. The same writer's A Third Century Papyrus . . . (cf. JEA 22, 94) is reviewed
by F. C. Bcrkitt in -ITS 36 (1935), 304-5. by B. Botte in Reck, de theol. anc. et mediev., Louvain, 8 (1936),
163-4, by L. Cesfattx in Rev. d’hist. eccl. 31 (1935), 574-7, by S. Colombo in Riv. difil. 13 (1935), 387-90,
by P. Collakt in Rev. et. gr. 49 (1936), 97, by E. C. Colwell in J. rel. 16 (1936), 96-8, very briefly noticed
by J. M. Creed in Cl. Rev. 44 (1935), 241, more fully by \V. G. Kujimel in TLZ 60 (1935), 307-9, by
L(agkange) in Rev. bibl. 44 (1935), 625-7, by H. G. Opitz in DLZ 57 (1936). 391-5, by F. C. Kenyon in
Am. Journ. Phil. 59 (1936), 91-5, by Soltek in Gnomon 11 (1935), 668-9, and by P. Thomson in Phil.
Work. 56 (1936), 1255—6.

Sir Herbert Thompson's The Coptic Version of the Acts . . . (cf. JEA 18, 181) is briefly reviewed by
H. Hyveiinat in Mizraim 2 (1936), 74-5.

1 The abbreviations used will be found on pp. 142-4 below.

BIBLICAL

111

W. Till, Wiener Faijumica , in Museon 49 (1930), 109-217, 1 pi. and separately gives 28 Fayyumic
passages from the Nationalbibliothek in Wien, the first a group of Jeremiah fragments, then fragments of
Psalms and Susanna, several portions of Daniel, and Mark, two fragments of John, and also fragments of
the Catholic and Pauline epistles.

Worrell, The Proverbs of Solomon in Sahidic . . . (rf. JEA 17, 248) is reviewed by Gehmann in M izraim 2
(1936), 79-80.

H. I. Bell, Recent Discoveries of Biblical Papyri, Oxford (1937), 30, is the text of an inaugural lecture
delivered before the University of Oxford on November 18, 1936. It gives an exceptionally full and lucid
account of Chester Beatty material and other biblical papyri and a detailed survey of the information
available to the present date. Note 1 on page 5 contains a complete bibliography of the biblical papyri
of this collection published to the present time.

In correction of K. Wessely, Ein faijumisch-griech. Evangel ien- Fragment (JEA 22, 94): Wessely’s paper
was printed in WZKM in 1912, the Fayyumic portion was re-edited by W. Till in Mitt. Pup. Samml.
d. Nationalbibl. in Wien, 2. Folge (1934) 26, 27 among other biblical and literary pieces..

nrxloM. HTe ^xuvamui Ctfetpi (rf. JEA 21, 108; 22, 94) is reviewed by J. Simon in Orientulia 6 (1937),
174-5. Fasc. VI. of the Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri, ed. F. G. Kenyon, Lond. (1937) xiv-j-32 gives
the text of Isaiah, Jeremiah and Ecclesiastieus with W. E. C'rum’s section on the old Coptic glosses.

2. Apocrypha, Gnostic, Manichaean

(a) Apocrypha.

H. I. Bell and T. C. Skeat, Fragments of an unknown gospel and other early Christian Papyri . . . (cf. J EA
22, 94), and the same writers’ The New Gospel Fragments, Lond. (1935), 33 pp., 1 pi., are reviewed by
R. V. G. Tasker in Ch. Quart. Rev. 121 (1935), 126-31, by F. C. Bcrkitt in JTS 36 (1935), 302—4, by
H. Vogels in Theol. Rev. 34 (1935), 312-15, by E. F. Harrison in Bibliotheca Sacra 92 (1935), 363-4, by

F. Zilka in Archil' Orientdlni 7 (1935), 530-1, by G. Ghedini in Scuola Cattolica 63 (1935), 500-12, by

G. Dix in Laudate 13 (1935), 97-120, by A. Calderini in Vita e pensiero, 1036, 33-6, by J. Behm in 01. Z
39 (1936), 313-16, by A. Lambert in Rev. de myst. 1936, 26, by B. Botte in Rech. de thiol, anc. ct midiev. 8
(1936), 106-7, by W. G. Hummel in TLZ 61 (1936), 47-9, by M. Dibelius in DLZ 57 (1936), 3-11. Note
here also B. A. van Groningen, Fragmental van een nievw Evangelie, in A ieuwe Theologische Studien
18 (1936), 210-14, and J. Huby, Une importante dicourerte papyrologique: fragments d' an evangile dn II
siecle, in Etudes, 1935, 763-5.

C. Schmidt, Acta Pauli, in Forschvngen and Fortschritte 12 (1930), 352-4.

AY. S chub art u. C. Schmidt, nPAEEIZ 17.4F.10F nach deni Papyrus dcr Hamburger Stauis- und Univ.-
Bibl., Gliickstadt und Hamburg (1936), viii+132 pp., 12 pi., gives Greek text, translation, com-
mentarv, and introduction.

W. Grossouw, De Apocriefen . . . (cf. JEA 21, 109) is briefly noted by L. Tn. Lefort in Museon 48
(1935), 237.

( b ) Gnostic.

C. A. Baynes, A Coptic Gnostic Treatise . . . (cf. JEA 20, 207) is reviewed by W. Bauer in TLZ 60 (1935),
104-5.

Polotsky-Ibschek, Manichdische Homilien . . . (cf. JEA 20, 207) is reviewed by E. B. in Rehgio 11
(1935), 183-4, by Fr. Ccmont in Rev. hist. rel. Ill (1935). 118-24, by W. Bauer in TLZ 40 (1935), 357-9,
by W. Henning in OLZ 38 (1935). 220-4, by A. D. Nock in Am. Journ. Phil. 57 (1936), 108-9, by
M. Gaster in JRAS, 1936, 133-5, and in conjunction with Schmidt-Polotsky, Em Mani-Fund . . . (cf.
JEA 19, 178) and Jackson, Researches in Maiuchaeism . . . (cf. JEA 19, 178) by Gotz ion Selle in CO A
197 (1935), 182-91. Schmidt-Polotsky'-Bohlig, Muni-' Kephalaia , Bd. I, Lieferung 5-6 (1936), 98-114 has
appeared (cf. JEA 21, 109 and 22, 95), and several more parts are in preparation. It is reviewed by J. Simon
in Orientalia 5 (1936), 396—400.

H. H. Schaeder, Munich aismus und spatanlike Religion, appears in Z. f. Missionskunde u. Religions-
ivissenschaft 50 (1935), 65-85.

C. R. C. Allberry of Christ's Coll., Cambridge, has in preparation and ready for publication Man ichacan
Psalms, vol. I. This is another of the Coptic Manichaean books acquired by Chester Beatty in 1930. Like
the Homilies and the Kephalaia it is written in the so-called sub-Akhmimic dialect. It is to be published

112

BIBLIOGRAPHY: CHRISTIAN EGYPT

by Kohlhammer, Gottingen, and has the same format as the Homilies. It is hoped that it will appear about
November.

3. Liturgical

A. Bacmstark, Oriental isches in altspanischer Liturgie, appears in Or. Chr. m. 10 (1035), 3-37, the author
maintaining that there are traces of Egyptian influence in the old Spanish liturgy.

O. H. E. Burjiester, The Liturgy coram patriarcha aut episcopo in the Coptic Church, appears in Museon
49 (1936), 79-84. The same author’s The canons of Cyril II, LXV1I Patriarch of Alexandria, ibid., 245-88,
gives introduction, Arabic text, and translation of the canons. The same writer’s The Creek Kirugmata,
Yersicles and Responses and Hymns in the Coptic Liturgy, in Or. Chr. Per. 2 (1936), 363-94, contains notes
on the modern Coptic prayer-book.

Valerie Hazmukova, Miscellaneous Coptic Prayers, in Archie Orientdlni 8 (1936), 318-33, 1 pi., from
MS. Orient. Inst. Praha I. All these prayers are to be found in current editions of the Euchologium, but
do not seem to have been identified by the editor ( cf . 1902 edit. = A.M. 1618) pp. nfi, kt, iTt>, iih, no,

^v, o).

cJ t.

The ‘Society of the Sons of the Coptic Church’ (Abna’a el-Kanlsah) has published an edition of the three
anaphoras, HAiiA.^opa, iit£ iuaimoc Baci'Aioc . . . , Cairo, 1936, 889 pp., in Bohairic and

Arabic, with *— A (113 pp.) at the end. It is clearly and well printed but without rubrication.

Lofcren-Euringer, Die beiden geu-bhn. iith. Gregorius- Anaphora . . . (cf. JEA 20, 208); S. Eitringer,
Die dlhiop. Anaphora des hi. Evang. Johannes . . . (cf. JEA 21, 110), and the same author’s Die dth. Anaphora
des hi. Basilius, in Or. Chr. 26 (1934), 92, are reviewed by H. de Vis in Rev. d'hist. eccl. 32 (1936), 947-9.
Euringer has now published sixteen anaphoras of the Ethiopian rite, a valuable contribution to liturgical
study.

H. Leclercq, Orientates ( liturgies ), appears in Diet. arch, chret xn (1936), 2659-66. Sect, vi deals

with Coptic and other languages used in the eastern liturgies.

H. J. M. Milne, An Easter-tide Fragment on Papyrus, has been published in JEA 21 (1935), 217-18,
1 Fig. The papyrus is of the 6-8th cent, and contains the passage Matt, xxviii. 11-13 with citation of
Ps. cxviii. 24.

4. Literature

F. Bilabel u. A. Grohmann, Griechische, koptische u. arabische Texte zu Religion u. religidser Literatur
in Agyptens Spdtzeit, Heidelberg, 1934, xii+452 pp., is reviewed by P. Pfister in BZ 35 (1935), 387-90,
and by C. Preaux in Chron. d'Eg. 10 (1935), 399-401.

D. Buckle, A noteworthy Sahidic variant in a Shenoide homily in the John Rylands, appears in Bull.
Ryl. Libr. 20 (1936), 383-4, 1 pi. The reference is to J.R.L. Coptic 70.

Blake-De Vis, Epiphanius . . . (cf. JEA 22, 95) is reviewed by G. Sartos in Isis 24 (1935), 127-9, by
Hestermann in TLB 56 (1935). 308-9, by F. Rucker in Th. Rev. 34 (1935), 329-35, by Ch. Martin in
Xouv. rev. theol. 68 (1936), 310-11, and by G. Deeters in ZDMC 90 (1936), 209-20.

Campbell Bonner, A papyrus codex of the Shepherd of Hermas . . . (cf. JEA 21, 110 and 22, 95) is
reviewed by P. C'ollart in Rev. de phil. 9 (1935), 311-12, and in Rev. d'egyptol. 48 (1935), 467-8, and by
H. I. Bell in JEA 21 (1935), 122.

O. H. E. Burmester, The sayings of Michael, Metropolitan of Damietta, is published in Or. Chr. Per.
2 (1936), 101-28.

P. Casali, L’ Exaltation de la Sainte Croix. Homelie attribute a saint Cyrille de Jerusalem 313-87,
Beyrouth, 1934, vi + 166 pp., is reviewed by P. P(eeters) in An. Boll. 54 (1936), 386-7. C. supposes that
he has found the Arabic text of a hitherto unknown homily by St. Cyril. P. P. points out that this text
is an Arabic translation of the Sa' Idic homily on the finding of the Cross and the story of Isaac the Samaritan
already published in Budge, Miscell. Texts, 1915, 183-229. It is reviewed also by G. Graf in Or. Chr
m. 10 (1935), 274-6.

P. Casey, Der dem Athanasius zugescliriebene Traktat irepl rrapBedas , is published in Sitzungsb. Berlin 33
(1935), 1022-45.

M. ChaIne, Le Triadon: son auteur, la date de sa composition, is in Bull, de V Assoc, des amis de Vart
copte 2 (1936), 9-24. The author bases his argument about the date of the composition on the reference to
Barsuma the Naked, a reference already fully dealt with by W. E. Crum more than thirty years ago in

LITERATURE

113

PSBA 29, 136, and EEF Report, 1903-4, 78. The proofs of the article have not been read earefullv, e.g.
on p. 16, n&'Xi.xina.c for n*.'A&.Atn&c, iipo for npo. na.pem«.y for T&pem&y, etc.

F. J. Dolgf.r, Das Losen der Sehuhriemen in der Taufsymbolik des Klemens von Alexandria, appears in
Antike, u. Christent. 5 (1936), 87-94.

H. LlETZMANX, Die Didache , Berlin, 1936, 16 pp., is a handy edition with critical apparatus. An interest-
ing article on the Didache appears in Streeter, The much-belaboured Didache, in JTS 37 (1936), 369-74.
which indicates the various critical problems still remaining unsolved.

Ch. Martin, S.J., l n Discours pre'tendument inedit de > S'. C grille. dl Alexandrie snr V Ascension, in Rev.
dihist. eccl. 32 (1936), 345-50, deals with an article by M yr. Papadopoulos the (Orthodox) Archbishop of
Athens on a homily which he had discovered amongst the manuscripts on Mount Athos and which he
attributed to St. Cyril of Alexandria. The homily is already printed in PG 64, 45-8. amongst the spurious
works ascribed to St. John Chrysostom, and reference is made to it in PG S6, 421-2 under the heading of
Eusebius of Alexandria.

M. Jugie, Theologia dogmnticn . . . (cf. JEA 13, 254) is reviewed by R. Stupperich in Z. f. osteurnp.
Gesch. 9 (1935), 415-19. Th. SpaOil, Doctrinu theologiae orientis separati de revelntione. fiile, dogmatica:
Pars. II. Doctrinu theologiae orientis examinatur. appears in Or. Chr. Anal.. 1935, 104-203. A. F. Matthew,
The Teaching of the Abyssinian Church, 1936, 116 pp., is reviewed by P. Usher in Ch. Quart. Rev. 123 (1937),
370-5.

W. Till, Eine Icoptische Bauernpraktik, in Mitt, deutsch. Inst. Kairo 6 (1936), 108-50. I have only just
seen. As in other of T.’s works this renders accessible material in the Vienna Xationalbibliothek collection,
in all sixteen leaves. The editor has added an introduction, critical notes, and translation. So far I have
seen no review.

5. History

(a) General.

D. Attwater, The Catholic Eastern Churches, . . . (cf. JEA 22, 96) is the subject of a review by G. Graf
in Orientalia 6 (1937), 169-71.

A. Bohlig, Dfl.s Christentum in Aegypten.mZ.f. M issionskunde n. Religionswissenschaft 51 (1936), 233-52,
gives a brief outline of the history of Christianity in Egypt.

S. Gaselee, The Copts, in J. R. Centred Asian Soc. 24 (1937), 27-45, gives in a few pages a very lively
and sympathetic account of the Church of Egypt.

G. Graf, Ein arabische-s Poenitentiale bei den Kopten, in Or. Chr. hi. 1<> (1935). 100-23. is an important
contribution to Coptic canon law.

J. Lebreton et J. Zeiller: De la fin du 2 e siecle (i la pair constant i me nne ( — Hut. de I'Eglise depuis les
origines jusqii'a nos jours, publiee sous la direction de A. Fliche et A . Martin, t. ii). Paris. 1935. 511 pp.
Deserving of note: ch. i, La crise gnostique (L. Lebreton); ch. vi. Les grandes persecutions (J. Zeiller);
chs. is, x, L'ecole d' Alexandrie (J. Lebreton); ch. xi. Les apocryphes et le manichtisme (J. Lebreton);
ch. xx. La derniere persecution (J. Zeiller). J. R. Palanqite. G. Bardy. et P. de Labriolle. De la pan
constantinienne a la mort de Theodose ( = id., t. m). Paris. 1936, 539 pp. Vote especially Part hi. chs. i. n,
Les sources et V evolution du monachisme primitif (P. de Labriolle).

G. Ricciotti, Roma cattolica e Oriente cristiano (cf. JEA 22, 96), is reviewed by G. Graf in Orientalia 5
(1936), 298-9.

E. Schwartz, Concilium Univ. Chalced. n . . . (cf. JEA 20, 208), is reviewed by P. Debouxktay in
Rev. beige de phil. et d'hist. 14 (1935), 1550.

J. Simon, Le Didionnaire des nom-s gengraphiques et topngrnphiques del' Egypte grrea-ramaine. in Orientalia 6
(1937), 132-42, is a fully developed notice of the Dizionario of A. Calderini (cf. JEA 22, 99), containin'.'
numerous additions and corrections of the first fascicule.

L. dei Sabelli, Storia di Abissinia. vols. i, h, Rome (1936). 326 and 450 pp.. is reviewed by J. Simon
in Orientalia 5 (1936), 400. D. O’Leary, The Ethiopian Church. Lond.. 1936. v + 79 pp., is a slight outline
of the history of the Church of Abyssinia.

(6) Hagiography.

F. Cumont, La plus ancienne legende de saint Georges, appears in Rev. hist. ret. 114 (1936), 1-41.

P. Peeters, Une vie copte de S. Jean de Lycopolis, appears in An. Boll. 54 (1936), 359-81. It is based
on the material published by W. Till. Wien K. 391 a. b (already published by Wessely). 9453-4. 9455. and
9516, this last a part of the MS. to which belongs Paris 129. 13. IS. 19, 26, 62.

114

BIBLIOGRAPHY: CHRISTIAN EGYPT

J. Simon, Bi-schoi Anonb, martyr d'Egypte, appears as an article in the Diet, d’kist. et de geogr. ecclesiastiques,
vm, 1935, 1550. The same author’s S. Jean VAnachorete (in Arabic) is published in as-Salah , Cairo, 1936,
553-4. The same author’s La Passion ethiopienne ine’dite de S. Hcrodd ( cf . JEA 22, 97), is reviewed by
J. P. Kiksch in Riv. di arch, crist. 12 (1935), 382-3, and by S. Grebaut in Aethiopica 4 (1936), 44—15.

W. Till, Koptische Heiligen- and Martyrerlegenden (cf. JEA 21, 111), is reviewed with the same author's
Koptische Pergamente . . . (cf. JEA 21, 109, 111) by P. P(eeters) in An. Boll. 54 (1936), 390-7, who notes
several points yet waiting solution. Zenobius was a physician who lived after the days of persecution and
was involved in controversy with the Xestorians: was this the Zenobius who was secretary to Shenoute and
became archimandrite of the White Monastery after the death of Besa ? (cf. Crum in JT8 5, 132). St. Nil
(or Xile) was martyred in Egypt under Culcianus with St. Sakina and others — there are no details. On St.
John of Lycopolis cf. P. P.’s Une Vie copte . . . (above). The work is also reviewed by L. Tn. Lefort in
Museon 49 (1936), 147-8, and Kopt. Pergam. ... by D. O’Leary in JEA 21 (1935), 121-2.

The second volume of Till’s Koptische Heiligen- und Martyrerlegenden has now appeared, Rome, 1936,
188 pp. (Or. Chr. Anal. 108), containing a considerable amount of material which deals with Matthew the
Poor, Ptolemaios, Moyses the ascete, George. Leontios, and Thecla, as well as an unnamed martyr, and a
supplementary passage by Constantine (of Asyut ?), as well as additions to the lives of Timotheos, John of
Lycopolis, and Theodore the Oriental, and to the letters of Severus in the first volume.

K. Heussi, Der Ursprung des Mdnchtums, Tubingen, 1936, xii + 308 pp. In this book the author examines
the influences and circumstances under which monasticism commenced and developed, in view of the
diversity of forms which it had assumed by the end of the fourth century.

H. Leclercq, Pahhome, is an article in C'abrol and Leclercq's Diet, d'arch. chret., fasc. exl-cxli, 1936,
499-510. On the life of St. Pakhom we now have L. Th. Lefort's Latin translation of the Bohairic Life
(which he edited in 1925) in CSCO 107 (Scriptores coptici. versio, series 3. tom. vii), Louvain, 1936, iv + 157
pp. The same writer's Lies de S. Pachome, nouvea ux fragments, appears in Museon 49 (1936), 219-30. F.
Halkin, S. Pachomii vitae graecae . . . (cf. JEA 19, 181), is reviewed by H. Frank in Or. Chr. 10(1935),
268-72.

Helen Waddell, The Desert Fathers. Lond., 1936. ix-f 312 pp., is an account of the lives and sayings
of Egyptian ascetes drawn exclusively from Greek and Latin sources. S. Gaselee, in the article The Copts
already mentioned, says (p. 39) : ‘It is not very complimentary to the labours of modem scholars (and much
work has been done on this subject in this and the last generation) that Miss Waddell chooses to ignore
them completely and translate from a Latin translation of the early seventeenth century’.

(d) J urisprudence.

E. Berneker, Die Sondergerichtsbarkeit im griech. Recht Agyptens, Munchen, 1935. vi — 195 pp., is
reviewed by W. Keller in Gnomon 12 (1936). 485-9.

A. Schiller, Ten Coptic Legal Texts . . . (cf. JEA 19, 182), is reviewed by K. F. W. Schmidt in GGA
197 (1935), 409-26, the reviewer giving variants and his own translation of parts of Schiller's texts.

6. Xon-Literary Texts

L. Amundsen, Greek Ostraca in the University of Michigan Collection, Ann Arbor, 1935, xx + 232 pp.
In no. 374 (3rd cent. B.c.) KavaX, navais is traced to Kv\H.\p. S'mia® ‘ verst iimmelt’, cf. Heuser. Personen-
namen, 1 , 21, 33, 69. The work is reviewed by K. Schmidt in Phil. Woch. 56 (1936), 714-18. The same writer’s
Ostraca Osloensia . . . (cf. JEA 20, 210) is reviewed by H. I. Bell in Mk.ro im 2 (1936), 77. Both works
form the subject of an article by F. Zucker in Gnomon 12 (1936), 668-70.

G. Graf, Catalogue des mss. arabes chretiens . . . (cf. JEA 22, 98) is reviewed by N. Peters in Theol. v.
Glaube 27 (1935), 758-9, and by O. E. Burmester in JTS 36 (1935), 432-4.

H. Leclercq, Oslraka, is an article in C’abrol-Leclercq’s Dictionnaire, fasc. exl-cxli (1936), 70-112. 1 pi.
It is mainly concerned with Coptic material and, like all L.’s articles, is equipped with a very full and
accurate bibliography.

N. Lewis, Mummy-Tickets from Achmim-Panopolis, is published in Mizraim 2 (1936), 70-2 (to be
continued).

H. Polotsky, Zivei koptischen Liebeszauber. appears in Orienlnlin 6 (1937), 119-31. It deals with Pap.
Wien K. 192 published by V. Stegemann, Kopt. Zanbertexte . . . Wien (no. 1) (cf. JEA 20, 210) and the

NON-LITER ARY TEXTS

115

Papyrus Michigan Inv. 4932, edited by W. H. Worrell, Coptic Magical and Medical Texts (no. 5) (cf.
JEA 21, 112). The author presents some searching remarks on the text and translation of those two texts,
which are of interest from the point of view of religious syncretism.

E. Porcher, Analyse des manuscrits coptes 131 de la Bibliothique Rationale avec indication des textes
bibliqu.es, with introduction by H. Hyvernat, in Re v. d'egyptol. , Cairo, 1 (1935), 105-60, 231-78 ; 2, 65-123
(cf. J EA 20, 2 1 1 ) is of the utmost practical value as giving details of a large collection of fragments in which
the lack of detailed guidance has hitherto often proved a serious obstacle.

K. Schmidt, Zu den Leidener Zauberpapyri, appears in Phil. Woch. 55 (1935), 1174-84. The same
writer’s Mltteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der Xationalbibliothek in Wien, appears in CCA 198 (1936).
241-53.

V. Stegemaxn, Die koptischen Zaubertexte in der Papyrusnmmlung Erzherzog Rainers in H ieu, will be
found in Sitzungsb. Heidelberg , 1933 4, 1. It is reviewed by H. ,J. Polotsky in OLZ 38 (1935), 88-91.

P. Sbath, Bibl. des mss. P. Sbath, caial. 3 . . . (cf. JEA 21, 111) is reviewed by J. Simon in Orientalia
5 (1936), 369-400.

A. W. Shorter, A magical ostracon, will be found in JEA 22 (1936), 165-8.

A. Steinwenter, Die Bedeutung der Papyroluyie . . . (cf. JEA 21, 112) is briefly noticed by F. Z(ucker)
in BZ 35 (1935), 176.

W. Till, Zu dem Wiener koptischen Zaubertexte, appears in Orientalia 4 (1935), 195-221.

U. Wilcken, Mitteilungen aus der W urzbnrger Papyrus sammlung, in Abh. Berlin, 1933 (1934), 123, is
reviewed by H. I. Bell in Mizraim 2 (1936), 76-77.

S. Zanutto. Bibliografia etiopica, fase. i . . . (cf. JEA 17, 250; 20, 211), appears in a second edition,
Rome, 1936, 54 pp. This new edition is considerably augmented, instead of 80 numbers it now gives nearly
150. It is reviewed by J. Simon in Orientalia 6 (1937), 175-6.

7. Philology

A. Bohlig, Ein neuer Ausdruck fur 'sein me, gleichen' im Koptischen, appears in ZAS 72 (1930), 141-3.

M. ChaIne, La Forme p* da verbs ipt, appears in Rev. <it. gr. 2 (1935). 35-6. It contains a note on Boh.
ipi ‘make, produce’, etc. — p<\ denotes habitual act as in John v. 36: Phil. i. 4, etc.

W. E. Crl'M, Coptic Dictionary, is reviewed by H. Hyvernat in Mizraim 1 (1935), 188-9, and 2 (1936),
75. Part iv is reviewed by Ch. Kuextz in Bull, de la Soc. de linguistigue de Paris 36 (1935), 161-2, who
makes some interesting notes on new words found by Crum (cf. JEA 22. 98).

F. J. Dolger, Lumen Christi, in Antike u. Christent. 5 (1936), 1—13, interprets rrcTuyupxevcivKapTrrqpov —
iievKH eopni exiuulAU Tupoy "der uber alien Gewalten ist’.

Alan H. Gardiner, The Egyptian origin of some English personal names, in JAOS 56 (1936), 189-197.
deals with such names as Susan, Phineas, etc.

A. Scharff and W. Hengstenberg : Mavepds = jui.ueooo'p ? appears in ZAS 72 (1936), 143-6.

J. Simon, L' Aire et la duree des dialectes coptes, in Resume des communications presentees au iv* Congrts
internal, de linguistes, Copenhagen, 1936, 93.

A. .Aiif.szek, Some hypotheses concerning the Prehistory of the Coptic rowels (= Memoires de la Commis-
sion orientaliste de V Academic polonaise des sciences, no. 23), Krakow. 1936, 63 pp.

B. H. Stricker, Trois Etudes de phonetique et de morphologie coptes, in Acta Orientalia 15 (1936), 1-20, is
in three parts: (i) Etymologies coptes, (ii) les voyelles u et e en egyptien, and (iii) une formation nominate duns
le copte, groupe katl, kitl, kutl.

W. H. Worrell, Coptic Sounds . . . (cf. JEA 18, 186) is reviewed by Gehmann in Mizraim 2 (1936),
80-1.

8. Archaeology

Fr. W. von Bissing, Christliche Freshen am zweiten Xil-Katarakt. appears in Forschungen und Fort-
schritte 12 (1936), 389-90, 4 Figs.

S. Gabra, Caracteres de Vart copte: ses rapports avec Vart egyptien et I'art hellenistique, in Bull, de V Assoc,
des amis des eglises et de Vart coptes 1 (1936), 37-41. P. Jouocet. De I'Egypte grecque a FEgypte copte, ibid.,
1-26. G. Sobhy, Notes on the Ethnology of the Copts considered from the point of view of their descendance from
the ancient Egyptians, ibid., 43-59. The new periodical in which these articles appear is published at the

116

BIBLIOGRAPHY: CHRISTIAN EGYPT

Imprimerie de l’lnstitut Frangais in Cairo for the Association des Amis des Eglises et de l’Art Coptes, a
society founded in 1934 with Yusef Simaika Pasha as Secretary.

V. Stegemank, Koptische Palaographie. 27 Taj. zur Yeranschaulichung der Schreibstile koptischer Schrift-
denkmaler auf Papyrus, Pergament und Papier der Zeit 3.-14. Jahrhund. Mit einern Versuch einer Stil
geschichte der koptischen Schrift , Heidelberg, 1936, fob, with 4 illus. and 25 pis. in portfolio. This will no
doubt prove of much value in classifying and dating manuscripts.

H. J. Polotsky, Suriel der Tram peter, in M use'on 49 (1936), 231-43, endeavours to place Suriel as a figure
in Coptic mythology.

X. Lewis, L' Industrie du papyrus dans VEgypte greco-romaine, Paris, 1934, xiii+187 pp., is reviewed
by P. ViERECKin Phil Woch. 56 (1936), 1121-3, and by H. C. Yotttie in Am. Jour. Phil. 57 (1936), 217-21.

A. Calderixi, Dizionario . . . ( cf . JEA 22, 99) is reviewed by H. I. Bell in JEA 21 (1935), 267-8.

Addenda

An obituary notice and biography of Louis Saint-Paul Girard will be found in Bull. Inst, fr.,
Cairo, 35 (1935), 4 pp.

A notice and biography of Kurt Sethe by H. Kees is given in Xachr. Gottingen, 1935, 66-74.

NOTES AND NEWS

\\ e have received the following from Professor Blackman regarding the Society’s work in
Nubia last winter:

‘Excavations began at Sesebi on November 1st and ended on February 17th. A con-
siderable portion of the site enclosed in the town-walls, the four town-gates, and the whole
of the New-Kingdom cemetery, have been cleared, planned, and recorded. The temple-area
has been found to comprise a large forecourt, along the western side of which have been
erected, upon an unusually massive substructure, three temples facing east and forming a
single block of buildings. In the foundations below the central temple a crypt has been dis-
covered, the walls of which are adorned with reliefs (unfortunately much mutilated) executed
in the normal Eighteenth-Dynasty style and depicting Amenophis IV seated in the company
of various Egyptian divinities. These reliefs, and the intact foundation-deposits found late
in the season beneath both the north and the south ends of the west wall common to all three
temples, indicate that the temples were founded and the crypt constructed and decorated
before the fourth year of Amenophis IY's reign. This king’s reliefs on the three standing
columns were, however, executed in the characteristic ‘Amarnah manner, although almost
certainly before his ninth regnal year. The columns in question, which are a very conspicuous
feature in all the published views of Sesebi, belong to the outer pillared hall of the central
temple.

‘Among the few pieces of sculpture found in the temple debris are a battered but pleas-
ing black granite head (half life-size) of a monarch wearing the Upper-Egyptian crown, and
a fragment of a relief of the finest quality displaying two life-size negro heads, which bear a
strong resemblance to the well-known representations of negroes in a relief from the Mem-
phite tomb of Haremhab ( cf . Eanke, The Art of Ancient Egypt, Fig. 228).

‘Outside the temple-area, but close to its north-east corner, is a stone structure which,
in its original form (it has undergone at least one reconstruction), seems to have consisted
of a small open court standing upon a square platform. Access to the court was gained by
a stairway on the western side of the platform. This building resembles in many respects
the “sun-temple” unearthed by Professor Garstang at Meroe in 1011.

‘The magazines, situated just south of the temple-area, produced little material of im-
portance, apart from a few hieratic jar-dockets. The cemetery and houses, however, have
yielded a fine collection of scarabs, quantities of beads, faience pendants, interesting pottery,
numerous articles of domestic use, and many small objects of artistic and archaeological
value.

‘Altogether a by no means unprofitable season’s work.’

Mr. Myers sends us the following notes on last season’s work of the Armant Expedition:

The season was chiefly devoted to further clearing of the temple area in Armant-el-Het.
where about 2,000 sq. m. of the Ptolemaic temple pavement are now laid bare. The entire
platform is composed of blocks from temples between the Eleventh and Twenty-sixth
Dynasties. These blocks are amazingly well preserved, some of the colours being as bright
as when first put on; this applies especially to those from the temple of Tuthmosis III. A
particularly fine block shows the hand of the king grasping Nubian and Asiatic prisoners

118

NOTES AND NEWS

heads, magnificently carved and coloured. A Twelfth-Dynasty block shows the ceremony of
founding the temple. Many other objects were found in these excavations, including three
sandstone Osiride figures, one of them probably of the Eleventh Dynasty, and a limestone
statue of a vizier of the Second Intermediate Period, unfortunately in many fragments.

The second large undertaking of the main expedition was the clearance on the desert
edge of a mound named Kom-el-‘Abd, an adobe construction about 40 m. square by 4 m.
high. The walls were tliick and well built and the centre consisted of construction chambers
filled with soil, on which was a brick pavement. Up one side ran a ramp about 8 m. broad.
No trace of original constructions on the platform was found. Along the north side were rows
of tree-pits and on the south a series of buildings in the ‘Amarnah style. The bricks of the
main building bore the name of Amenophis III. The purpose of the building is still unknown.
No inscriptional material was found except an ostrakon giving a list of Scribes of the Barque
of Amun. Two other objects found were part of a faience vase of Pinutem II and part of a
ahaicabti-iigme of Merneptah.

A ‘pan-grave’ cemetery was also excavated, and though badly robbed gave us new
evidence about the Nubian mercenaries of the Second Intermediate Period. Semi-circular
trenches were cut round the graves, and painted skulls were buried in these with the horns
protruding from the ground. Burial of the skulls of animals in ‘ pan-grave ’ cemeteries is well
known and must be linked with the entire ox-burials, found by us last year, associated with a
Nubian intrusion about the time of the First Dynasty, and with almost identical customs
among the Dinkas.

A Coptic hermitage was dug in KaTah-el-Hamra, a natural hill in the midst of the Low
Desert. It was a small stone-built house with a cave behind, and a stone-paved terrace in
front. A ‘road ’ about 5 km. long and 200 m. wide leads from KaTah-el-Hamra to the cliffs
of the High Desert. As half of it has disappeared in the last three years we decided to rescue
what we could of the history of the site. The road is clearly of the New Kingdom, probably
an unfinished project.

Another task was further search for remains of the Saharan civilization, sherds of which
have been previously found here. The results show that the culture was probably a Bedouin
one, settlements not being occupied for any length of time. The dead were probably buried
above ground under a mound of stones ; there are no bodies. The culture certainly comprises
several periods, one of which, probably the latest, fell between the Protodynastic Period and
the Third Dynasty.

The desert expedition by Dr. H. Winkler, assisted for part of the time by Mr. Terence
Gray, had an equally satisfactory season. More than a thousand rock-drawings were photo-
graphed, and the various styles and periods are becoming clear. The expedition has explored
the High Desert to the north and east of Luxor and Armant, the work on the Kuser road
u adi systems and the passes to Nag* Hammadi being complete. The series of drawings extends
from the Palaeolithic to the Arab periods, and the positions in wadis of these earlier drawings
may throw light on the history of the desiccation of the plateau. Five Horus-names were
found in various sites, including that of Narmer and three, so far unidentified, which are
possibly of unknown predynastie kings. A very interesting series of inscriptions was found
mentioning a new queen and princesses of the Thirteenth Dynasty.

Mr. Pendlebury reports as follows on last season’s work at Tell el-‘ Amarnah:

‘ A short season sufficed to finish the work on the Central City. The Palace plan was
finally confirmed. A large building south of the Temple was cleared, and proved to be in
the nature of baths or a purificatory area. The Military Quarters were excavated and two

NOTES AND NEWS

119

small buildings of exceptional interest were discovered to the South, one a pavilion with
brightly painted walls, ceiling and columns, the other constructed to house a statue of the
king in a wooden shrine.’

Dr. Gardiner writes:

' It had unfortunately become apparent, more than a year ago, that the munificent grant
made by Mr. John D. Rockefeller. Jr. would not suffice to do more than cover the expense
of Volumes hi and iv of The Temple oj Sethos I at Abydos, and that even to achieve as much
some economy would have to be exercised. Miss Calverley therefore proposed to the Editor
of the Survey that a great effort should he made to complete all the field-work for these
volumes in a single season, and by dint of unremitting industry extending from October to
May she and Miss Broome have succeeded in accomplishing their object. The finishing
touches have to he given to some plates of Volume in, but we have good reason to think
that this will be in our Members' hands before the close of the present year. It will deal with
the entire Osiris complex consisting of two halls and six smaller chambers, and will contain
thirteen colour-plates, four of them double ones. The fourth volume will require a year and
a half's preparation at home, but will be the largest of the four. By careful contrivance it
will be possible to include the entire Hypostyle Hall, for which two volumes had previously
been reserved. Here there will he four double and four single plates in colour, and with
these all the colour-work worth reproducing in the Temple will have been exhausted.
It is greatly to be hoped that when the time comes funds will be forthcoming to finance
the remaining volume that would round off the series; it would be a thousand pities if this
had to remain incomplete. For several months during the past season Mr. Leslie Greener and
Mr. R. C. Martindale took a hand in the work, and once again Professor Junker has laid
our Society under a deep obligation by devoting many valuable days to collating the
inscriptions.’

Two lantern lectures have been given under our Society's auspices to appreciative
audiences at the Royal Society's rooms, Burlington House: ‘Some Recent Excavations in
Egypt’, by Prqfessor Glanville, on March 2nd, and ‘The Society's Excavations at Sesebi
in°Upper Nubia during the Season 1936-87’, by Professor Blackman, on July 5th.

An Exhibition of our Society's work at Sesebi and Tell el-‘Amarnah was held in the rooms
of the Palestine Exploration Fund at 2 Hinde Street, Manchester Square, from July 5th
to 24th. The objects from Armant will be exhibited later.

On pp. 142-4 of this part will be found a new feature of the Journal, namely a compre-
hensive list of abbreviated references to periodicals and books frequently cited by contribu-
tors. The usefulness of this list— which is to appear in the first part of each annual volume
—will be evident. Firstly, it will enable references in articles to be identified easily and
certainly by readers; secondly, it will enable some common references to be given in very
concise form, since the explanation of these is close to hand ; thirdly, it will enable writers
for our pages— nearly all of whom are, we suppose, to some extent readers of ours— to
know what are the conventions adopted by this Journal, to their own convenience and the
great saving of editorial labour. From our heart we beg our contributors to prepare their
highly valued manuscripts with this list (a copy of which will be sent on application) before
them, and to conform to it unless they see good reason to do otherwise. The symbols have
been chosen with care ; a certain lack of consistency is chiefly due to reluctance to make some

120

NOTES AND NEWS

abbreviations as short as are some other widely-used ones containing the same words (e.g., A-JA,
but Am. Journ. Phil.). Mere striving after brevity would reduce everything to groups of
capital letters, and this, in a periodical not addressed to specialists alone, seems undesirable
in the interests of intelligibility. The list (which will be revised as occasion dictates)
supersedes, by inclusion, the one hitherto prefixed to the Papyrological Bibliography.

For reasons beyond editorial control, it is not possible to publish the Bibliography of
Pharaonic Egypt (see Yol. 22, p. 100) in this issue.

With the death of Adolf Erman on June 26th has passed away the greatest scholar in
modern Egyptology, the man who, among many other achievements, gave Egyptian philo-
logy its form and direction, with immense consequences in the improved understanding of
texts, and to whom every student of our science owes, and will for all time owe, an incalcul-
able debt. For over sixty years he laboured incessantly ; among living Egyptologists perhaps
only the venerable Professor Golenischeff can remember the time before Erman advanced
to a leading place in his field. A notice by Dr. Crum, Erman’s oldest English friend, will be
found elsewhere in this part.

It is with deep regret that we record the death, on June 24th, of Mr. B. McKenzie, for
ten years a valued contributor to our Papyrological Bibliography.

Mr. M. F. Laming Macadam writes:

‘ In a recent volume of the Journal (Yol. 22, PI. xxiii) there were published photographs
of a bronze cone from Kawa shoving in Meroitic hieroglyphic characters the name and
epithets of a king Mnhble. These consisted of two cartouches, that on the right bearing the
words (reading downwards and from right to left) Mnhble: qer , which may mean “the king
(or perhaps ‘ruler") (A)mankhabale”, and that on the left the word (reading downwards
and from left to right ) ictemrese, the meaning of which is uncertain, but for which I suggested
to Mr. L. P. Kirwan. pending further investigation, that it might be the name of a
queen. Professor U. Monneret de Yillard has now written an interesting note in the latest
fascicule of Aegyptus (17, 1 01—3) proposing a derivation from two words which he writes
WT+M’BS? (i.e. ivte-r meric according to Dr. Griffith's system of transliteration), with the
meaning “well-living, happily living’", or the like. For icte Professor Monneret de Yillard
can quote several examples, but for the second component word only one, though he men-
tions wtemresi from the stela of Tanyir(d)amani at Boston, line 17. Of this he says, “La
forma e quasi simile alia nostra WTM3BS? [i.e. wtemersc ] salvo che in un caso e vocalizzata
la B e nell" altro la M.” It must be pointed out, however, that the word on the Kawa cone
differs from the word in the Boston stela only in the last letter, since it must be read ictemrese
and not, as Professor Monneret de Yillard has it, wtemerse, the hieroglyphs being read from
back to front. / J/U/ ) /A- i occurs in another Meroitic (cursive) inscription from Kawa,
not yet published, in circumstances which had already led me to the conclusion, before
Professor Monneret de Yillard's note appeared, that the word was an epithet of the king.’

With much pleasure, and with our congratulations to the recipient, we record that on
April 29th last the University of Oxford conferred the degree of D.Litt. honoris causa on
Walter Ewing Crum, described by the Public Orator, in the course of his presentation, as
‘ vir . . . cui in Musarum horto unus praeter omnes angulus riserit, quem ipse labore tarn
assiduo excoluit ut vix glaebam ullam reliquerit vertendam’, and again, with the playful

NOTES AND NEWS

121

touch expected on these occasions, as £v rols Kotttlkois del ttpokotttujv. The ceremony in
Convocation was attended by a number of friends; a humble admirer was heard to exclaim,
in the words of a Bishop of Coptos, Tg^noeecic iines.iuj*,i jju^oo*y ju.eo np^uji
O'pltoq. c

It is with mixed feelings, we fear, that students of Egyptian will have heard that the
Editors of the II orterbuch der agyptischen Spraehe are not continuing the publication of the
‘Belegstellen’ in the form in which a fascicle, covering a little more than Yol. i of the main
work, appeared two years ago, namely printed references to passages in which the words
occur. It has been decided to proceed at once to the publication (intended from the first,
but as following on the short references) of the ‘voile Belege’, consisting of select passages
in hieroglyphic (autographed by the indefatigable Herr Erichsen) giving full contexts of the
words. These will hegin with passages illustrative of words in Yol. u, and are to be issued in
parts of about 100 pp. each, the first to appear shortly. The immense superiority of this form
of citation over the one now abandoned is obvious, especially since many texts which have
been used as material are unpublished, and since also some of the publications used are not
easily accessible to Egyptian students in general — two points emphasized by Prof. Grapow
in his communication of last March to the Berlin Academy of Sciences on the progress of
the IF orterbuch. But it is to be feared that to complete the publication of the ‘ voile Belege ’
will take many years, in view of the immense labour of compilation and autographing, and
meanwhile the I Yorterbuch will remain — though to a diminishing extent — but half a
dictionary. We can but hope that Prof. Grapow and his helpers will be able to give us this
essential part of their great undertaking with all possible speed.

Dr. Bell writes:

‘Professor Adolf Deissmann, who died last April, was primarily a theologian, not a
papyrologist, but the science of papyrology profited very greatly by his labours. His Licht
com Osten, in successive editions and translations of which he kept abreast of the progress
of discovery, was in its way an epoch-making work : it was rich in the power of stimulating
and suggestive interpretation, and the documents incorporated in it were so studied, from
a standpoint unfamiliar to most papyrologists. as to yield a great many valuable new results.
It was addressed, however, mainly to the non-pa pyrologist ; both in this volume and in his
other papyrologieal studies Deissmann was first and foremost an intermediary between
papyrology and other branches of research, particularly New Testament studies. Probably
nobody has done more than he to bring the evidence obtained from the papyri and ostraca
into the range of knowledge of the wider public interested in antiquity, to give general
currency to the new knowledge won by the papyrologieal specialist. And since the true and
ultimate aim of every papyrologist is to provide the evidence from which the historian, the
lin guist, the jurist, and many another type of scholar may derive his general survey, Dciss-
mann must be reckoned among the most eminent servants of the study. He was a pro-
tagonist in the school of New Testament scholars who maintained the view that the language
of the New Testament was no peculiar diction produced in the attempt to translate Aramaic
modes of thought into Greek speech, but simply the colloquial Koivy of ordinary life, as
opposed to the artificial literary kolv 77 of contemporary pagan authors. As was natural in a
pioneer, he tended to exaggerate this point of view, ignoring or minimizing real peculiarities,
due either to Aramaisms or to the special needs of theological exposition ; but this one-
sidedness did not destroy the fundamental justice of his general point of view.

‘A man of attractive personality, with a youthful zest and enthusiasm which he carried

12-2

NOTES AND NEWS

into old age, Deissmann had a gift for friendship. After the War he exerted himself in the
cause of international goodwill and reconciliation, restoring old ties and forming new ones ;
and his death is mourned by friends in many countries.’

The University of Michigan has produced two volumes which are to be known as,
respectively. P. Mich, iii and P. Mich. iv. P. Mich, i is the volume of Zenon papyri edited
by Mr. Edgar, P. Mich, n Professor Boak's Papyri from Tebtunis, Part i. This last volume
brought the current numeration of the texts to no. 128. Nos. 129-30 appeared in Professor
Campbell Bonner's A Papyrus Codex of the Shepherd of Hernias, and the numeration is con-
tinued in the two new volumes, of which P. Mich, iii covers nos. 131-221, while nos. 223-5
appear in P. Mich, iv ; no. 222 is the codex of the Pauline Epistles previously published by
Professor H. A. Sanders as A Third-Century Papyrus Codex of the Epistles of Paul. The two
new volumes will be reviewed in this Journal, but this explanation may be useful to those
who see references to ‘P. Mich. x\ and do not know where the papyrus in question is to be
found.

Yol. i of ‘P. Merton’ is in the press and should be out in the course of the present year.
It contains fifty texts, of which two are literary (Homer), one is Biblical, and the rest are
documents, ranging in date from the third century b.c. to the Arab period. These papyri,
edited by H. I. Bell and C. H. Roberts, are selected from the collection formed by Mr.
Wilfred Merton. They are arranged in chronological order, and a collotype facsimile of each
will be given. It is hoped later to issue a second volume containing at least as many texts.

The Ashmolean Museum at Oxford has recently acquired on permanent loan a small
collection of Greek papyri, varied both in type and period ; none of these texts has as yet
been published and it is intended that they be kept available for those who wish to take up
the study of Greek papyrology. It is hoped that, beginners especially may find it easier to
acquire the rudiments of Greek palaeography by working with originals, even if fragmentary,
instead of with facsimiles.

The third volume of the Catalogue of Greek papyri in the John Rylands Library, Man-
chester, will be published near the end of this year. Like the first volume it will contain only
literary and theological texts and will be divided into five sections: (1) theological texts
(Greek); (2) Latin literary and juristic texts; (3) new classical fragments (Greek); (4)
scientific and technical texts; (5) fragments of extant Greek authors. The texts, which
number nearly a hundred, will be edited by Mr. C. H. Roberts.

We are informed by the Keeper, Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities,
British Museum, that the Students’ Room of this department on the upper floor was opened
on May 10th, 1937, and will be open regularly, with the exception of the usual holidays, for
the use of students of Egyptian papyri and Assyrian and Babylonian tablets. Other classes
of written documents, and the archaeological material, will be made available as the
re-arrangement of the collections is completed, students who desire to continue their use
of the room should renew their tickets immediately, and are requested to give notice of
their requirements before presenting themselves.

Sappho is one of the authors our knowledge of whom has been substantially increased
by finds of papyri. The latest example of her work to be discovered is preserved not on

NOTES AND NEWS

128

papyrus but on an ostracon. This, possibly written by a schoolboy, for the text is very
corrupt, is also the earliest manuscript of the poetess yet discovered, dating from the second
century b.c. Portions of five stanzas of an ode remain, which include two existing fragments.
Ihese fragments, previously, as is now apparent, recorded in a corrupt form, are at last to
he read in their context, and the poem, apparently written in Crete, is an important
addition to our stock of Sappho’s verse. It is edited by Professor Medea Norsa in the Annuli
della U . Scuola Nor male Superiore di Pisa , Serie n, Yol. vi (1937), Ease. i-ii.

Much have we heard lately about certain claims as to the recovery by ‘ supernormal '
means of the vocalization of Egyptian — a piece of news which hits us, if we may so express
ourselves, just where we live. A lecture on the subject was given in Oxford, and we believe
that gramophone records of Egyptian thus resuscitated were heard by a much impressed
audience, which, to our lively regret, we were not privileged to join. However, the whole
story is now set forth in a book called Ancient Egypt Speaks, by A. J. Howard Hulme, Hons.
Cert, in Egyptology, Univ. of Oxford, and Frederic H. Wood. Mus. Doc. Dunelin, Hon.
R.C.M. No copy has been received for review, but this must not debar our readers from
some information about researches which have ‘completely restored the spoken language
of ancient Egypt’. There is a young medium called Rosemary, and through her the Lady
Nona, who was the Babylonian wife of Amenopliis III, and came to a bad end. has been
giving revelations of Egyptian wisdom (confirming theosophical text-books), largely with
the very laudable aim of staving off another world-war. After using plain English for some
time she began to utter phrases in a strange tongue, and Dr. Wood sent transcriptions of
these to Mr. Hulme, who had already compiled an Egyptian-Esperanto grammar and
dictionary — a remarkable form of Egyptological (or is it Esperantist ’?) propaganda. Mr.
Hulme said they were Egyptian, and to prove it has turned many of them, not without
‘rigorous test as to grammatical construction’, into hieroglyphic (the book contains pages
of this, which will greatly impress non- Egyptologists too), with pronunciation and translation
complete. Xona said, for instance, d vu'stee vong tu. Most scholars would have made nothing
of that; but Mr. Hulme saw that it must be meaning 'to enumerate, now,

the items’. But he saw also that Nona’s pronunciation was not quite all it should be (after
all she was a foreigner), or else that Dr. Wood hadn’t got it quite right — we do not know
which; for he emends this utterance to eph estirf o[ng) tu. Again, confronted with ah donk
zeet y ra von(k), he perceived that Xona, speaking as always with ‘infallible use of Egyptian
grammar', had said <=> j-j ‘so that the ear may give it life’, which she

ought to, or must, have really pronounced d(r)di onkh zi't. iraj. ( ny)a'nkh (d as in mart), and
that this of course referred to the rebirth of Egyptian through the discovery of the vocaliza-
tion. An utterance that has held our attention, as showing how emphatic assurance may
be expressed with infallible grammar, is eg, ^ "T* £§. ^ As At

really is I. The man has put the word. It is really I therein’, although we don’t know
what putting the word is. Although Xona has vouchsafed over 900 such little gems of
Egyptian prose, her attempts at hieroglyphic writing have been trifling; this is because she
is a Babylonian lady, Mr. Hulme says. It seems a real pity that while learning to speak
Egyptian with infallible use of grammar, though perhaps always with a marked Babylonian
accent which Mr. Hulme is fortunately able to rectify, Xona could not have picked up the
writing too and so have spared him much arduous labour. Mr. Hulme sets forth the main
features of Nona’s diction with impressive technicality (that a. Babylonian would have
adopted easily the Old Perfective, that ‘quaint style of almost prehistoric age, with its
relation to the Akkadian Permansive. is a most happy observation), and is able to refute, with

124

NOTES AND NEWS

crushing effect, several of the ‘inferences’ of less favoured students. He is careful to point
out that the words ‘can be checked by anyone’ with Budge's dictionary, and that Gardiner’s
Grammar is accessible for checking the grammatical structure. And he gives us, though
with modest indirectness, the necessary assurance (apart from that Hons. Cert, in Egypt-
ology) as to his competence in these delicate matters. On one page Nona is stated to speak
Egyptian, when in spate, seventy-three times as fast as he can compose it ; on the next she
is stated to speak at a speed of seventy times the capacity of the world's best Egyptologists.
We are no mathematician, but Mr. Hulme looks to us as near the world’s best Egyptologists
as makes no difference. What further guarantees can the layman require '? Turning from
philology, we do hut mention the vivid description of Thebes, temp. Amenophis III, with
people travelling in tents on camels’ hacks ; the ‘ temple-memories ’, showing that the dances
in A'ida are all wrong, and giving the ‘exquisite devotional melody’ to which eest-y, eest-y,
oovan-ee tali (no translation) is set ; how horribly the river smelt, and how easily great blocks
were moved by ' weight-adjustment ’ ; for we are not strong in archaeology. Bather would
we linger on the salutation s’ankh ‘here’s Life for you!’, the rare phraseology that no one
on Earth is capable of framing spontaneously, and the clincher zit (' that 's it ! ’) ; but we
must end, and how more appropriately than with Nona’s ‘closing-down formula’ ^
d quon ‘indeed, completion!’ - ?

We invite readers to help us to increase the usefulness and interest of ‘Notes and
News’ by sending us any information which they think might suitably appear under this
heading.

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

Hie, Desert Fayutn. By G. Caton-Thompson and E. \Y. Gardner. London, Tiie Royal Anthropological

Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1934. 4to. xi v Aid? p p . , and vol. of 1 14 ph. and maps. 3U.y. net.

Miss Caton-Thompson set out to study Palaeolithic and Neolithic man in the Western Desert, a study
which entailed the assistance of a geologist, Miss Gardner. In this district the whole question revolves around
climate and the history of the Fayyum Lake, and this in turn introduces various problems of historic times.
Only an excavator can realize how annoying can be the appearance of evidence as to unwanted periods, dis-
tracting one from the main subject of inquiry, and ‘wasting’ the time of far too short a season. But for-
tunately Miss Caton-Thompson approached the subject in a spirit of broad-mindedness only too rare among
investigators, and she never disdained to give attention to the numerous archaeological details which con-
tinually turned up, although they were outside the real purpose of her inquiry. Hence, she and Miss Gardner
have produced a compendium of man's history in the Fayyum from its beginning right down to Ptolemaic
times. Their herculean efforts in spite of every difficulty will at least have brought them the satisfaction ot
knowing that their work will be the permanent foundation of any further researches in this area. Probably
any more work will only elaborate the details of the scheme, of which they have drawn in the main
outlines.

The Egyptologist, if he thinks about it at all. is apt to lump Palaeolithic and Neolithic civilizations
together in the comprehensive phrase ‘The Stone Age’. Hence, the importance of this publication is apparent
on its very first page. We find there were two Fayyum lakes: there was first a vast Pleistocene one, 278 feet
higher than the surface of the present one, and this was succeeded by a smaller, but still large, one of the
Neolithic Age, with a maximum level 206 feet above the present lake-level. The Pleistocene lake was fed
partly by the Nile of those days and partly by the rainfall, which at that time was considerable. The climate
has become progressively drier, a process which, with the sinking of the Nile below the connecting Hawara
gorge, caused this ancient lake nearly to dry up. It was round the shores of this dying lake, with its palaeo-
arctic fauna, that Middle and Late Palaeolithic man lived and hunted.

After this the history of the lake is obscure for a time. When it is discovered again at the 2U6-foot level
its fauna is totally different and ‘modern’, and when man was attracted to its northern shores he also was
of the 1 modern’ type, and brought his Neolithic civilization with him. Another indication of the great lapse
of time between mid-Palaeolithic (Levalloisian) and Neolithic times is provided at ‘Korn K’. Here Levalloisian
man had lost his tools on the beach of his lake. But Neolithic man did not come and sink his granary-pits
into it until sufficient time had passed for the whole, beach and tools, to become cemented into a hard con-
glomerate, for a gvpsum layer to form on top of it, and for a layer of gravel to spread itself on top of that.
Though great changes had taken place between Palaeolithic and Neolithic times, there has been little change,
except increasing aridity, between the latter period and the present day. In Neolithic times the silt deposited
by the old Pleistocene lake had already been eroded into miniature cliffs. In one of these a shelf had been
formed, and on this a ‘Neolithic A’ man had kept his pot and its contents. Its position to-day is still as con-
venient as it evidently was then, for it is about four feet above the present ground-level.

Between the ‘ancient’ Palaeolithic lake and the ‘modern’ Neolithic one the neighbourhood seems to have
been deserted. The newcomers arrived when the Neolithic lake had dwindled from 206 to 180 feet above the
level of the present lake. In its shrinking the lake left behind a widespread area of silt on what had been its
bed, but is now desert. The hollows in this area were kept as lagoons by the still sufficient rainfall, and
round them and the creeks of the lake Neolithic man lived his life. He was still a hunter, but was also an
agriculturist, and lived in settlements, growing barley and emmer wheat on the moist edges of the lagoons,
and fishing and hunting in the creeks, the shallow lagoons, and the swamps on their fringes, and in the dry
park-land in which they were situated. Stone arrow-heads associated with the carcases of a hippopotamus
and an elephant probably testify to the people's prowess in this respect. Their corn they stored in pits lined
with straw baskets, looking for all the world like gigantic bee-skeps inverted. The number of these, as well
as of the flint implements collected from this desert, give the impression of a large population. No evidence

126 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

has yet come to light that the people had domesticated any animals. Why should they, with game so
abundant ? There is no evidence that they knew anything of metals.

It must be emphasized that the Neolithic civilization did not grow up in the Fayyum area, but was in-
troduced in a fairlv advanced stage, though from what direction is quite unknown. There is nothing to
suggest that it came from the East. Conditions favoured the growth of a stable and definite social organization .
However promising the start may have been, degradation set in. civilization relapsed into barbarism, and it
seems that corn ceased to be grown. Concomitantly the lake was still falling towards its Early Dynastic le\ el
at 140 feet, but though this steady diminution of area and volume may explain much, it will not explain all.

Apparently, shortly after the passing of the decadent ‘Neolithic B’ community, there intruded the Nilotic
civilization of the Gerzean (Early Second Predynastic) Age with its flint implements, which in Upper Egypt
would be dated to S.D. 40-50. Miss Caton-Thompson puts forward as her private opinion the view that
Neolithic man probably entered the Fayyum area about 5000 B.C.. and that the two groups A and B did not
last longer than 800 years or so. After this came the Gerzean Age, which on this view would come at about
4200 or 4000 B.c. Such dates as these seem more satisfactory than Sc-hartfs extremely reduced estimates
( ZAS 71, 89) of 4000 and 3400 b.c. respectively.

At least as late as the Old Kingdom the people continued the original type of cultivation round the various
damp depressions, which contained soil composed of ancient lake silt. There was a colony of Middle-Kingdom
Egyptians whose cemetery was found at Kasr es-Sagha, but from the Old Kingdom until Ptolemaic times,
so far as the evidence goes at present, quarrying was the chief activity in the ‘desert’ north of the Fayyum.

In the third century b.c. the ancient populousness of what is now the high desert was revived on a vast
scale. Ptolemy Philadelphus then undertook the part of the rain-god. and watered the cultivable pans of
silt. This he did by a system of canals bringing the Nile to the desert. His new province thus proves to have
been reclaimed from the desert itself, not from the lake as has hitherto been vaguely supposed. The Ptole-
maic scheme was similar to that carried out at Kom Ombo a generation or so ago. The photographs on PI.
xei show what clues Nature in her favourable moods will sometimes offer the observant archaeologist.

Another series of doubts and questions has also been cleared up. This arose from Herodotus’ stories
about Lake Moeris. which he supposed to have been a vast reservoir used to supplement the inundation in the
Nile Valley. A careful combination of the geological and archaeological remains, co-ordinated by an extensive
series of levels, proves that throughout historic times the Fayyum lake was always below the level of the
river. For this reason alone its waters could never have flowed back into the Nile Valley. Moreover, there
is the rock bed of the passage connecting the Fayyum with the Valley; the water of the supposed reservoir
would have had to pass back over this to re-enter Egypt. The section giving the profile of the district on PI.
cvii (and cf. p. 11) shows that this exit is higher than the level of the Twelfth-Dynasty and Graeco-Roman
cities at Medlnet el-Fayyum. It is higher still than the Twelfth-Dynasty site at Biahmu. Hence, water suffi-
ciently high to run back into the Nile would have permanently drowned what we know to have been flourish-
ing cities, and also a building site.

The authors do not deal with the work of Amenemhet III, for that would have taken them too far out-
side their province. But their geological work lays to rest an archaeological incubus which has haunted the
conception of what he did. The great bank at El-‘Edwah looks astonishingly like a man-made dyke, and
various visitors have been deluded into thinking that it must have been thrown up by Amenemhet. However,
it proves conclusively to be natural, in fact to have been the beach of one or more of the Stone Age lakes. On
looking at the map, PI. cviii, it seems probable to the reviewer that Amenemhet instituted some sort of
drainage work on the land round about Medinet el-Fayyum, which would at that time have been a soggy
expanse on the eastern side of the ever-shrinking lake. If he did so, his work would have been comparable
to that carried out by the land companies in the northern Delta, and the opposite of that carried out by
Ptolemy Philadelphus, and in modern times at Kom Ombo.

Though Dimai, as we know it at present, is entirely a Graeco-Roman city, the abundance there of flints
of the Old Kingdom suggests that the site was already occupied at that time. The main problem here has
always been the supposed ‘quay’. It is now shown to have been far above the level of the Ptolemaic lake,
and no boat could ever have approached it. Though some of its features are still difficult of explanation, it
was clearly a great paved roadway into the city, with a gateway at which taxes were collected. The city of
Dimai was never on an island, but there prove to have been great areas of basin irrigation to the north and
west. These, together with the lake, though this was at least a mile and a half away to the south, might have
provided the idea of an island contained in the Greek name of the place, Soknopaiou Nesos.

Another site upon which Miss Caton-Thompson was kind enough to spend thought and time was the

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

127

mysterious little temple of Kasr es-Sagha, with its seven shrines. She publishes references to such literature
as there is on the subject, a plan, and a number of good photographs which show all there is to be seen of the
building. She even ran a trench in front of the temple, in the hopes of elucidating the date of its foundation.
Unfortunately, owing to the disturbance due to treasure-seekers, the results were inconclusive, but like so much
else they suggested an Old-Kingdom date. The occupation periods of this part of Egypt were Neolithic,
Old Kingdom, and Middle Kingdom, after which the district was deserted until Ptolemaic times. Miss
Caton-Thompson's conclusion on general grounds is probably the right one: that the temple was built
in the Old Kingdom, and was kept up during the Middle Kingdom. The one fragment of inscription found is
probably later than the Old Kingdom.

Not far from the temple are a number of stone-capped ridges and hillocks, and these in their turn have
been called ‘cpiays’. In historic times, at least, they never could have been such; actually they are natural
formations, surfaced over by man with rough stone slabs, and in one case topped with a wall. The one or
two objects found in the interstices of the stones were of Old-Kingdom date, and the hillocks were no doubt
primitive citadels of that period, strong enough for what would have been rather desultory warfare.

The above remarks by no means include all that should he said of this valuable publication. They do.
however, give some indication of the wide field covered by the authors. It is greatly to be regretted that such
devoted labours should have been hampered by the difficulties described on pp. 6 If.

G. A. Wainwriuht.

Einiges zur dritten Bauperiode der grnssen Pyrr/mide bet Dice. By L. Borchardt. Berlin, Julius Springer,
1932. 4to. 21 pp., 12 pis. 9 Rentenmark.

As becomes an Egyptologist who is also an architect. Dr. Borchardt has made a special study of the
Pyramids and the building problems which they present. He began to publish his observations as long ago
as 1892, in the Zeits. fur a eg. Sprncfie of that year, and since then lie has time and again given the world a
further sample of his results; in ZAS. 1894, 1897. and in 1928 in a separate work entitled Die Entstehumj
der Pyramide. Now in 1932 we have another study which is a valuable addition to the already large literature
on the archaeological problems of the Pyramids. Those discussed here are concerned first with the Great
Gallery and then with the so-called Antechamber, which is really the Portcullis Chamber. Though most ot
the details discussed have been known since the days ot Perring and Vysc. now, thanks to the better lighting
available. Dr. Borchardt has been able to observe some that he had overlooked before.

As every one knows, the ascending passage suddenly changes its nature front a low rectangular passage to
a high corbel-roofed gallery. This fact has always attracted attention, whether of the pyramidological
theorists or of the students of antiquity. The ascending passage is blocked at its lower end by three granite
plugs weighing about seven tons apiece. Fitting the passage as they do. they could not have been pushed
up from the outside. Where, therefore, were they kept inside the building until they were put in place after
the funeral? Borchardt replies: in the Great Gallery itself, on a wooden scaffolding above the heads ot the
workmen passing backwards and forwards. The Gallery was heightened to provide room tor the stones, and
having heightened it the architect had to taper it off gradually to spread the weight. This is a remarkable
conclusion, but on the evidence provided it seems unavoidable, and shows what carelul measurement and
observation will yield to the competent observer.

At the foot of the walls of the Great Gallery is a series of carefully cut holes in pairs which would take
posts. These, however, w ere given up. and stopped w ith plaster. In the floor of the passages, in tront of each
of the first set of holes, another socket had been cut three times as big. These would take t hree of the beams
suitable for the first set, and by enabling them to stand more upright would give not only greater strength
hut also more space for movement between them. Also, in the third corbel is a groo\e running parallel with
the floor, which is evidently intended to receive something. By combining all this it is not difficult to postu-
late a strong platform raised up above the passage. It is on this that Dr. Borchardt supposes that the granite
plugs were stored till needed. The pairs of sockets stop short of both the upper and lower ends of t he ( ireat
Gallery. Dr. Borchardt reasonable supposes that this was to give access to the platform, and to enable the
stones to be removed at the lower end. The stones would have to be put on the platform before the Gallery
was roofed over, which gives one more indication of the forethought expended by the ancient architect--
a thing not always sufficiently appreciated by students of Ancient Egypt.

This all seems very satisfactory' to the reviewer, who. however, is neither architect nor engineer. But he
does not feel that the means have been demonstrated by which the plugs were put into place when let down

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from overhead on to the floor of the Great Gallery. Perhaps, however, there is no evidence left for this. The
'well' is a tunnel mined through to the original subterranean passage, and Perring {The Pyramids of Gizek,
I, pp. 2. 3, notes to Pis. ii, viii) could not decide whether it was contemporary with the pyramid or the work
of plunderers. Dr. Borchardt supports Perring’s first view, namely that it was used as a means of exit for
the workmen after the plugs were put in place. But it may be asked, why trouble laboriously to block up
the main entrance if a way round was to be left open ?

Before leaving the Ascending Passage mention must be made of the set of three pairs of double sockets
shown in Fig. 1. These are evidently intended for a strong tripod astride the passage. Such an apparatus was
no doubt used as a crane.

In the Portcullis Room (Antechamber) Dr. Borchardt notes the crutches which on the west wall are
situated over the slots in which the three portcullises were slirl down into place. They have always been
accepted for what indeed they visibly are. i.e.. crutches for rollers over which passed the ropes in which the
portcullises were slung and finally let down. But even after long consultation with an engineer. Dr. Ricke,
he is still unable to give a satisfying explanation of the absence from the east wall of what should be the
corresponding set. That four ropes were used is shown by the four grooves cut in the south wall palpably to
receive them. The author calculates that rollers of 45 cm. diameter and palm-fibre ropes of 5 cm. diameter
would be quite sufficient for the manipulation of the portcullises, weighing, as they do. some 2j tons apiece.

Knowing of the grooves for the ropes in the Cheat Pyramid. Dr. Borchardt has been able to point to
similar ones in Snefru's pyramid at Medum. These explain the presence above them of the beam, which
projects a foot or more from the wall immediately over the well: it was the block over which ropes ran.
W hen Maspero entered the chamber in the early eighties the ropes were still hanging over it. It is fortunate
that he mentions the fact, but unfortunate that he gives no drawing or details of the size or material of the
ropes. The reviewer would suggest, however, that the apparatus was one for hoisting up into the chamber,
not one for letting down a portcullis. There is no portcullis in this pyramid, and it would be a simple matter
to slide plenty of plugs down the sloping passage. In fact this is how the great mastabah. Xo. 17, was sealed
just outside Snefru s pyramid; cf. Petrie. Maekay. and Wainwright, J Ieydnm and Memphis, in, PI. xii. top.

A contrivance of ropes passing over rollers seems to have been the regular method of letting down the
portcullises in the pyramids at Gizah. Indications of it remain in the Third Pyramid. Dr. Borchardt does
not deal with one difficulty which troubles the reviewer. The ropes are conceived as encircling the stones,
and would no doubt be safe so long as they were at rest. But on letting down the stones the edges would
begin to fray the ropes, which sooner or later would break. In any case how were the ropes got out from
under the stones once they had descended into place ? Can it be that the builders trusted to the ropes break-
ing before the descent was completed, and so freeing themselves 7 In Xeferma<at's mastabah at Medum the
extraction of the ropes was arranged for: in this case the much smaller portcullis was bored with three holes
at the top, and two channels were cut at the bottom for the withdrawal of the ropes from underneath the
stone ; the holes were 10 cm. (4 inches) in diameter, and the portcullis had been let down into the well over
a beam (cf. Petrie, Wainwright and Maekay, The Labyrinth. Gerzeh and Mazghuneh. PI. xv, top, and p. 26).

Dr. Borchardt quotes the well-known passage in the Westcar Papyrus as to Khufu's desire to copy in his
Pyramid details from the temple of Thoth. The story, however, does not refer to the blocking of the passages
as used to be supposed, but. as Gardiner showed (-/ EA 11,4). to the number of the chambers”. It should read
Kkufu ‘had spent (much) time in searching for the secret chambers of the sanctuary of Thoth in order to
make the like thereof for his horizon', i.e.. his pyramid. This information Djedi was not able to impart, but
he did tell him where it could be found.

Dr. Borchardt apparently no longer supports the old theory of Lepsius of far-reaching reconstructions
and accretions. It was always stronglv combated by Petrie and Maspero. who maintained that the Great
Pyramid was originally laid out to be oi its present size. The supposed evidence of enlargements now
reduces itself to evidence of the means by which the mass of the Pyramid was piled up, and the reconstruc-
tions to nothing more than change in the position of the burial-chamber. It is even possible to say at what
stage of the building the alteration was made; this emerges from a study of the joints of the masonry in the
ascending passage. The lower part has been quarried through the existing masonrv, and passes through
four faces of the successive coatings by which the body of the structure has been constructed. In this part
the masonry is that of the core of the Pyramid ; it is comparatively rough, and the joints are wide and not at
right-angles to the slope of the passage. At about thirteen metres above pavement -level all this changes.
The walls of the passage are properly built, with joints fine and sharp, running at right angles to the slope.
As already noted, the mass of the Pyramid is constituted of a series of coatings, each enclosing the previous

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS 129

one. This is somewhat in the style of Snefru’s pyramid at Medum, and like his each of these coatings is ten
cubits thick.

Dr. Borchardt supposes that the sarcophagus was extracted from the chamber of the second building
scheme, the Queen's Chamber, and was put into that of the third, the King’s. But is it necessary to suppose
that it was ever put into the Queen’s ? If the change was made when the building was only thirteen metres
above pavement-level, this chamber was probably not then roofed in.

The method of constructing the underground chambers at Gizah is not that so often used. They are
mined out of the native rock, whereas a vast pit was often dug. in which the chamber was built. This method
was employed before Khufu at Zawiyet el- ‘Aryan, and after him at Abu Rawash; it was also the method
by which Sethos I constructed his ‘ underground ’ Osireion at Abvdos.

In conclusion Dr. Borchardt draws attention to a number of questions yet to be solved, but they do not
include one which has always exercised the reviewer. Possibly it has already been answered elsewhere ;
possibly to an engineer it is no problem at all. It is: how did the builders keep so vast a construction so
perfectly true that the apex came out correctly over the centre of the base ?

G. A. Waits WRIGHT.

History and Significance of the Great Pyramid. By Basil Stewart. London, John Bale, Sons & Danielsson
Ltd., 1935. 8vo. xvi -j- 224 pp„ frontispiece and 2 diagrams. 6s. net.

Pvramidology is not so much a science as a state of mind. For those who are in that condition this is no
doubt a useful book.

There is, however, one point in it of interest to Egyptologists. That is the frontispiece, which reproduces
a Japanese colour-print dating from about 1820 to 1825. In the accompanying inscription the artist describes
it as ‘New edition perspective picture after the Dutch: Pointed Towers in the land of Egypt (Ye-gip-tu)’.
The picture shows a couple of Dutchmen discussing and admiring a pyramidal structure, which, like almost
all early reproductions of pyramids, is much too high for its base. Mr. Stewart remarks in his description of
it that at that time Japan was utterly cut off from the outside world, yet, even so, the hermit empire was not
proof against the wonders of Egypt and its pyramids.

G. A. Wain Wright.

Die Thebanische Graberivelt. By Georg Steixdop.ff and Walter Wolf. (Leipziger Agyptologische Studien,
Heft 4.) Gliickstadt and Hamburg, J. J. Augustin, 1936. 100 pp.. 24 pis.

This book is one of those summaries of existing knowledge on one aspect or other of Egyptology of which
a number has emanated from Germany in recent years, and it is the fourth of its own special series. The
subject with which it deals, the history of the Theban necropolis and the principles underlying the construc-
tion and decoration of the various types of tomb, is of great interest not only to the student but also to the
intelligent tourist, and it may be said at once that the present work admirably fulfils its function of describing
this famous city of the dead.

After dealing with the history and topographical distribution of the various cemeteries of which the
necropolis as a whole is composed, the authors devote nearly a third of the book to a description of the
arrangement and decorations of the tombs of Dyns. XYIII-XX, endeavouring successfully to indicate the
underlying principles, and illustrating their descriptions with many plans of extant tombs and reconstructed
perspective drawings of the main types.

From the architectural aspect of the tombs the authors turn to the scenes sculptured or painted on the
walls, and discuss their purpose, arrangement, and technique. With regard to the much-debated question
of the magical purpose of the wall-scenes, they assume an eminently reasonable position. While admitting
that the magical reproduction after burial of scenes of daily life and religious rites was an important motive
in covering the walls with paintings, they point out that a considerable part was played by the desire for a
memorial of the outstanding incidents of the earthly career of the deceased or of the general tenor of his life,
and also by the aesthetic desire for decoration (see also Davies and Gardiner, The Tomb of Amenemhet,
19-21 ; the authors do not refer to this discussion). The account of the technique of the paintings is brief,
and might have been expanded without disadvantage, though it must be remembered that the full account of
the technique in Nina M. Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings, in, xxii If. was not available when this book
was written.

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The last chapter is devoted to the royal tombs of the Biban el-Muluk and the Biban el-Harim, and here
attain the text is illustrated by a number of plans of the more important tombs. It is shown that the royal
tombs of Dyn. XVIII were either curvilinear or angular in plan, whereas those of the post-'Amarnah period,
with the exception of the tomb of Tut'arikharnun — a law unto itself — favour the straight line, a change which
is attributed to a desire that the rays of the sun should illumine the interior, a legacy of the ‘Amarnah sun-
worship. It is further pointed out that in these later tombs the walls nearer the entrance, where daylight
could penetrate, generally bore texts and scenes of a solar character, while those of the inner chambers
were appropriately devoted to representations of the Xetherworld and the relative texts, such as the Book of
That which is in the Xetherworld and the Book of Gates. The peculiar change of axis found in the tombs
of Haremhab, Sethos I. and Ramesses III is ingeniously explained as being due to a desire to exclude all
daylight from the 'Xetherworld' of the tomb.

The book includes lists of references for the text -figures and for the twenty-four well-chosen photographic
plates, as well as a table showing the topographical distribution of the private tombs. Slips and misprints
arc almost non-existent, though it is surprising to find Siptah and Queen Tawesret placed at the end of Dyn.
XX (p. 78). In short, this work may be heartily recommended to both students and travellers, and one would
like to see an English version available for tourists in this country.

R. O. Faulkner.

Da s agyptiarhe Miirchen. L'rsprung mid Xachirirkung ditester Marchendichtung bis zur Gegenwart. By Max
Pieper. (Morgenland, Heft 27.) Leipzig. J. C. Hinriehs, 1935. 89 pp.

In this little book Pieper continues his studies in Egyptian literature, briefly summarizing Ancient
Egyptian stories, analysing them into various stock motives, and endeavouring to trace their influence on
the folk-tales of other lands. His purview includes the whole range of Egyptian fiction from the Middle-
Egvptian stones down to those written in demotic, but since his concern is primarily with the folk-tale
he omits such texts as Siniihe and We>ia»/i//i. as well as mythological narratives. The author performs
similar analyses of a number of primitive folk-tales from other parts of the world and compares them with
their Egyptian counterparts; however, he comes to the conclusion that the Egyptian stories which have
survived are not folk-tales in the strict sense of the word, despite a certain similarity of content, but that
they rather fulfilled a function comparable to that of the novel in modern life. With this view it is hard to
quarrel, since the Egyptian tales were written down for the entertainment of the educated classes, whereas
it is the essential quality of the folk-tale that it circulates orally among the illiterate, and is generallv of a
very unsophisticated character.

Finally Pieper traces the occurrence of Egyptian motives in the stories of Greece, later Europe, and India,
thomrh how far similarity of plot and incident is due to actual Egyptian influence and how far to independent
invention is a question difficult to decide. Despite the author's commendable caution, it seems to the present
reviewer that insufficient allowance has been made for the latter factor. But whatever opinion one may hold
on this matter, this book undoubtedly contains a great deal of interesting material for the comparative study
of the folk-tale and is a valuable contribution to the subject with which it deals.

R. O. Faulkner.

Fiiiijnieiits of mi T'nknoini Compel and other eaily ChrDlhnt Papyri Edited by H. Idris Bell and T. C.
Skeat. London. The Trustees of the British Museum, 1935. x-j-03 pp., 5 pis. 4s.

The. X cir f!o*pcl Frayini uti. London, The Trustees of the British Museum. 1935 . 33 pp., 1 pi. l.s.

Hitherto the dating of Xew Testament books has depended on the weighing of 'internal' and 'external'
e\ idemv. uhere 'external' evidence meant, for the most part, quotation of the document concerned in other
more -c-urely dated documents. With the publication of these fragments and of P. Ryl. L7.-.457 palaeography
l» comes a factor having a direct hearing on the question of the date of the Fourth Gospel. For if P. Kyi. Gk.
457 is correctly dated about a.d. 159 . we have a definite krininiii ad quern fixed on purely palaeographical
grounds. The new Gospel fragments (Erjerton Papyrus 2). which occupy the first place in Bell and Skeat's
volume, u-e al-o dated r. a.d. 159; and if. as seems likely, the Fourth Gospel was employed in the composition
ol the document of which we hate here a fragmentary copy, palaeographical evidence again becomes an
important factor in fixing a date lor the writing of John. For Xew Testament scholars this is perhaps the

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

181

most interesting and exciting point raised by these publications. Before yielding to its seductions it is
proper to notice the other early Christian Papyri published along with the Gospel Fragments.

Xo. 2 ( Egerton Papyrus 3) is dated early in the third century, and consists of fragments of what may have
been a Gospel Commentary. There are recognizable quotations from Matt., John, and Philippian'. The
editors also find a reference to 2 Tim., but this is more doubtful. Unfortunately the papyrus is too fragmentary
to allow any sure inferences as to its character and authorship.

Xo. 3 (Egerton Papyrus 4), assigned to the third century, is the remains of a single leaf of a codex of
2 Chronicles. The fragments cover xxiv. 17-27, and are chiefly interesting for the light they shed on tile history
of ‘a glaring corruption in A’ (v. 27).

Xo. 4 (Egerton Papyrus 5), fourth-fifth century, is a leaf from a liturgical book. It is well preserved and
easily legible ; but the text does not seem to resemble any known early Christian liturgy, indeed there is
nothing specifically Christian about it. It is one of those provoking fragments that arouse a curiosity which
they do nothing to satisfy. In some respects it reminds one of the Jewish prayers embedded in Const. A post.
vii. 33-8.

To return to Xo. 1. The Trustees of the British Museum have issued two editions of this text, both of
which are essential for the proper study of the document, the first for its full and scholarly introduction and
commentary, the second for its new readings and supplements as well as for its further diseus'ion of tilt-
problems raised. These problems may be divided into three classes: (1) restoration of the text, (2) determina-
tion of the character and purpose of the document. (3) its relation to the canonical gospels and ill particular
to John. There is already a considerable literature dealing with these questions. 1

1. The text as set out by the editors contains the following pericopae: (A) Conversation of Jesus with the
lawyers and the rulers of the people (Fr. 1 verso), leading up to (B) an attempt on the life of Je-us (Fr. 1
recto). Both passages have close affinities with John. (C) The healing of a leper; this has distinct echoes of
Mk. i. 40—4. (D) A question about tribute-money (Fr. 2 recto). The question is similar to that raised in
Mk. xii. 14 f. ; and the answer of Jesus, which is incomplete, begins with the quotation from Isaiah employed
in another connexion in 31k. vii. (i f. (E) A miracle performed on the bank of the river Jordan ( Fr. 2 verso) ;
this incident has no parallel elsewhere. The beginning of A (11. 1-3) and the whole of E are extremely
mutilated, and afford ample scope for conjectural restoration. There are at least three very ingenious
attempts on E (by Dibelius, Dodd, and Lagrange), which, while they differ in detail, agree on the main point
that what is described is a miracle by which the growth of a plant from seed to fruit-bearing is made to take
place in a few moments. The meaning of the story as restored may be that it is an acted parable symbolizing
the way in which 'the word, or the Spirit, of God quickens the heart of man (Dodd), or that it is a symbol
of the resurrection (Lagrange).

In A, Lagrange would see two separate discussions, one with the ‘lawyers' and the other with 'rulers of
the people’. The end of the former is preserved in 11. 1-5, which Lagrange restores thus:

[airo

Xvere t rajrra roe 7ra[jo]a~pa<7cr[oiTa
rov vojpor kcu p 7] tjue' [ei ns Kara
Kpivci] o moiei T7ws rrotjet;

He thinks that this may be the end of a dispute about the Sabbath similar to that recorded in Lk. xiv. 1-li.
This seems to me the best suggestion made so far for dealing with these lines (another, in my opinion Ic--s
likely, is made by Dibelius); but it cannot be called a certain restoration. Hie remaining sections of the
text do not present serious difficulties to the restorer, and the editors supplements are generally accepted.

2. The fact that only two mutilated leaves of the codex are available for study makes it difficult to judge
what the whole document was. It has affinities both with the Synoptic Gospels and \\ ith John, and that fact
would suggest that we have here an early harmony of the Gospels. But an examination of the text 'hows
clearlv enough that, whatever it may be, it is certainly not a harmony in the sense in which that word m;i\
be applied to the Diatessaron or, for that matter, to the still earlier labours of 3Iatthe\\, a ho did for his
sources what Tatian later did for the canonical Gospels. The editors regard the document as a gospel, a

i The following articles may be mentioned (the list docs not pretend to be e\hausti\ e) : 31. ( ingiiel in In r. it II 1 4.
et de Phil. Ed. 1935, 459 ff. and in Rev. hid id. 113 (193ti), 42-87 ; H. Lietzmann in Z. nn it. 11 34 ( 1935). 285-

91 ; 31. Dibelius in D. Lit.-Z. 57 (193ti), Sp. 3-11 : \V. Bauer in CCA 198 (1930). 24 -3"; C. H. Dodd in Bull. J. Egl.
hibr. 2t) (193(1), 5(4-92 (obtainable separately) ; F. Buikitt m JTS 30 (193.3), 392 -4 : 31. -J. Lagrange in la i . ICC.
44(1935), 321-43; K. F. W. Schmidt and j. Jeremiasin Theol. Blatter 193(1. Xr. 2.

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view which lias the support of Dibelius. On the other hand, Lagrange lays emphasis on the fact that the
matter preserved is almost entirely polemical, and draws the conclusion that ' hauteur avait un but special:
mettre en lumiere l'hostilite des Juifs contre Jesus, et la maniere dont il avait triomphe de leurs objections .
Bauer also suggests that if the existing fragments are a fair sample, a suitable title for the work would be
‘Jesus and His Opponents’. There is a certain amount of evidence in the Synoptic Gospels that polemical
matter of this kind was collected together from an early date ; and, in view of that evidence, the suggestions
of Lagrange and Bauer should not be overlooked.

3. Most difficult and important of all is the question of the relation of the fragments to the canonical
gospels. The possibilities are very fully and carefully stated by the editors, and, in this connexion, the
detailed study of the language of the fragments undertaken by Dodd has special value. But. so far, there is
little sign of unanimity in critical opinion. The fragments have affinities with the Synoptics and with John.
Lagrange and Lietzmann find the new document to be the borrower in all cases; Dodd finds it directly
dependent on John, but not, or not necessarily, on the Synoptics ; Bauer also seems to be doubtful about
dependence on the Synoptics; Dibelius, though with reserve due to the discovery of P. Ryl. Gk. 457, would
regard the document as based on the so-called ‘wild’ tradition. The crucial cpiestion is the relation of the
fragments to John. The complexity of the problem may be illustrated by a single example.

The text of Jn. v. 39 is given as follows in IV estcott-Hort and Tischendorf: epavvdre ras ypa&ds, on vpels
So/cet-re ev avrats 0,'jpv alwvtov qeo 1 ' not eVciiat eiatv at paprvpovaat -nepl tjiou. The new text (11. 7—10) has:

epav

[rare r]as ypacftas' cv ats vpeis So
[/c«Te] ^wrjv exetv CKeivai e;[o]fp
[ai papr^vpouoai Trept cpou'

Hitherto this form of the text has been known only in versions, and this in a curious way. The Old-Latin
M.SS. b and a and the Curetonian Syriac have a double rendering of the verse. It begins with a rendering of
ipavidre raj ypa(f>ds, in which the verb is taken as an imperative, followed by a rendering which, in the main,
agrees with the text of W.-H. This is followed by a second rendering which agrees with the text of the frag-
ments from ev ats to n-epi epov. There are here not only variants in detail but also two quite different construc-
tions of the sentence. The one connects epawdre ras ypa<f>ds closely with what follows, and puts a major stop
alter ex ew > the other puts the major stop after ypa<j>ds and treats the rest of the sentence as a single thought.
This is not made clear in the translation offered by the editors, which disregards the punctuation of the
papyrus and renders: "Search the scriptures, in which ye think that ye have life; these are they which bear
witness of me. ’ But what the papyrus offers is : ' Search the scriptures : those (scriptures) in which you think
that you have life, they it is that bear witness of me', a construction which has the direct confirmation of the
second version in a b and Syr cu as well as support in the omission of vat by Cyprian and Irenaeus. Further,
this way of construing the verse demands that ipaware should be treated as an imperative (and it is so
treated by a b >Syr cu Pesh and the early Fathers) ; whereas the text and punctuation of W.-H. allow, if they
do not require, the verb to be taken as an indicative (so Cyril and most modern commentators).

'We have thus two distinct types of text in this verse: one represented by BN and accepted by most
modern editors and commentators ; the other represented by the new document, the ancient versions, and the
early Fathers. If. as I am inclined to think, the latter type gives the true text of John, then the dependence
of the new fragments on John is as near certain as makes no matter. In that case the date of John must
be put far enough back to allow for the dissemination of the work, the incorporation of matter from it in
the new document, and the dissemination of the latter; and the question is how much time ought to be
allowed for these processes. If, on the other hand, the BN text is the true text of John, there seem to be two
possibilities: either the text of our fragment is a corruption of the true text, in which case we should have to
increase the period between John and the papyrus in order to allow time for the corruption of the Johannine
text ; or the text of our fragment is independent of and parallel to the Johannine text, in which case we should
probably have to fall back on some hypothesis like that of ' wild ’ tradition suggested bv Dibelius.

Knough has been said to show the intricacy of the problems with which the editors have had to deal. If
there is hesitation on the part of Xew Testament scholars about the conclusions to which they incline, there
is unanimous and thoroughly deserved praise for the promptitude with which the material has been made
available for study and the altogether exemplary way in which it has been presented by the editors. Their
work is a model of how this sort of thing should be done.

T. IV. Makson.

NOTICES OF KECENT PUBLICATIONS

133

A Third-Century Papyrus Codex of the Epistles of Paul. Edited by Henry A. Sanders. (University of
Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series, vol. xxxvm.) Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 103.).
xii+127 pp., 3 pis. S3.

Papyrologists are accustomed to their work being continually supplemented by fresh discoveries ; indeed,
the feeling that no problem need be finally despaired of as long as there Is papyrus in Egypt is in part respon-
sible not only for the attraction that the study exercises on its devotees, but also for the salutary caution that
it induces in them. But it cannot often happen that the ‘missing link’ has turned up so quickly as in the
present case, or that the discovery should cause so little disturbance to the views of the earlier editor. In
1934 ten leaves of the Chester Beatty codex of the Pauline Epistles were published by Kenyon in his third
fascicule. In the present volume are published thirty more leaves, acquired by the University of Michigan
between 1931 and 1933 and published in the knowledge that other leaves might well be offered for sale —
a generous decision which deserves the thanks and imitation of other scholars. Finally (or may we hope
that the remaining eighteen leaves will yet come to light in an important review of Prof. Sanders’ book in
the American Journal of Philology, 57 (1936), 1. pp. 91 ff.. Kenyon announced the acquisition of another 46
leaves of the same codex by Mr. Chester Beatty. In a supplementary volume to his third fascicule, Kenyon
has not only published the new material, but has also included the original ten Chester Beatty leaves and the
thirty leaves edited in this volume ; the willingness of the University of Michigan to allow the immediate
republication of that part of the codex which is in their possession is a notable example of co-operation among
scholars. To say that any student of Prof. Sanders’ book must have Kenyon's supplementary volume at
his elbow implies no reflection on the former, only on the methods of the Egyptian sabbahhln and antiquity-
dealers ; if only for the elaborate introduction which proceeds the text. Prof. .Sanders’ book remains of value.

The result is that we now possess a codex of the Pauline Epistles, nearly complete (only eighteen leaves
out of a total of a hundred and four arc missing) and some hundred years earlier than the Vaticanus or the
Sinaiticus ; the portion in the possession of the University of Michigan and published here contains Romans,
xi to end, Hebrews to ix. 26, 1 Corinthians, ii and iii (in part), 2 Corinthians, ix. 7 to xiu. 13. Ephesians to
vi. 20, and Galatians to vi. 8. The position of Hebrews in the codex immediately after Romans is very
striking; as Kenyon well points out (Supplement, p. xii), at about the time that this MS. was written
Hebrews is frequently cited as Pauline by Clement of Alexandria. The most interesting problem raised by
the codex is that of the contents of the missing ten pages after 2 Thessalonians. It is quite certain that there
is not room enough for a complete text of the Pastoral Epistles, and Prof. .Sanders suggests that they con-
tained an abbreviated text of 1 and 2 Timothy (Philemon would have to be omitted). It must be said that
in view of the fact that no such text exists, and that there is not even a tradition affirming its existence,
such a theory appears highly improbable. Prof. Sanders is unwilling to believe that they were left blank,
because from page 140 onwards the scribe starts crowding his text, presumably realizing that the space at
his disposal was inadequate ; but all we need infer is that he was yet farther out in his calculations than he
at first supposed, and omitted the Pastoral Epistles, to be included, perhaps, in another codex. Of textual
variations in the codex perhaps the most interesting is that which places the doxology. Romans xvi. 2.>-7.
at the end of chapter xv; here again, Kenyon’s view that these verses were placed in this position for
convenience of reading in church (rf. Prof. Sanders' note on the reading-marks in the papyrus, pp. 17 If.)
seems more likely to be correct than the editor’s view that chapter xvi formed a separate letter.

The introduction contains much palaeographical matter of interest. Hie irregularities of the scribe, both
in the number of lines to the page and in the number of letters to the lmc, pointed out on p. 5, are well v orth
noticing, if onlv as a warning against too exact calculation, and the varieties of nutninu stteta are interesting
evidence that at this date there were no fixed rules (incidentally the a. /.a in Ilebr. ix. 14 can be paralleled by
O iravayaSos Ws in a R\ lands papyrus of the late third century). Prof. Sanders’ analysis of the method
of punctuation by spacing, which is found in the Ptolemaic papyrus of Deuteronomy. P. Ryl. 4.">s, also
deserves attention. But his arguments as to the date of the M.S. from the position ol the papyrus m the
(alleged) Coptic gravevard are not convincing, in view ot our ignorance of the circumstances both of the
discovery and the deposition — the MS. may even have been placed in the graveyard lor safety, lhe im-
portance of the MS. lies, of course, in its contribution to the history ot the text ot the Epistles; in this con-
nexion one cannot do better than quote Kenyon s verdict (Supplement, p. xvn): 1 lie papyrus ranges itself
quite definitely with the Alexandrian rather than with the Western group, though the preponderance is
much less strongly marked in Romans than in the other Epistles. . . . The result is to confirm the belief, to
which other evidence seems to point, that while the Alexandrian group is on the whole the most trustworthy

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authority for the text of the Xew Testament, readings supported by the Western group are at times to be
preferred, and should receive consideration on their merits.’

C. H. Roberts.

Recent Discoveries of Biblical Papyri. By H. I. Bell. Oxford, at the Clarendon Press, 1937. Svo. 30 pp. 2s.

Both students of the Xew Testament and papyrologists should be grateful to Dr. Bell for publishing his
inaugural lecture as Honorary Reader in Papyrology in the University of Oxford. Discoveries in this field
have been numerous in recent years, and just as it is easy for the latter to exaggerate the importance of any
particular find, so the former sometimes ignore the evidence provided by the papyri. Dr. Bell s pamphlet
should serve as a corrective to both these errors ; his survey is exceptionally readable and lucid, contains
references to the relevant literature, and (though this goes without saying) is eminently judicious. The
greater part of the pamphlet is descriptive, though the description is interspersed with some lively comments,
and pride of place is very properly given to the Chester Beatty papyri ; Dr. Bell’s account of this great corpus
of biblical texts is of particular interest from the bibliographical standpoint and is of importance for the
related question of the formation of the Canon. From the Chester Beatty papyri Dr. Bell goes on to discuss
other recent discoveries, among them the Unknown Gospel (P. Kgerton 2) in the British Museum, and atten-
tion must be drawn to his revised conclusions on this important text. Recent apocryphal and non-canonical
discoveries are then discussed more briefly.

Dr. Bell concludes his lecture with reflections on more general issues occasioned by these discoveries.
He deals in the first place with the much-discussed problem ot roll and codex and the surprising predominance
of the latter, confirmed by all recent discoveries, in early Christian literature. He inclines to the view that
Christians in the West took up the vellum codex because it was less expensive than the roll, and that this
was followed by the adoption of the papyrus codex in the East ; but while it is very probable that the decisive
factor in the adoption of the codex was economic (it provides much the cheapest way of utilizing a given
amount of papyrus), it is by no means certain that vellum was used earlier in this form than papyrus;
indeed, in matters of organization and propaganda we should rather expect the Christian West to follow
the lead of the East. Secondly, Dr. Bell points out that these discoveries should make us conservative in
handling the text of the X.T. : ‘however far back we go.’ he w rites, ‘we find always a text which is substanti-
ally the same as that formed by modern scholars from the best of the later manuscripts'. In this connexion it
may be worth pointing out that papyrus texts of non-canonical works (e.g. that of The Shepherd of Hernias
mentioned on p. 23) do not exhibit the same consistency. Finally, Dr. Bell points out that these papyri taken
collectively provide us with substantial evidence for the spread of Christianity in Upper Egypt during the
second century — a development on which the documents, public and private, are silent — and draws the
moral that papyrology must not become too sectional (it is also, incidentally, another proof of the danger in
these studies of the argument um ex sihntio).

A small misprint, which might mislead some readers, should be pointed out ; on p. 17, eleventh line from the
bottom, for ‘third’ read ‘second’. C'. H. Roberts.

European Civilisation, its origin and development. By various contributors. Under the direction of Edward
Eyre. In seven volumes. Volume I: Prehistoric Man and Earliest Known Societies. Reissue. Oxford
University Press, 193d. Svo. 844 pp., 19 maps. 25s. net.

This historical work, to be completed in seven volumes, planned and directed by Mr. Eyre, will be received
with great interest. It is east on a grandiose scale, beginning its survey of European History with an examina-
tion of many of the fragmentary traces of prehistoric Mediterranean and Xear-Eastern civilizations. There
is perhaps a slight unevenness in the first volume, but this would have been difficult to avoid in work on
matters still so little understood. Without doubt it is a most courageous and praiseworthy attempt to define
an extremely difficult and obscure subject.

Professor Schmidt gives an account of Primitive Man in which he adversely criticizes Darwin's theory
of evolution, and appears to believe in a high standard of primitive morality. He is more concerned with
theory than with fact — unfortunately, perhaps, for had that not been so some of his statements might have
been supported by some additional evidence. His paper will certainly arouse great interest. Professor Myres
contributes two remarkable chapters, entitled 'The Ethnology and Primitive Culture of the Xenrer East and
the Mediterranean World" and ‘The Ethnology, Habitat, Linguistic and Common Culture of Indo-Europeans

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

135

up to the Time of the Migrations’. In these he gives a very wonderful display of knowledge and of the subtlety
of a brilliant mind by the fascinating way in which he arranges facts and statements. One may not agree
with all his conclusions, or even accept all his facts, but this does not diminish the stimulus of his all-embrac-
ing vision and versatility of mind. In such work as this we see, and if we are wise accept, a manner of
approach to prehistory of the highest value for these times; for here, whether scientifically valid or not in
its development in this place, is the humanist method, almost forgotten to-day, but nevertheless of proved
value. M. Jean’s contribution, ‘The East’, is perhaps not quite up to the standard of others in this volume.
Such dogmatism as is met w ith here does not, at least with the present reviewer, command confidence in the
writer. Much in this chapter is of value, and more of interest, but it could not be recommended that such a
paper be read except with caution, and by those already sufficiently equipped with the necessary knowledge
to withstand an undue influence from such work upon their minds. The late Professor Feet's chapter on
'Ancient Egypt’ will naturally be of the first interest to readers of this Journal. Here is a typical piece of work
by that very great scholar, clear, restrained, and simple. The reviewer believes, how ever, that Egyptian history
cannot, as Professor Peet's treatment seems to suggest, be divorced almost entirely from Greek and Near-
Eastern prehistory, but this is perhaps but a personal opinion. Nobody could deny that this paper is the best
introduction to Egyptian prehistory that has yet been written. It is magnificent. Mr. Gomine's contribution,
entitled "The Greeks’, is probably very much better as regards classical history than in its exposition of the
history of the preceding period. It is almost certain that present-day knowledge of the Greek Bronze Age
is not, and cannot possibly be, as precise as Mr. Gomme suggests. And as there are problems of vast signific-
ance, such as the geographical position of the home of the Achaeans, about w hich Mr. Gomme appears to be
indifferent, the general effect of this chapter is not entirely convincing, despite the fact that much here is
excellent and beautifully written.

In such a work as this the reader is confronted with history viewed mainly in outline. Whether this is a
justifiable course to follow in studying the sequence of events in world-history before the Greek Classical
Age is a disputable point. Prehistory is a subject of which the very framework is but ill-defined, and in
which the few facts known are perhaps made to illustrate and express too much, and for these reasons it may
perhaps be considered difficult or even impossible to study it in broad outlines. Particularly is this so since
the human mind has a dislike of uncertainty, for it seems improbable that any balanced general survey of
prehistory can be made by an archaeologist intent on avoiding doubtful questions.

This volume cannot hope to meet with universal assent. But it is most deeply to be hoped that the dissent
which will inevitable’ be roused by some of the statements in this volume will not. like so many archaeological
dissensions of the past, prevent the proper u>e ot the contrasts offered by differences of opinion. Are not such
contrasts to be desired, for surely prejudice cannot grow very powerful when many and various views arc put
forw r ard ? Is it not more reasonable to welcome, than to castigate or ignore, views which are not necessarily
held bv others than their exponents '!

Tiikodoke Burton Brown.

Les Or true ci grec-s de ht Collection Chaiies-Edwtn 11 ilhnnr an J Inrce de Brooklyn. By Claire Prkaux. New
York, Brooklvn Museum, 1935. 8vo. Ido pp., d pis.

The Wilbour collection of ostruca is not a large one (only 7S texts appear in this volume), and. having
been bought in the years lSSd-9d. at the time when the collections at Berlin and the Ashmolean -Museum.
Oxford, with which it has close connexions, were being formed, it consists in the main of tapes already
familiar and offers little in the wav of novelty. In any case, ostruca. if taken single or in small doses, are
rather dull and uninspiring fare ; it is from the cumulative evidence of a long series rather than from isolated
examples that the most fruitful results arc obtained. It might be expected, then, that tins volume would be
of no great importance. To form anv such preconception would be, howetcr, to reckon without Mile
Breaux. She brings to her task the qualities conspicuous in all her stimulating articles: a tre-h and per-
ceptive eve, ail independent judgement, and the gilt ol educing from a mass of trieiul detail a pimeiple < f
general import. These qualities give to the present volume a value quite out ot proportion to the in-
trinsic interest of the individual texts.

The ostraca are arranged bv classes, first the money payments and then those in kind : and to each cla-s
is prefixed an introduction, in which, with wide knowledge and great acuteness. Mile 1 reuux disciis-os the
evidence of ostraca and papyri already published. She is thus able to throw new light on mane knotty pro-
blems and to review accepted conclusions from a novel angle. Even m her general introduction to the

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volume she uses the mass of individual tax-receipts to illustrate a far-reaching principle of administration :
'les impots de taux invariable’, she writes, ‘semblent caracteristiques du systeme fiscal romain ’ [in contrast
to the Ptolemaic system] ; and to this fact she attributes in part, here and elsewhere (e.g., pp. 43-4), the
rake’s progress which made Roman rule, for all its efficiency, in the long run so ruinous to the economy of
Egypt. She is perhaps inclined to over-stress the unfavourable aspects of the system. There is evidence of
a reasonable degree of prosperity even as late as the closing years of the second century; but it can hardly
be disputed that the Roman fiscal system in Egypt was based on unsound principles and that its results
were disastrous.

There is an excellent discussion of the salt-tax (oAncij). Mile Preaux leaves it undecided whether the
receipts for this were addressed by the banker to the collector or by the collector to the tax-payer. The argu-
ments seem to her preponderantly in favour of the first hypothesis, but she is impressed by the difficulty,
on this assumption, of explaining the demotic subscriptions found in so many of these ostraca. But such
subscriptions do not occur in all ; and, even though the bankers were Greeks, may not some of their clerks,
who subscribed the receipts, have been more at home with demotic ? Is it possible, indeed, that the
intention was that the receipts should, on demand, be shown to the tax-payers, who would normally be
Egyptian-speaking ?

In the introduction to Nos. 5-13. which are receipts for Xa.oypa.Sia, there is an important discussion of the
poll-tax. Contrary to the view now generally held. Mile Preaux argues, and argues well, against the existence
of such a tax under the Ptolemies, but I confess that she has not convinced me. Her criticisms of the ruling
view may be briefly summarized and answered as follows :

(1) The existence of ‘personal (census) returns, which occur in the Ptolemaic period, does not prove the
existence of a poll-tax; there is a decennial ‘recensement par menage’ in modern Belgium, but it has no
connexion with an ‘impot personnel’. But it is surely rash to argue from modern to ancient practice; a
registration in ancient states was normally linked with fiscal considerations.

(2) P. Tebt. 103. a list of tax-payers headed Xaoyp(aSia) . . . TeXov[vT]iuv atAraftr and dating from 94
or til B.C., proves nothing, for tnWafis could have, and probably has here, a quite general sense, ‘contribu-
tion’. When the poll-tax was meant, the adjective XaiK-q had to be added ; in P. Grenf. I, 45 (19 B.C.) reXwv
a uVrafac if it refers to poll-tax at all, which is not certain, was probably used vaguely [as one might say
‘subject to tax’]. This is forcing the evidence. The fact that the full term (when XaoypaSia was not used)
was A aiKT) awra^is does not make it impossible that a. was on occasion used alone with the same sense.
If a. iu P. Grenf. t, 45 did not mean poll-tax it- must have referred to some particular liability, or there would
have been no point in the phrase at all; and if it had meant any particular tax except poll-tax the writer
would surely have specified this or at least have written r ^ v avvra(tv. So, too, in P. Tebt. 103 : a list of men
reAowrfs avvr a£iv must have reference to a particular tax ; if it was an extraordinary levy must have
been inserted ; only if a. had come to be used of one tax par excellence is it at all likely that the article would
be omitted; and the occurrence of A auo) cnWaf is, combined with the obvious affinity between P. Grenf. i, 45
and similar returns of a later date which contain \aoypa<f>ovp.evos , makes it clear that the tax in question
must be the poll-tax.

(3) The poll-tax was a mark of defeat, imposed on the vanquished. It was introduced, therefore, at the
moment of conquest, as the Romans introduced it when Egypt was annexed to the Empire, as the Arabs
revived it after their conquest (here Mile Preaux refers to my introduction to P. Lond. IV, 1419, but she has
misunderstood me ; my point was not merely that 8 iaypa<j>ov in texts of the Arab period meant poll-tax but
that a similar meaning, and hence the same tax, is to be recognized in late Byzantine instances of SiaypaSv).
There is, however, no trace of poll-tax in early Ptolemaic times ; only in the later period is there any evidence
which could suggest such a tax. Hence there is no room for it in the Ptolemaic period ; the Roman poll-tax
‘remonte a l’epoque meme de la conqucte’. This seems a very flimsy argument. Since all the inhabitants of
Egypt, Greek and Egyptian alike, were equally conquered by Augustus, why did the Greeks of the self-
governing cities and perhaps the katoikoi pay no poll-tax ? Why did the privileged metropolites pay the tax
at a reduced rate ? Are w r e to regard them as only half-conquered ?

There is indeed strong reason to doubt whether the poll-tax was so much a mark of politically inferior
status as has been supposed (cf. Bickermann, Das Ediktdes Kaisers Curacalla, 22-3). Bickermann is probably
right in holding that in strict legal theory all the native-born inhabitants of Egypt outside the Greek citizen-
bodies were ‘Egyptians’ ; the real distinction made by the Romans was not between Greek and Egyptian
but between the urban and the rural classes, and this has nothing to do with any status derived from the
fact of conquest. The whole subject of the poll-tax is beset with difficulties and badly needs a detailed

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137

investigation. I cannot pretend to have undertaken this, but I venture to make some observations on the
problem, rather by way of propounding queries than of attempting any dogmatic answer.

The word A aoypafovpovos has usually been taken as meaning "subject to poll-tax’ ; but there is evidence
that it really meant "paying the full poll-tax' (or perhaps in strictness "taxed as one of the Xaol ’ ; lor the use
of Aaoi, A <uk6s to mean ‘native’ cf. PER Inv. No. 24, 552 gr., ed. H. Liebesnv, Atg. 1G (1930), 257 ff., col. 1
1. 34, ayopaxamv aajjia Acu.k[o]i' iXevdepov). In P. Bouriant 42 wo find (verso, cols, iv ff.) landholders described
as alternatively 077-0 pijrponoXcais (always abbreviated, but a comparison of instances makes the expansion
certain) or Xaoypa<f>ovpevos, the implication being that the terms were mutually exclusive; yet »e know that
metropolites paid poll-tax. though at a lower rate. Hence Xaoyp. cannot mean simply ‘subject to poll-tax'.
In 1. 461, indeed (perhaps, too, in 1. 442 f., where C’ollart reads 0770 p. /cal . a . .), a man is described as 077(0 p.)
Kal Aao yp., but this does not disprove the view just stated ; it tends to confirm it. for the km shows that 0770 p.
and Xaoyp. were distinct categories. The man in question was living in the metropolis but did not belong to the
privileged class. Nor is the view disproved by the fact that the tax was called A aoypa<j>ia and the census
officials were Aao ypd<f>oi. In essence the tax was one imposed on the Egyptians as opposed to the members
of the Greek citizen bodies and the katoikoi ( cf . Aao K-piVat), the census being primarily and originally a fiscal
measure, to determine who was liable to the tax; and the partial exemption of certain classes did not entail
an alteration of nomenclature, though it did, if I am right, cause a specialization of the word Xaoypafovpevoi
to mean ‘paying the full poll-tax'. The Xaoypafodpevoi tniKcupipiv 01 of whom we hear occasionally were
no doubt privileged metropolites (cf. XX. Chr., 252, 253), and here Xaoyp. retains its more general sense (unless
we take the phrase as meaning "exempted from among the class of Xaoyp.'). The preference, in the third
century, for the term tmKtftdXaiov over Aa oypadla may have been due to a feeling that Aao- was now' inap-
propriate, the Egyptians having by the Conslitutio Antoniniana become Roman citizens. Since this w as the
effect of the CA, the poll-tax. if it was a mark of inferior political status, should then have disappeared, but it
clearly did not. It is true that there is a curious dearth of poll-tax receipts in the third century which, so
far as I am aware, has never been explained and indeed has hardly been commented on ; but there is enough
evidence to show' that poll-tax continued to be paid, as witness the following instances (these might. I think,
be supplemented, but they suffice for my present purpose): SB. 5077 (Hermopolis according to Preisigke,
with a query, but the quarter. No 7 bpo^ anr^, does not suit Hermopolis. a.d. 222). Xaoyp(a<j>ias ) tov bteX(06vTos)
a (ctovs) (Bp.) t/3 (so. too. for the 2nd year in col. 3; the man was perhaps a prjTponoXiTijs baibesdSpaxpos ) ;
P. Ross. -Georg, v, 20, 5 (Heraclcopolis, a.d. 223). « ar’ dvbpa Xaoypajfias ) ; P. Oxy. 1157, 14 f. (late third
cent.), on to €TTLK€(f)dXatov diraLTOvmv ktX. ; PI 8 I 104, 14 (Oxyrhynchus, A.D. 28 7), (bwbeKubpaxpoy) and
yvpvaaiov, P. Corn. 18, 13 (Oxyrhynchus, a.d. 291), (ScoS.) [crajo yvpvaoiov. These, it is to be noted, refer
chiefly to the privileged rates. Did the class of Xaoypaiovpcrot as "paying full poll-tax' disappear after the
CA ? The point calls for investigation.

My conclusion would be that the poll-tax was primarily a means of raising revenue rather than a mark of
political status ; and though the special rates granted to metropolites suggest some social discrimination, that
is far from proving that the tax was regarded as in its essence degrading. And just ns the Arabs appear to
have taken over their bidypa<hov or avbpiopos from their Byzantine predecessors, so 1 would infer from
the evidence that the Roman Xaoypa<j>la was an adaptation of an institution existing under the later
Ptolemies. When Diocletian reorganized the taxation-system, the capitrUio humana continued, in another
form, the Xaoypafila, with no suggestion of political inferiority; but note the words of the ordinance itself
(P. Et. Pap. 2, 4 ff.) : 77000 OVV (KftOTTJ dpOVpO TTpOS TTjV TTOlOTTJTa T7)%' yij S €TT€^X^6r] KM TTOOa €/<doTT) KtdaX jj T W V
dypoiKwv. This suggests a direct connexion of the capital in with the Xaoypafia as primarily a tax
on the rural (Egyptian) populace.

This review is already too long, but attention must be called to Mile Preaux's excellent remarks (pp.
18-21) on the assignment of revenues As rijr ’AyaGouXto vs bwpedv ; on the xuipariKov (pp. 43—4); on pepiapol
(pp. 49-53); on the x<rqxurafioi- and trade guilds (pp. 59-02); and her attractive explanation of the yij
npooohov (pp. 105-6). Finally. I may mention that the peculiar form of No. 3, in which the number of live-
stock is specified and the dues on them are certified as paid but with no statement of the amount, offers
some analogy to the fourth-century receipt published by me in Mil. Maspcro . n, 105-111 ; that in the tran-
script of No. 20, 1. 3. two letters appear, from the facsimile, to have been overlooked before db . . ., though
I am unable to suggest a reading of them ; that the peculiar dating formula o{ No. 29, to which Mile Preaux
calls attention on p. 03. is best explained as due to the accidental omission ol OvconamaioO ; and that the
date, "207 av. of No. 2 is apparently a misprint for 200.

H. I. Bell.

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Two Biblical Papyri in the John Bylands Library, Manchester. Edited by C. H. Roberts. Manchester,

The Manchester University Press. 1930. Svo. 62 pp., 2 pis. 2s. 6rf .

The gods continue to sniile on Mr. Roberts. His brilliant discovery of a fragment of St. John s Gospel
(. Journal 21. 1935, pp. 266-7) has quickly been followed by a find hardly less notable and even more un-
expected. The St. John was when found, and still is, the earliest piece of the New Testament ever discovered;
the fragments of Deuteronomy in Greek which form the first item in the present volume are the earliest
manuscript of any portion of the Bible in any language at present known. It is therefore the more gratifying
that they do not stand alone, as the St. John fragment did, but are accompanied by witnesses to their early
date. They were found in pieces of eartonnage from a mummy-case, consisting of fragments of various
papvri. Round one of the Deuteronomy fragments was wrapped a strip from a roll containing the first book
of the Iliad, of which there were also other scraps, and besides these there were fragments of three other
literary papyri, part of an account in Greek cursive characters, and a number of Demotic fragments. Lastly,
the verso of the Deuteronomy roll had itself been used at a later time for a Greek account or register.

Not one of these manuscripts is dated (for the "second year’ mentioned in the account on the back of
the Deuteronomy is not determinable), but their combined evidence is very strong. The hand of the Iliad
looks later than that of the Deuteronomy but seems to belong to the second rather than the first century B.c.,
anil the cursive on the verso of the Deuteronomy also suggests the latter part of the second century. The other
evidence combines with this to indicate for that manuscript a date not later than the middle of the century.
It is generally agreed that the Septuagint version was begun in the third century B.c.. and that the Penta-
teuch was certainly the first portion of the Bible to be translated into Greek. Thus the present manuscript
may safely be described as written within about a century of the translation itself. It was. of course, a roll,
and is written in a regular and handsome uncial hand, recalling that of the Hyperides papyrus in the
British Museum, P. Loncl. 131 (not at Berlin as Mr. Roberts by a slip describes it ; he has confused it with
the Berlin papyrus of Menander mentioned along with it on p. 110 of \V. Gchubart’s Orierhische Palaeo-
graphie). A curious feature of the manuscript is the wide spacing at the ends of vcDAa: the end of a verse is
apparently marked by a yet w ider space and a high point. There are no other lectional signs, and probably
(but this is not absolutely certain) taipios was written in full, not represented by the compendium ~ia.

The textual evidence of so early a manuscript is, of course, extraordinarily interesting and important.
The scraps are small enough in all conscience, but insignificant as they may seem they provide some basis
for judgement. There are. naturally, several novel readings, of which those in 11. 19-23 (Deut. xxv. 2-3)
are particularly interesting: but on the whole the text shows a remarkable tendency to agree with A and 9
against B. Now P. Beatty vi (second century a.d.). in Deuteronomy (the position is reversed in the Numbers
portion of this manuscript), agrees far more often with A and & than with B ; P. Baden 56 (Exodus, second
century) also shows a preference for A readings; and the fourth-century Coptic papyrus of Deuteronomy
in the British Museum (Or. MS. 7594) exhibits a similar tendency. It seems clear that the tenderness for
B felt by several modern editors must now be called in question, as regards some books at least.

The second item in the volume is much less attractive and exciting at first sight. It is a fragment,
containing portions of two leaves, from a fourth-century codex, written in a coarse and ugly hand in the
reddish-brown ink so unpleasantly familiar in Byzantine papyri. But it has, on further acquaintance,
a considerable interest. Mr. Roberts is almost certainly right in describing it as a portion of a book of
"Testimonies’ — extracts from the Old Testament interpreted by Christian apologists as prophecies of Christ.
Mr. Roberts recognized it as part of a previously published papyrus. P. Oslo, rt, 11. He publishes the two
fragments together; and every one of the extracts contained in them can. without too much forcing, be
made to serve as a ‘testimony’. As a work of this kind the papyrus certainly deserved such separate and
careful editing as it has received.

Besides the error concerning the Hyperides papyrus mentioned above I have noticed one other slip of
the pen. In 1. 4 of p. 35 ‘younger’ should clearly be ‘older’.

H. I. Bell.

Die Bondergerichtsbarkeit im griechischen Recht Agyptens. By Erich Berneker. (Munchener Beitriige zur
Papyrusforschung und antiken Reehtsgeschichte, No. 22.) Munchen, C. H. Beck'sche Verlagsbueh-
handlung, 1933. 8vo. viii-*-195 pp.

This is a very useful treatise on special jurisdictions in Ptolemaic Egypt. The subject is a complicated
one, and as most of these jurisdictions were exercised by permanent officials, it demands a thorough know-

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139

ledge of Ptolemaic administration, of the spheres of authority of each of the officials concerned, and of the
changes which their functions underwent in the course of three hundred years. Dr. Berneker has collected
all the available evidence and has given us a lucid exposition of the different kinds of cases for which the
many different tribunals were severally competent. There are not a few debatable points in his arguments,
but certainly his work is of much interest and value, not only to jurists but to all students of Ptolemaic
papyri.

The present reviewer is not competent to discuss the book from the jurist's point of view, but feels
impelled to make one criticism of a general nature. Dr. Berneker is too hasty and too prone to draw conclusions
from inadequate evidence. One of his worst lapses is in a previous treatise (Et. de Pap. u, p. (id), in which
his interpretation of a difficult text rests on the assumption that Store e—torr} means 'well er weiss'. Here
are a few examples of the same carelessness from the present book. On p. (jo his explanation of P. Telit. ”78
is pure fantasy, nor does Trapaypa<j>ri mean ' Amtsunterschlagung’. On p. 148 we are toll that the decree
quoted in P. Amh. 33 and written in the 27th year of Ptolemy Philadelphus proves that Apollonius the
dioecetes was still in office in the reign of Eucrgetes I; and with the aid of this remarkable discovery he
identifies the Apollonius of P. Frankf. 7 with the dioecetes, rejecting Wilcken s demonstration that the
latter text belongs to the reign of Philopator. Again, we find on p. 17U an assertion that P. Kyi. Zen. 17
refers not to a case of robbery but to ‘ Abgabenruckstande ', because it was only in such matters that the
nomarch had jurisdiction. Yet the reason for the arrest is definitely stated in 1. 2; it was a question of
Mia; and in fact PSI 366, 367 (discussed, but misinterpreted, on p. 112) afford a similar example of a
nomarch taking action in a case of stolen cattle. There are too many inaccuracies of this sort, and one
must regret that the author has not taken more pains to make his book as reliable as it is interesting.

C. C. Edgar.

By Light, Light. The Mystic Gospel of Hellenistic Judaism. By Erwin R. Goodenough. Yale University
Press. Humphrey Milford, 1935. 4to. xv-p436 pp. $.3.00 net.

The chief aim of this research into the mystical writings of Hellenistic Judaism is to show how much
they were influenced by the ‘Mystery’ conceptions of Platonic philosophy, clad in the dress of mystic notions
from Orphism, Persia, and the Egyptian Isis. Professor Goodenough is interested not so much in the rituals
or even the mythology of the Mystery-cults, as in the use of the myths as symbols of metaphysical truth.
This use is ‘due to the passionate desire of the Hellenistic man to experience emotionally the concepts he
has learned from Greek rationalism' (a desire which was supremely satisfied by Alexandrine Christianity,
with its tjxnnafios and mystic meal). It was owing to its connexion with the Mysteries that Greek rationalism
survived to influence Syria, Rome, and Egypt: and yet it was only as symbolic expressions of philosophical
thought that the myths themselves lived on.

Professor Goodenough finds a similar fusion of myth anti metaphysic in Judaism, especially Phdo. In
contrast to the ‘literalist' interpreters of the O.T., Philo has changed the Torah into an allegory, through
whose disconnected flights runs a great unity of thought and purpose — namely the mystic presentation of a
Platonic or Neo-Pythagorean metaphysic. The Patriarchs are the great revelations of the higher w ay. The
first step upwards from the life of the passions is symbolized, e.g. by Abraham's leaving Chaldaea, or the
Israelites’ flight from Egypt. The second stage — the killing of the body — is marked by the drowning ot the
Egyptians. At Elim it is hinted that they enter the cosmic mystery, and they come into the Higher Mystery
of Union with the immaterial world at 'the song of the well’, which represents divine Sophia (p. 221). The
chief hero and hierophant is Moses, who, like Isaac, is 'self-taught', the ideal King. Lawgiver (o m/ws c/vlu'X"s),
Prophet, and Priest — here Philo has to distort the Pentateuch, where Aaron, not Moses, i- the priest, in order
to make Moses the perfect Mystagogue, offering an eternal mediation of which the temple ruttus was only a
reflection. His wife Zipporah (like Abraham's Sarah), also represents W isdom. He gets his commission as
supreme hierophant at the burning bush, where he is trying to find the name (i.e. the nature) of God. On
Sinai he sees to w itself, beyond the Logos. As giver of the Mystic Torah he is a priest superior to Aaron.
And at his Assumption — 'after he had shed his body which grew around him like the shell ot an oyster,
while his soul . . . desired its migration thence' ( De V irtuUhws, 5 71*) — lie experiences the supreme union w ith
the Absolute, but continues to be the eternal Saviour par excellence of the Israelites. Professor Goodenough
suggests that these four episodes in the life of Moses may be the subjects of the frescoes in the synagogue at
Dura, recently discovered by the Yale Expedition under Rostovtzeff (p. 242). To these lie intends to return
in a later volume, which will also discuss the influence of the Mystery in early Greek Christianity.

T 2

140

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

But ]>erliaps the tliief question of this volume is: ‘Did Philo, as is commonly asserted, stand alone ? Was
he a pioneer m this thought V ' And Professor Goodenough answers convincingly in the negative. The Jews
a I w a\ s borrow e<l much from their neighbours: only an occasional prophet saw this taking over of attractive
ideas hum the ( u ntiles as apo-.ta.sy from Yahweh ; only a few purists objected to the ‘idolatry’ of Solomon
— the reputed 'founder’ of 'Wisdom'. After the Exile, even the few loyalists who returned and made the
rullus at hast e.\i liisive 'brought hack a mass of angelology and Babylonian mythology’. The Pharisees,
themselves full of foreign notions about angels, determinism, and the future life, ‘had a terrific struggle to
pull the .b us away fiom their fascinated preoccupation with Greek ways and ideas". Even in Palestine
their legalistic Judaism nearly collapsed under the remote Greek influence of the Seleucids in Antioch. Out-
side Palestine even the Pharisees admitted that the Law could not he kept according to their standards.
.Many apostatized, hr hiding Philo’s nephew Alexander. Small wonder that the dispersed Jews, like the Egyp-
tians, hoiiow e. i much from the philosophy of Greece. .Many could read the O.T. only in the Septuagint.
Every Hellenist i. ■ .Jewish writer lias a Greek name, except the second-century tragic poet Ezekiel, and he
makes up for this, as it were, by portraying a mystic Moses, who, after seeing the Logos in the burning bush,
beheld and asi ended the throne on Sinai, and saw the whole universe, and the stars doing obeisance. In the
same i enturv .Idupuio/s identities Moses with Musaeus, 'who invented ships . . . Egyptian arms . . . and philo-
sophy. di\ ided Egypt into Homes, w it h a god for each, and invented the priestly writing’, and was therefore
called llermes-Tat ; similarly Ari-dububis wrote to Ptolemy VI to prove that the Peripatetic philosophy was
del Led from the Law of Moses, and interpolated passages into a genuine Orphic Hymn so as to make Moses
the real founder ot ( irphisin. The Sitn/lline Bonk*, in addition to their Greek form, use the absolutist language
ot neo- Platonism, and " \\ i-dniii’ in its ‘Mystery’ sense. By the time of th o Book of Wisdom there is no longer
any need to « omp.wo or identify things Jewish with their pagan counterparts. The syncretism is now' un-
conscious. It has become natural for the hierophant ‘.Solomon’ to win 'Sophia’ (= Light) as his god-given
bride, and, so to learn the secrets of the universe (T 17- - 1 ). become immortal (8 13-17 ), and the friend of God
( i 1 U 1 ') : while the Ah stories ot God ’ (2--) are denied to the w ieked. Besides many other scraps of evi-

dence, the argument is i limited by the convincing suggestion that the Pseudo- Justinian Orutio ad Graecos,
and the ./ntiVi Liturgy isolated by Bousset from its Christian setting in the Apostolic Constitutions, are not
( hristi.m, hut also w itness to this Hellenistic Judaism. Finally, it is suggested that the Kabbalah w-as the
true descendant of this Jewish Mysticism in the Middle Ages.

At times the evidence is admittedly scanty : and there are gaps that have to be filled in by hypothesis.
But the rei oiistriu tion id the evolution of thought here given is on the whole convincing. And if positive
r\ idenee is sometimes lacking, there seems to he an equal absence of proof to the contrary: and although the
ease might perhaps have been strengthened by pointing out the remarkable similarity of the beliefs and prac-
tices of the Lsscnes, as recorded by Philo, to those ol the Orphics, who are now known to have survived far
longer than was formerly thought, there is enough positive evidence to give great weight to the main con-
tentions here ai K am ed. it is a hook » liicli no student of Philo can afford to ignore ; and its successor promises
to bo still more atresting and important. Perhaps one may express the hope that it may pander somew-hat
more to tile frailties ot human nature by the use, it possible, ot a larger type, more italics, cross-references,
summaries, and headings, and consequently rather less repetition of the argument. In other respects this
\ olume, w it fi its excellent indices, is well arranged and worthy of its publisher and its subject.

H. P. Kinodon.

I iilrrimltiini/i » nht r dir K"ph\rji, » I'ri.t, ihii nti jt,-. By Alexander Bohlig. Stuttgart, Kohlhammer,
P.fliii. S". Pp. si i.

Among tin- Old lestament i looks in ( optic Vmmhs has been one of the most fortunate. While the
Sa idle version of many others is hut liugmentarily preserved, and while in Akhmimic hardly any of them
ii.n e reached u-. we haw of I'nu i/hit omplete texts m both these dialects and, so far as the partial Bohairic
wr»"in goes, in that dialect also. Moreover, both Saddle and Bohairic are to-day available in thoroughly
adequate editions and surely we may now hope that this highly interesting study by Dr. Bohlig is an indica-
tion that he is to he entrusted with the long-postponed publication of the Akhmimic text. His Disserta-
tion shows at any rate that lie would lie exceptionally well equipped for the task.

[ts first part is devoted to a comparison ol the Saddic and Bohairic versions, in respect of syntax and
vocabulary, the conclusion reached lining that, in general, the latter (as was indeed to be expected) stands

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

141

closer to the chief Greek manuscripts, while in the former several more or less divergent texts can he recog-
nized, the version as a whole giving the impression of a freer, more subjective type of translation, w hirh aimed
rather at offering the best sense than at verbal exactitude.

The second and more important half of the book is concerned with the Akhmlmic version and its relation
to the Sa'idic, whence, following Prof. C’. Schmidt (Z. neut. Ifis's'., Idl'd, 22S), Ur. Buhlig regards it as being
derived. The characteristics of its vocabulary are examined and many interesting instances litcd to show
how A. deals with the Greek words met with in S., as well as with S. words non-existent (so tar as we at
present know) in A. and therefore necessarily replaced by others: and how the translator shows a wish not to
produce a mere transcript of S., but to write in his own dialect idiomatically. There follows an in\ estimation
of the relation of A. to the variant readings of S. and after that - the longest section of the book- a senes of
examples illustrative of the numerous doublets, additions, and errors in S. and A. re.-pei tivelv. These prob-
lems, as regards S., were to some extent discussed by Ciasia (Suer. Kill. Pray tit. u, jip. xl if.), but i)r. Bohlig's
treatment of them, based upon far wider material, is of course more adequate.

Perhaps a word in self-defence may be allowed on one or two small points. On p. 41 our liicttnitnry
is said to equate moil with moione. The instances under the former in whi< h both appear merely record
variants as found in the manuscripts ; they represent no opinion of mine. < hi p. ,72 a note sa\ s that iipuc ii
does not correspond in the LXX to aiege^dopos -/he-ai. It seems to me that in the verse under discus-ion
(x. 5) the two are unquestionably equated, whatever be the normal meaning of the Coptic word (set Ltd.,
377 a). But perhaps I fail to grasp the bearing of Hr. Bohlig’s remark.

\V. E. Ckvm.

The following works have also been received:

Altbubylonische Personenmiete und Ernlrarbeittritriruye. By Jii.ivs Gi:<u:<, L.U'TNKi:. (Stadia et
documenta ad iura orientis antiqui pertinentia, Vol. I.) Leiden, l'.Khi. xx -2b2 pp. El. Kb

The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. By Sir Richmond Pai.mlr. London. 1930. 4to. wii ---290 jip., 30 pis.,
map. 42s.

Cumaean Gates: .4 Reference nf the Sixth Aeneid to the Initiation Piittirn. By \\ . 1 . Jackson Knicht.
Oxford, 193(3. Svo. xv + 190 pp., drawings by L. J. Lloyd. 7 s.t'ul.

The Excavations at Tall C'hugar Bir.ar and an Archaeological Siiriei/ of tin ljnhttr Payton. lUol i. By
M. E. L. JIallowax. (Reprinted from Praq 3. part I.) Oxford. 193b. 4to. .79 pp.. 29 tigs. 1(K (id.

Lie neuen AIHPHEEIE zu Ktilhinachosgedicltten. By Ri'noi.r Pfeii flu. (Sit/,ung-b. .Mum hen. 19.(1,
Heft 10.) Munich, 1934. 30 pp. RM. 3.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS LSED IN REFERENCES
TO PERIODICALS, ETC . 1

(See the note on pp. 119-20 above)

Abh. Beilin ( Miun'hen . etc.) — Abhandlungen der
Prnissisrhen (Bayerischtn, etc.) Abidemie der
Wis»en»chafteii.

Acta Or. = Acta Vrientalia.

Aeg. — Aegyptus.

Aeg. Inschrr. Berlin — Aegyptische Inschriften a us
den . . . Mu seen zu Btrlin.

Aeg. Mon. Leiden -= Leenians, Aegyptische Monu-
mental ran het Xederlinalsche Museum ran Oud-
hedin te Leiden.

Ad . 1 -- American Journal of Archaeology.

AJ SI. — American Journal of Semitic Languages and
Lite rat urn.

Am. Hid. lice. - American Ihstoncal Bedew.

Am. Jiairn. Phil. — American Journal of Philology.
Ball. Analecta Bollaniliana.

A nc. Egypt Ancient Egypt.

Ann. Arch. Anthi. — Annuls of Archaeology anil
Anthiopalagy.

Ann. Inst. phil. hid. nr. — Annnaire de V Inst it ut de
phdologie et d'hiduire orientates.

Ann. II. Sc. Pisa — Annuli della Beale Scuola
X or male Superiors di Pisa (Lettere, Storia e
yihjsafia), Aerie 1 1 .

Ann. Sere. Annates tin Service ties Ant ignites de
l Egyptc.

Ann. t’nie. llama — Ann nario della It. fniversitd di
llama.

'AfX ’Ei. " Apx tu<t hoyuAj ' Elryie pis .

Audi. f. ILL - Archie fur lleligianswissenschaft.

Arch. f. It. a. H’. Archie fur Rechts- and Wirt-
schaftsphilosophic.

Arch. (Hand. Archieio (liundico.

Aiclne - Aichie jut Pa jiyrusfarschnng.

Ath. Mitt. - Mitteilnngi n des . . . dmtsrhen archaeo-
Ingisrlun [nstituts, Athtnvsrhe Abteilung (' Athe -
nisr/ie Mali Hangul').

El II - Bulletin <!t corresjionrlnnei hflluiigue.

fli'chr. Li aim I’leyte-Iloesir. Beschrt lining dir
ai/yjitdchm Sammhing des n iiderlu lid iu'he/l.
lit ich <iti usi ums ... in Laden.

Bib!, ngyptul. - Bibliothi'qim I’gyptologigue.

111:. I had Book of the Dual.

1 The alphabetical arramiement of the abbreviate

in referem es to editions of papyri may be found in

BL = Preisigke-Bilabel, Berichtigungshste der gne-
chischen Papyrusurknnden aus Agypten.

BM Quart. — British Museum Quarterly.

Boll. Jil. class. = Bollettino di filologia classica.

Botti-Peet, Giornale — II Giornale della Xecropoli
di Tebe.

Breasted, , Inc. Bee. = Ancient Records.

Bull. Acad. Sci. URSS = Bulletin de V Acculemie des
Sciences de l' Union des Bepubliques Soeietiques
Socuilistes: Classe des Sciences Sociales.

Bull. ASOR = Bulletin of the American Schools of
Oriental Research.

Bull. Inst. fr. — Bulletin de VInstitut franqais
d'archeologie orientate.

Bull. 1st. dir. rom. = Bullettino dell' Istituto didiriito
ronutno.

Bull. MFA = Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts
(Boston).

Bull. MM A = Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum
of Art (Xew York).

Bull. Ryl. Libr. = Bulletin of the John Hylands
Library.

Bull. Soc. arch. d'Alex. = Bulletin de la Societe
royale d'archeologie d'Ale.candrie.

Bursian = Jahresbericht uber die Fortschritte der
klassischen Altertumswissenschuft.

Byz. - neugr. Jahrbb. — Byzantinisch - ntugriechische
Jahrbucher.

BZ = Byzuntinische Zeitschrift.

('AH — ( 'ambridge Ancient History.

('('(! — Cairo Museum, Catalogue General.

Ch. Quart. Bee. --- Church Quarterly Review.

Chron. d' Eg. = Chronique d'Egypte.

CIA = Cot pus Insci iptionmn Atticarum.

CIG — Corpus Insniptionum Graecarum.

Cl. Journ. - Classical .Journal.

Cl. Phil. = Classical Philology.

Cl. Quart. -- Classical Quaitcrly.

Cl. Pee. -- Classical Renew.

Cl. Weekly — Classical Weekly.

CPHerm. — Corpus papyrnrum Hermopolitanorum.

CPR — Wessely, Corpus Papyrorum Raineri Archi-
ll uc is A list rale.

is ignores stops and spaces. The abbreviations used

'.1 II, vii, SS9-91 ; x, 922-4; xi, 927.

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN REFERENCES TO PERIODICALS 143

C.-R. Ac. Inscr. B.-L. = Comptes-Rendus de I Aca-
demic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.

Crum, Copt. Diet. — A Coptic Dictionary.

CSCO = Corpus Scripiorum Christianorum Orienta-
lium.

Diet. arch, ckret. — Dictionnaire d'archtologie cliri-
tienne.

DLZ — Deutsche Literaturzeitung.

EEF = Egypt Exploration Fund.

EES = Egypt Exploration Society.

Erman, Ag. Gr. = Agyptische Gramma tile, 4th ed.

Erman, Lit. = Die Literatur der Aegypter.

Erman, Xeudg. Gr. = Xeudgyptische Gramwatik,
2nd ed.

Et. de Pap. = Etudes de Papyrologie.

Etudes = Etudes : revue catholique d' intent general.

Exp. Times = Expository Times.

f. p. 81 f ( e.g .) = pp. 81-2.

Gard., Eg. Gr. = Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar.

Gardiner- Weigall, Top. Cat. = A Topographical
Catalogue of the Private Tombs of Thebes.

Gauthier, Did. ge'og. = Dictionnaire des nans gto-
graphiques.

GGA = Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen.

Gr. = Grammar, Gramaiattk, Grarnmuire.

Griffith, Ryl. Pap. = Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri
in the John Rylands Library, Manchester.

Griffith Studies = Studies presented to F. LI. Griffith.

Harv. Theol. Rev. = Harvard Theological Review.

Hierat. Pap. Berlin = Hieratische Papyrus aus den
. . . Museen zu Berlin.

Hierat. Pap. BM: I, VL — Facsimiles of Egyptian
Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum (First and
Second Series); m = Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum (Third Series).

Hierog. Texts BM — Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyp-
tian Stelae, A c., in the British Museum.

Hist. = History of Egypt.

Hist. Z. = Historische Zeitschrift.

IG = Inscriptiones Graecae.

IGR = Inscriptions Graecae ad res Rommuri per-
tinentes.

111. Ldn. Xeics = Illustrated London Sews.

Inscrr. hierog. — Inscriptions hie roglyphiques.

Jahrb.f. Liturg. — Jahrbuchfur Liturgieicissenschnft.

JAUS = Journal of the American Oriental Society.

J. as. — Journal asiatique.

J. Bibl. Lit. = Journal of Biblical Literature.

JEA = Journal of Egyptian Archaeology.

J HS — Journal of Hellenic Studies.

JRAS = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

J. Rel. = Journal of Religion.

JRS — Journal of Roman Studies.

J. Sav. — Journal des Savants.

JTS = Journal of Theological Studies.

Kah. Pap. — Griffith. Hieratic Papyri from Kahun
and Gurub.

K \ GR = Kritische V ierteljahresschrift fur Gesetz-
gebung and Rechtswissenschaft.

Lacau, Textes rel. = Textes religieux.

heps.. Dkm. = Lepsius, Denkmnler aus Aegypten und
Aethiopien.

LQR — Law Quarterly Review.

M., Chr. — Mitten*. Chreslomathie (Grundziige und
Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, II, 2. Hulfte).

MDOG = Mittedungen der deutschen Orient-Gesell-
schaft.

Mel. Beyrouth — Melanges de l' l hiursiti Baint-
Joseph, Beyrouth (Libun).

Mel. Maspero — Melanges Maspero (Mint. Oist. fr.
00 - 8 ).

Mtm . lit *t. fr. — Mel mo ires publit a par les me mb res
de V Inst it at franca is d'archeologie orientate du
Ca ire.

Mem. Miss. fr. — Ml moire s publics par les me mb ns
de la Mission a / cheat oejique fra n ra i se au Caire.

Meyer, Ofsch. Alt. — (ieschichte d<s Alte rtums.

M.. Crdz. — Mitteis, Crundzueje (drundzueje und
( hredomathie der Papyruskunde , li, 1. Halite).

Mitt, deutsch. Imt. Ketiro— M ittedungen tie s deutschen
Institnts furaejyptische AlU rtumsknnde in Retire).

Muller, Hierat . Pal. — II ierutiselte PuhnnjraphU .

Mon. Piot. = Fundntion Hutjine Plot. Acadnme des
Inscriptions et Belles-lettres. Monnnie nts it me'-
moires.

Munch. Beiir. --- Munchner Beitnuje zur Papyrus-
fonchunej uretl antiktn Rechtsejeschichte .

n. — note.

Xetchr. Cottinejen Xeichrichfen ran der (Icsellschaft
der W ts st nschft fieri zu Cedtinejen. Philologisch-
11 istorisch e Kl 'is se .

.Vo ur. rer. thud. .Vo urelle rerue fhe'oloeji'ptc.

Xnm. Citron. X umumatic Chronicle.

OC IS Hit ten herder. Orient is timed 1 rescript iejnes

Se lertae.

OLZ - Orienfalistische Literaturzdtunej.

(Jr. Chr. - - Orien s Christian us.

Or. Chr. Anal. -- Oriental la ( 'hristiana Analecta.

Or. ('hr. Per. - Orient alia ( 'hristiema Perioefica.

I’. Papxrus.

PC — Patredexjia (imecei.

Phil. Work. — Ph lining ischc Wetche nschnft.

Porter-Moss, Top. Bibl. Te,jtoejra phical Bibho -

ejreiphy e>f Ancient Egypt out II n retglyphic Tests,
Reliefs, and Pa inti rajs .

Proc. Am. Phil. = Proceeding* of the American
Philoloejiced A s'* etcintion .

P.-I i.,Peip. Turin — Plevte-Kossi. Pa pyrus de Tur in.

PS BA = Proceedinejs of the Society of Biblical
Archaeology.

144 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN REFERENCES TO PERIODICALS

PW = Pauly-W issoiva-Krott. Real-Encyclopadie der
klassischen Altertumsicissenschaft.

Pyr. = Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte.

Pec. Chump. = Pecueil d' etudes egyptologiques dediees
o la mtmoire de J ean-F ranqois Champollion.

Pech. sc. rel. = Recherches de science religieuse.

Pec. trav. = Pecueil de travaux relatifs d la philologie
et d Varchtologie egyptiennes et assyriennes.

Rend. Pont. Acc. — Atti della Pontificia Accademia
Pomona di Archeologiu ( Serie m): Rendiconti.

Pend. P. 1st. = Rendiconti del Peale Istituto Lom-
bardo di science e lettere.

Rev. arch. = Revue arche'ologiqtte.

Rev. bibl. — Revue biblique.

Rev. crit. = Rente critique d'histoire et de litteruture.

Rev. d'tgyptol. — Revue d'egyptolngie.

Rev. de myst. = Revue de mystique.

Rev. de phi!. = Revue de philologie, de literature et
d'histoire anciennes.

Rev. d’hist. eccl. = Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique.

Rev. Eg. one. — Revue de VEgypte ancienne.

Rev. egyptol. = Revue egyptolngique.

Rev. et. one. = Revue ties etudes anciennes.

Rev. et. gr. — Rente des etudes grecques.

Pev.et.juives = Rente des etudes juices.

Rev. it. hit. = Revue des etudes hit i ties.

Rev. hist. — Revue historique.

Rev. hist. dr. = Revue historique de droit Jranntis et
etruuger.

Rev. hist, qthilos. rel. = Revue d’histoire et de philo-
sophic religieuses.

Rev. hist. rel. = Revue de I’histoire des religions.

Rh. Mus. --- Rhein inches Museum.

Riv. di arch. enst. — Rivista tli archeologia cristiana.

Riv. dijil. — Rivista di ftlologia classica.

Riv. indo-greco-ital. — Rivista indo-greco-italiana.

Riv. stor. dir. ital. — Rivista di storia del diritto
Hnliu no.

SB — Preisiuke-Bilabcl. Stimmelbiich griechischer
Urkunden avs Agypten.

Sethe, Erlaut. Lesest. = Erlauteriingen ztt den negyp-
tischen Lesestucken: Te.tle des Mittlercn Reiches.

Sethe, Lesest. — Aegyptische Lesestncke zum Ge-
branch im akadtmischen V nferrtcht: Texte des
Mittleren Reiches. 2nd ed.

Sethe. Enters. = Vntersuchungen zur Geschichte untl
A lie rlti mskunde A egyplens.

Sttznngsb. Berlin (Mitnchen, etc.) — Sitzungsbericlite
der Preussisclten (Bnyerischen, etc.) Akademie der
1C issenschaften.

Spiegelberg, Dem. Gr. = Dcmotische Grammntik.

Spiegelberg, Kopt. Hdwb. — Koptisches Handworter-
buch.

St. Albertoni = Studi in Memoria di Aldo Albertoni.

St. econ.-giurid. Unix. Cagliari = Studi economico-
giuridichi della R. I niversitd di Cagliari.

St. et Doc. = Stadia et Document a Historiae et luris.

St. it. fil. class. = Studi italiani difilologia classica.

St. Pal. = Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyrus-
kunde, ed. C. Wessely.

St. Rketibono = Studi in onore di Salvatore Ricco-
bono.

Sup. Garth Eg. Gr. = Supplement to Gardiner's
Egyptian Grammar.

Symb. Frib. Lenel = Symbolete Friburgenses in ho-
norem Ottonis Lenel.

Symb. Oslo. = Symbolae Osloenses.

TAPA = Transactions of the American Philological
Association.

Theol. Rev. = Theologische Revue.

Theol. St. Kr. — Theologische Studien und Kritiken.

Tijdschrift = Tijdschrift roor Rechtsgeschiedenis.

TLB — Theologische-s Literaturblatt.

TLZ = Theologische Literaturzeitung.

TSBA — T ransactions of the Society of Biblical
Archaeology.

Urk. = Urkunden des ugyptischen Altertums, ed. G.
Steindorff.

TT6. = Erman-Grapow, Worterbuch der aegyptischen
Sprache.

W., Chr. ■— Wilcken, Chrestomathie ( Grundzuge und
Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, i, 2. Halfte).

\V., Grdz. = Wilc-ken, Gntndziige ( Grundzuge und
Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, I, 1. Halfte).

W., O. = Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka aus Aegypten
und Sttbien.

WZKM = Wiener Zeitsclirift fur die Kunde des
Morgenlandes.

ZAS = Zeitsclirift fur agyptische Sprache und Alter-
tumskunde.

ZDMG — Zeitsclirift der deutschen morgenliindischen
Gesellschaft.

Z. f. hath. Theol. — Zeitsclirift fur katholische Theo-
logie.

Z.f. Kirchengesch. — Zeitsclirift fiir Kirchengeschkhte.

Z. f. neut. Wise. = Zeitschrift fiir neutestamentliche
Wisscnechaft.

Z.f. Kumism. — Zeitschrift fiir Xumismatik.

Z.f. rergleich. Rechtsic. = Zeitschrift fur vergleichende
Reclitsicissenscluift.

Z. Sav. = Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung ( Roma -
nistische Abteilung).

Fragment of relief, displaying two life-size negro heads.
(Photograph by The Connoisseur).

(145)

PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE EXCAVATIONS AT
SESEBI, NORTHERN PROVINCE, ANGLO-EGYPTIAN

SUDAN, 1936-37

By A. M. BLACKMAN
With Plates xii-xix

The ruins of Sesebi have been known to Egyptologists for many years past, and a drawing
of the four rather squat columns, now reduced to three (PL xv, 2), which rose above the
debris covering the temple-area, was published as long ago as 1849 by Lepsius in his I)enk-
maler, i, PI. 118. 1 No one, however, had observed that the reliefs of Sethos I which
decorate the surviving three columns are imposed upon erased reliefs of Akhenaten till the
late Professor J. H. Breasted visited Sesebi early in the year 1907 in the course of carrying
out his survey of the ancient sites in Upper Nubia.

In consequence of this discovery Breasted identified Sesebi with Gematen, the town
founded by Akhenaten in Upper Nubia for the propagation of the new religion in his
southern dominions. But this identification is not correct, for the late Professor P. LI.
Griffith's excavations at Kawa in 1930-1 have definitely shown that that place and not
Sesebi is the site of Gematen. Nevertheless, on account of its evident association with
Akhenaten the Egypt Exploration Society decided to undertake the excavation of Sesebi
last winter, a decision that the results of one season's work have amply justified.

The excavations began on November 1 and ended on February 17. The staff consisted
of Professor A. M. Blackmail (Director), Messrs. H. W. Fairman (Chief Assistant). E. A.
Green (Architect), and J. G. Griffiths (Fellow of the University of Wales), all four of them
being members of Liverpool University. Support was received from the Brooklyn Museum,
H.B.H. the Crown Prince of Sweden, the Musee du Louvre, Sir Robert Mond. Dr. A. H.
Gardiner, Mrs. Griffith, and the Manchester Museum. 2 Here be it stated firstly that the
Society is much indebted to Messrs. Alfred Holt & Co. for giving the Ifirector a free return
passage from Liverpool to Port Said in the Blue Funnel Line, and secondly that without
an additional and most generous donation from Sir Robert Mond the excavations would
have had to cease before the end of January. It was his welcome and quite unexpected
gift that enabled the particular investigations which resulted in our most interesting dis-
coveries to be undertaken.

Sincere thanks are also due to many officials of the Sudan Government for much friendly
advice and valuable assistance, and in particular to Mr. Purves, Governor of Northern
Province, Mr. B. K. Cooke. Governor of Kassala Province, Mr. Buchanan, Assistant District
Commissioner at Haifa, Mr. G. IV. Grabham, Director of Antiquities, and the Chief Medical
Officer of our district, Dr. Aldridge, all of whom did everything in their power to facilitate
our work and to make our stay in the Sudan pleasurable.

1 Views of the four columns appear also in Cailliaud. } oijage a Mf'roe, ii, PI. viii; Wilkinson MSS.,
xx, E 1; Prudlioe MSS.. Atlas, 32(b) [view from east]. This information has been kindly supplied ln-
Miss R. Moss from Top. Bibl. material yet unpublished.

2 The money obtained through this Museum was raised by the efforts of Mr. Rollo W orthington.

A. M. BLACKMAN

in;

Tlic fortress-town of Se-ebi, or Se-e a-, the local inhabitants call it, is situated between
(lit- N eond and Thud Cataracts, some list) miles south of Wady Haifa. It lies on the west
bank of til.- Nile opposite Helen, the capital of the district, its east wall being about 200 m.
di'tant from the riser's edge. The crude-brick buttressed walls which surround the town
enclose an area of 27d - 2tMt m. fsee plan, PI. xmi. they are about 4*00 m. thick, and in
some places still stand 4 to m. high. The width of the buttresses is approximately 3*15 m.,
and tliev project 2-tH m. from tie* face of the wall itself fPl. xiiii. In each of the four walls
have been found the remains of a well-constructed gateway, paved and faced with stone.
A feature of all these eat ew a vs is the channel beneath the paving for carrying away water
i pi. xv, 1 i. an indieatioii that the rainfall was very heavy in this district at the time when
the town was founded. These climatic conditions must have prevailed for a long period
siibsetpieiit to that date, for the sit t . has heeii denuded not only hy the heavy sand-laden
wind-, but bv torrents of water which have cut deep channels in various parts of the town
and have apparently* been largely responsible for the almost complete destruction of most
of tie* east wall. This denudation is particularly noticeable in the north-eastern quarter,
where all traces of buildings, if ever there were any such, have disappeared. It is possible,
however, that this quaiter was left unoccupied in the Pharaonic period.

Tin* north-west portion of the town contains three contiguous temples facing east and
erect, d upon an unusually solid substructure ; Pis. \ib, xiv. and xv. 2). In front of them
is a large open comt measuring north to so nth 4S-20 m.. and ea't to west 31*o() m. This
com t was once i nclos. d in ni.L"iv e stone walls, of which the foundations are clearly traceable
on the north and soiit h 'ides , |’H. xiii, xiv, and xv. 2., though they have entirely disappeared
on the east side, except at the north end. where they can he traced for about 7 in., and at
the south end. where the turn northwards is still discernible. All traces of a gateway or
pylon, which must once ha\e stood in the centre of the eastern yvall. have completely
vanished. The very irregular surface of this open space was once artificially levelled with
ma"es of s.md'tone chips i/ei/o| mixed with earth.

The substructure on which the three temples stand is composed of four enclosing walls
and cross- walls of ma-iv e sandstone Mocks i some measuring 2 • 0*90 0*50 in.) and rubble

tilling ' IT. xiv *. These underlying walls coincide with the walls of the temples, which had
to sustain the weight of heavy roofing-block'. The columns stood on special foundations
of tin irown, const meted of blocks of stone embedded in the rubble tilling. The substructure
rose about 1*211 in. above the artificially* levelled ground at the back of the temple, and
about at) cm. above i be same (looting of the court in front.

The temples have evidently been Used as a quarry for building-material at some time
or other, and, apart from tie* three standing columns, little now remains except the bases
and bottom drums of the other columns and the lowest courses of the walls. The central
temple consists of an inner and outer hypostyle hall, a sanctuary, and some subsidiary
chambers. The present sanctuary, in which the pedestal for the boat-shrine is still in
po-iiioii , Pl. xv. to, is a later addition, possibly due to Set bos I. which turned the original
sanctuary into the proiiaos. The masonry of the new sanctuary, which consists of small,
fairlv well-dressed sandstone blocks, is distinctly inferior to that of the rest of the central
temple .mil that of the temple on either side of it. These two latter temples are very similar
in plan to the central one. the main difference being that in them the place of the outer
hypostyle ball is taken by a walled-m open court. Mr. I*’.. A. Green thinks that the east
wall of all three temples was continuous, the tlat. uniform surface of the facade, which was
probably covered with reliefs and surmounted with a eavetto cornice, being broken by the
three entrances. The thresholds of these entrances cannot have been raised more than

REPORT ON EXCAVATIONS AT SESEBI

147

about 50 cm. above the floor of the forecourt, and were possibly reached by a short flight of
shallow steps, such as is to be seen in the inner hall of the central temple (PI. xv, 3). Put
of such constructions no traces survive, except in the case of the last-mentioned temple.
Here a break in the front wall of the substructure, directly on the line of the temple's
central axis, suggests that a ramp or ascent of some sort may have been removed by the
quarrymen.

In the sanctuary of the southern, as in that of the central, temple the pedestal for the
boat-shrine is still in place. Since it bears on its front traces of the prenomen of Harnesses II.
cut in plaster above a deep erasure, the pedestal may originally have been inscribed w ith the
names and titles of Amenophis IV. The northern temple has been much more damaged than
the southern, but what is left of it suggests that both were practically identical in their plan.

A noteworthy feature in the central temple is the flight of shallow steps in the inner
hall (PI. xv, 3), rising to the level of the platform upon which the columns stand. A similar
flight is preserved in the hypostyle hall of the southern temple. This last-ment ioned building
may, anyhow in the Nineteenth Dynasty, have been dedicated to the goddess Mut, for
during the clearing of it a fragment of a door-jamb was found bearing the words ‘beloved
of Mut, mistress of the sky’. If this surmise is correct, then the northern temple would
have been dedicated to Khons and the central to AmenreV

Judging from the fragments found during the excavation of the temples, the walls of
these must once have been adorned with reliefs of the finest quality. Conspicuous among
these fragments is one displaying two life-size negro heads bee IT. xiij 1 which remind
one strongly of the representation of negro captives in a relief from the Memphite tomb
of Haremhab. 2 The two heads must come either from a procession of prisoners of war. or
else from a great battle-scene, such as those painted on the wooden casket of Tubankhamun
or those carved on the walls of Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Dynasty temples. It would be
interesting if the earliest known example of this particular development of Egyptian
pictorial art dated from the reign of the ‘pacifist’ Akhenaten! Another tine fragment
(PI. xviii, 4) shows a queen (?) holding two palm-branches which have been stripped of

their leaves (^Q, and from the upper end of each of which a heart-shaped object E sus-
pended. Immediately in front of the queen (?) can be seen the left shoulder of a king,
evidently wearing the hpri- helmet, of which only a lappet is preserved. Do these figures
come from a scene depicting some episode in the Jubilee {hh-sd) festivities? 1 lui\e so tar
found no other example of the heart-shaped pendant attached to the palm-branch emblem.

Among other objects found in the debris of the three temples are part of a blue faience
votive tablet (dedicated by a ‘general — mr-m A), mentioning the both regnal year ot
Harnesses II, and the half life-size head of a black granite royal stable (PI. x\i, 1). Ibis
head distinctly resembles the heads of some of the statues of Hatshepsut lotmd b\ the
Metropolitan Museum of New York s expedition at Her el-lSahari. and so may be a portrait
of that famous queen. From the debris of the central temple came the pair of ram- in
steatite, unfinished (PI. xviii, 3. bottom right).

A discoverv of some importance is the stone structure that lies just outside the temple-
area (Pis. xiifand xvi, 3). but close to its north-east corner. In its original form (it has
undergone at least one reconstruction) it seems to have consisted of a small open couit
raised upon a platform, which is about 11-70 m. square 1 and about 2 m. high. A lower couit
of about the same dimensions contains a stairway built into the platform and ghing access

1 I am indebted to the editor of The Connoisseur for kind permission to publish tin- photograph.

2 See Hedwig Feehheimer, Die Plastik der Ayyjder (Berlin, 1920), 1.50.

148

A. M. BLACKMAN

to the upper court. The stairway is furnished with a balustrade surmounted with a torus
and a cavetto cornice. At a later date, probably during the reign of Setlios I, another
stairway and a .-.mall colonnaded court were constructed on the east side of the platform.
That these are an addition is clearly shown by the fact that the masonry of this stairway,
unlike that of the stairway on the west side, is not bonded into the masonry of the plat-
form. Another addition, also possibly dating from the time of Sethos I, is that of the four
u alls enclosing the v hole edilice. The original building is almost certainly the work of Akhen-
aten, for the blocks composing it, in contrast with those of the later additions, are covered
with a thin coating of plaster, and in the debris was found a similarly plastered block
bearing part of the 'dogmatic name' of the Aten in its earlier form. It is not impossible,
therefore, that this building of Akhenaten was a small sun-temple, specially constructed to
>uit the changes in ritual occasioned by the new religion; in this connexion it should be
ob.-er\ed that the officiating priest, on entering the little temple at dawn by the western
stairway, would have faced the east and the rising sun. Professor Garstang has pointed out
that the building bears a striking resemblance to the much larger sun-temple unearthed by
him at Memo in 1 1 > 1 1 . 1

To return to the three temples. Under the north-west and south-west corners of the
substructure were found four intact sets of foundation-deposits, which had been placed in
four small pits, two at either corner. Above the southernmost of both pairs of pits were
laid four ceremonial crude bricks 2 (PI. xvii, 1). The four deposits comprised two blue
faience plaques and a blue faience scarab (PI. xvii, 2, centre and top right), all bearing the
name 'Imn-htp-ntr-hlt-Wfst, ‘ Amenophis-the-GodAVho-Rules-Thebes’, and thus showing
that tht- three temples were founded by Amenopliis IV before the Gth 3 year of his reign,
that U, before he changed his name to Akhenaten, and also another and larger blue faience
scarab bearing the same king's prenomen, Xfr-hpru-R <, ‘ (One-)Beautiful-of-Forms-is-Rtk ’,
followed by the epithet thn-ml-Itn, ‘ Glittering-like-the-Sun's-Orb ’ (PI. xvii, 2, right, bot-
tom). This epithet is apparently not applied elsewhere to Akhenaten. 4 Among other objects
found in the four pits are a small scarab, two small plaques, the model of a cartouche, all
in blue faience and all inscribed with the prenomen Xjr-hprw-R< (PI. xvii, 2. left); models
of a brick-mould and of three bricks in wood, two wooden objects of uncertain purpose 5
(PI. xvii, 8): models of two double-barbed harpoons, two axes, two knives, an adze, and
other tools in copper (PL xvii, 4); about one hundred small pottery vessels (of. PI. xviii) ;
and lastly quantities of variously coloured beads, which lay scattered about the bottom of
each pit and among the objects placed therein. 6

The most interesting event of the whole season occurred on January 14. While the
workmen were clearing away the debris from the central temple, a small shaft was found
in the floor of the room that lies on the north side of the inner hypostyle hall (PI. xiv).

I hree \ cry irregular steps on the east side of the shaft give easy access to a low doorway
admitting to a chamber constructed in the temple-substructure. This crypt measures
2 -To in. from north to south, 2-1)7 m. from east to west, and is 1-30 m. high, the distance

1 See .f. < iarstang. Mrror, the City of the Ethiopians ( Oxford, 1011). PI. xxvii, pp. 25 ti.

3 (f. dt' Temple d'Erffini , n, <51 f. and PI. xl e .

3 Set* H. (lauthicr. Lure dei rots, if, 345; Petrie. History of Egypt, ii (London, 1917), 210.

4 But (-/. the name of the heat in which Amenopliis III sailed when inaugurating the lake which he
hail had dug for Queen Teye (ZAS. 39, 02).

" Professor (danville has suggested that they are models of pottery cones, for the architectural use of
which see L. Borehardt, Frimuegtl in Giabbauten, in ZAS, 70, 25 ff.

6 <’f. II. Brugich, Thesaurus, 1274.

Plate XVI

|r r~» 1 1J

1. Head of statue. 2. Faience vase.

3. Small sun-temple (?), showing remains of W. stairway
and later enclosure wall (photograph by G-. W. Grabliam,

Esq.).

EXCAVATIONS AT SESEBI, 1936-7.

REPORT ON EXCAVATIONS AT SESEBI

149

of its floor from that of the temple beneath which it lies being 1-90 m. Its walls are decorated
with reliefs depicting Amenophis IV (sometimes with the Queen) seated in the company
of various Egyptian gods, amongst whom are Geb, Shu, Osiris (?), At um, and Me'et-Re'. 1
The subject of the reliefs and their style, which is the ordinary style of the Eighteenth
Dynasty, not that of the ‘Amarnah Age, suggest that the crypt and its reliefs date, like
the foundation-deposits, from before Amenophis IY's sixth regnal year. It should he pointed
out that in no other temple, save that of Denderali which was built in the Ptolemaic period,
is a subterranean chamber of this character known to exist.

Immediately to the south of the temple-area lie three rows of well-built magazines
(PI. xiii), and south of these again the south-west section of the residential quarter of the
town. In a cellar in one of the magazines was found a sandstone door-jamb inscribed for
the vizier Amenemope who held office under Amenophis II. 2 This door-jamb, the possible
portrait-head of Hatshepsut, and two scarabs found in the cemetery, the one hearing the
name of Tuthmosis IIP and the other that of Tutlnnosis IV, lead one to suppose that some sort
of an Egyptian settlement existed at Sesebi many years before the accession of Akhenaten.
That the town was still flourishing well into the Nineteenth Dynasty is indicated by scarabs
and other objects, found in the cemetery and elsewhere, which hear the name of Harnesses
II. In the magazines were also found a few hieratic jar-dockets, not yet transcribed.

Most of the houses so far dug (Pis. xiii and xix) are small and were evidently the
dwellings of the less important members of the community. We had reached the site of
the larger houses, but had only cleared very few of them, when the season's work came to
an end. The original plans of all these houses have been much altered by successive occupa-
tions, their walls have been badly damaged by torrential rains and tearing sand-laden
winds, and finally the ground has been turned upside down by sabbdhhin. the scourge of
Egyptian town-sites. The debris was consequently shallow, and consisted of loose potsherds,
mostly of very late date, and comparatively little decayed brick. However, these confused
ruins (PI. xv, 4) produced a supply of pleasing and interesting material, including typical
‘Amarnah pendants and beads, pottery toy-animals, a representation in sandstone of two
monkeys embracing 4 (PI. xviii, left), a steatite kohl-vase in the form of a monkey holding
a jar (PI. xviii, 3, top right), various articles of domestic use. and several fragments of
Late Helladic Ilia pottery, such as has been found by Pendlebury at ‘Amarnah. 5 It was
somewhat of a surprise to find that these small Mycenaean oil-flasks had travelled so far
south into Africa as Sesebi!

The following remarks on the houses are derived from the notebook of Mr. Fairman.
who, at my request, made a special study of these buildings while I was busy copying the
reliefs and inscriptions in the crypt and on the columns of the central temple.

All the houses (Pis. xiii and xix) are in a bad state of preservation, and it is difficult to establish
the true ground-plan and history. This condition is due to («) successive periods of desertion and

1 Me<et-Re<, ‘Truth-of-Re<’. here given the title 'Lord of Nubia' (T,--sty), is not a goddess but a god,
and is depicted several times in the same form at Sulb. For another instance of Truth appearing in male
instead of female guise see The Blinding of T ruth by Fahehoor! in Dr. A. H. Gardiner's recently-published
Late-Egyptian Stories, 30 ff. = P. Brit. Hus. 106S2.

2 A. Weil, Die Veziere des Pha raonenreiches, 78.

3 Professor C'apart suggested that this scarab is late ami belongs to the time of Menkheperre* of
the Twenty-first Dynasty. Professor Glanviile, however, was of the opinion that it might well date from the
Eighteenth Dynasty and be contemporary with Tuthmosis III. It is not unlike certain Eighteenth-Dynasty
scarabs figured in P. E. Newberry, Scarabs, PI. xxvii. No. 25 ( 31<tt-kr-r<) ; PI. xxviii. No. 7 ( il n-hpr-K).

4 Cf. H. Frankfort and J. D. S. Pendlebury, City of Akhenaten, II. 99; PI. xxxi, 8.

5 Op. cit., PI. xlv.

150

A. M. BLACKMAN

reoccupation ; (6) the extremely severe denudation caused by water and wind. These two factors
have caused great confusion : houses have been altered again and again, doors have been blocked
up and new ones made, walls have been tampered with, rebuilt and pulled down, and streets
blocked up — till the original ground-plans have been largely hidden or destroyed. The action of
wind or water, or of both, has swept away levels, cut them through, jumbled them up, and caused
almost hopeless confusion.

Area excavated. Between the south gate and the west wall of the town, and from the south
wall northward for a distance of rather less than 100 m. (see PI. xiii).

Planning. This area shows signs of careful, regular, and economical planning. The streets and
cross-streets are remarkably straight, and are laid out more or less at right angles to one another.
The area seems to have been divided into four great- squares, of which the two northern ones have
been only partially excavated. The squares are further intersected by streets running from north
to south and from east to west. It is especially noticeable that the ‘estates’, so typical of the
good-class ' Amarnah houses, have no counterpart at Sesebi, even the largest houses so far excavated
having no grounds at all. The houses are laid out in long rows, each house joining its fellow to
east or west: sometimes the rows are separated by narrow alleys, but sometimes the houses of each
row are built back to back. Space was undoubtedly a most important consideration. The houses
are separated from the town wall by a wide street, a necessity from the point of view of the defence
of the town.

Architecture. All the houses are made of mud brick, but even in the smaller ones there is a
common use of stone, usually of poor quality, for practically all thresholds. The floors are of
beaten mud, never of mud-brick. Walls of rooms often bear signs of mud plaster, and occasionally
of whitewash. No trace is anywhere to be found of wall-decorations of any sort, nor of any elaborate
ceilings or roof beams. In most houses the rooms are small, there are no traces of columns, and
it is exceedingly probable that there were no upper stories. The roofs in these cases may well
have been merely of straw, or of palm-ribs and mud, laid over logs or rough beams.

Upper stories can only be deduced in a few of the larger houses. In F. 6. 13 there are remains
of stairs to the roof. In F. 6. 3+19+20 was found a column-base evidently belonging to an upper-
story room. There was presumably an upper story in F. 6. 22 and F. 7. 2 ; less certainly in F. 6.
16+21. Kitchens with pottery ovens seem to be quite frequent, but sanitary arrangements, bath-
rooms, &c., are almost entirely lacking. There is no single instance of the typical ’Amarnah type
of bathroom. No sign of a well has so far been discovered.

A conspicuous feature of the area is the large number of cellars and storage-places within the
houses. The cellars are of two types: (a) With small square mouths of dressed stone, usually with
a stone covering slab. The interior is small as a rule, beehive-shaped, and whitewashed. It would
seem that all these date from the original occupation of the town — the cellar in room 5, F. 6. 8+9
seems conclusive as regards this, for its mouth was still closed with a slab, and in it was found
a large blue faience scarab of Amenophis III. ( b ) Large, deep, irregular pits, the mouths of indefinite
shape. They are of frequent occurrence, but most of them, at least, were made by the later
occupants. Not uncommon, too, are small plastered receptacles. They were apparently mainly
intended for storage purposes, but sometimes, possibly, for work. The date of these is not certain:
they are possibly late rather than early.

Most of the houses are small. The simplest type consists of a large outer room with four or
more inner ones. Next comes a slightly better type with an ante-chamber and hall, or, sometimes,
only a hall, a larger inner living-room, and a varying number of smaller rooms grouped around.

The few big houses so far excavated approximate more closely to the ‘Amarnah type of
big house, see especially F. 6. 22 and F. 6. 13, F. 6. 22. F. 6. 22 is the best-preserved example.
The entry seems to be on the north side through an ante-room into a hall, and thence into the
central living-room. In F. 6. 22 this room still preserves the site of a single column (there can
only have been one column in this room), the usual charcoal-brazier, and a mastabah against the
west wall. Small rooms open off to east and west of the living-room, and in the south wall a single
door leads to the ‘master’s apartments'. In each instance these consist of three rooms, the two

Plate XVII

EXCAVATIONS AT SESEBI, 1030-7.

Plate XVIII

EXCAVATIONS AT SESEBI, 1036-7.

REPORT ON EXCAVATIONS AT SESEBI

151

outer ones being presumably bathroom and dressing-room, the inner one (approached only from
one of the outer rooms and situated always in the south-west corner) being clearly the bedroom,
having the characteristic thickening of the walls to form the bed-niche along the south wall, and
the raised floor of mud-brick.

History. It is hard to arrive at chronological conclusions when various factors have combined
either to destroy or to confuse and mix the data upon which we depend. But there is evidence
that after the original occupation there was a period in which the town was inhabited by poor
squatters, who lived anywhere and anyhow. Later they moved or died and the town was entirely
abandoned. Eventually it was reoccupied by more prosperous people with a better standard of
living. The exact dates of these occupations are a matter for conjecture, for no objects were found
in any definite and certain datable contexts and associations.

The New- Kingdom cemetery, situated a little to the west and south-west of the town,
seems to have been subject to continuous depredations, all the tombs having been robbed,
and many of them reused and then robbed again! But the systematic clearing of these
plundered burial-places was no waste of time, as is shown by the fine collection of scarabs
with which they supplied us (see, e.g., PI. xviii, 2), besides a quantity of pottery and various
other objects of archaeological and artistic value. Conspicuous among these are a white
faience vase for unguent, decorated with a floral design in bright blue and dark purple
(PI. xvi, 2), a little green felspar pendant of beautiful workmanship, representing the god
Thoth in the form of a cvnocephalus-ape crowned with the moon, a small millefiore glass
disk still in its gold setting (possibly the centre-piece of a necklace), a large copper bowl,
and three fine copper mirrors. Only one other such faience unguent-vase is known to exist,
and that is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, having formerly been in
the late Lord Carnarvon's collection of Egyptian antiquities. A number of glass eye-
pendants found with the millefiore glass disk date that object to any time between the
late Eighteenth and the Twentieth Dynasties.

To clear the rest of the town, and that is all that remains for us to do at Sesebi, will
be the work of about half a season. If the necessary funds are forthcoming, the expedition
will then move farther north to Western Amara, a large and important New-Kingdom site
consisting of a temple, a walled town, and an extensive cemetery — a site which promises
to produce museum material which in quality and quantity should fully satisfy the require-
ments of the Egypt Exploration Society’s subscribers.

(152)

THE JUDICIAL PAPYRUS OF TURIN

By A. de BUCK

Years ago Gunn and Gardiner began in this Journal 1 a series of new renderings of Egyptian
texts, rightly defending their enterprise with the argument that workers in the field of
Egyptian philology should never forget that the real end of their labours is, or should be,
translation. ‘Egyptian studies’, so they argued, ‘are rapidly progressive. Every month
brings its harvest of philological discoveries, points of small, perhaps even trifling significance
taken separately, but together enabling us to transpose an Egyptian writing into our own
tongue with ever greater force, colour and sensitiveness — in a word, with greater truth. It
may safely be said that there is no version whatever more than ten years old which cannot
be greatly improved upon. In ideal conditions Egyptologists would be compelled to re-
translate all their inscriptions and papyri as frequently as revised editions of the great
European encyclopaedias are now accustomed to appear.'

The text of which a fresh translation is given in the present article offers a striking con-
firmation of their contention. It is a papyrus which has been known since the early days of
Egyptology. Deveria published it as far back as 1805, and it is deservedly famous because
its contents are such as to interest not only the pure philologist, but also the student of
history and law, and above all because it is one of the few texts which afford us a glimpse into
the interesting and picturesque villainies that took place behind the curtain, whereas we are
usually allowed to see only the stage on which the highly ceremonious but somewhat boring
life of the son of Re< drags along from his divine birth to his heavenward flight and ultimate
reunion with his father.

Small wonder that a text with such vivid contents is quoted in every history of
Egyptian culture and serves to lend colour to every picture of Egyptian life. Hence the
Egyptian philologist may well feel himself in duty bound to place a reliable translation at
the disposal of the exceptionally wide circle of those interested in this document.

Curiously enough, philologists do not seem to have been very strongly attracted by our
papyrus, for apart from the early translations and discussions 2 no philological commentary
has ever appeared. Breasted published a complete translation of the document in his
Ancient Records (iv, §§ 423-53), and it is this translation which is apparently regarded as
the standard one by all whose work brings them into contact with our papyrus, especially
the historians.

For these the papyrus, and the first three pages in particular, acquired a special interest
through the remarkable article which Struve wrote on the great Harris Papyrus 3 — an article
in which he showed that famous text to have been really composed on behalf of Eamesses
Ill's successor Ranusses IV. the son for whose benefit and welfare the dead father addresses
gods and men out of his abode in the Netherworld. Now Breasted had already observed 4
that in the Lee Papyrus, a document bearing upon the same conspiracy as the Judicial

1 JEA 4, 241.

2 See the bibliography in Breasted. A nr. Rec., iv. § 416, to which may be added an article by Erman
in ZAs 17, 76. in which several passages were translated and discussed.

3 Aeg. 7, 1 fl.

4 Anc. Rec., iv, § 455.

THE JUDICIAL PAPYRUS OF TURIN

153

Papyrus, Harnesses III was referred to as a dead person, being there called ‘the great god', a
name never given to the living king at this time. He had also seen that pages 2 and 3 of our
papyrus presuppose that the king did not expect to see the end of the trial. ‘ It would almost
appear , so Breasted concluded, 1 ‘ that he knew his days were numbered when he gave in-
structions for the prosecution of the conspirators That the plot went so far that the king

was injured, and survived his injuries only long enough to direct the prosecution of his
assassins, is improbable, in view of a remark in the records, 2 that Re< did not permit the hostile
plans to succeed; but we may easily believe that it hastened the old king's end, even if he
escaped unscathed.’ Breasted s objection is not very strong. It is true that this statement
implies that the enterprise was not ultimately successful, yet would the conspirators have
succeeded if the king was wounded or even murdered, but the crowning of Pontawero and the
rise to power of all concerned had not been attained? Surely not. Struve in his above-
mentioned article therefore took the further step which Breasted was not prepared to take,
and declared the whole situation which these pages presuppose to be a fiction. In reality
Harnesses IY commissioned the court, hut he had the clever idea of letting the entire pro-
ceedings emanate from his dead father. Thus the authority of the dead king, and all tin-
support this could afford his living son, was behind it all, and the new king escaped the odium
of beginning his reign with so bloody an affair.

Struve's idea has met with considerable success. Ed. Meyer, 3 for example, quotes him
with unrestricted approval, and it must be admitted that Struve has made out a very strong
case indeed, provided that the correctness of his translation, which is substantially that of
Breasted, is conceded.

Now when, some time ago, I had to study Struve's article more closely, and in this con-
nexion had to read the Judicial Papyrus again, I was astonished to rind that my impression
of what the document as a whole contained could not be reconciled with his translation, which
a superficial search for other renderings showed me to be the generally accepted one even in
more philological quarters — both Erman’s Xeuciyijptische Grammatik and a recent article by
Spiegel 4 follow it, at least as regards the most important and crucial passages. Still, a more
thorough consideration of my own views convinced me that my translation must be correct
with respect to these points, and as it exhibited not only a few trifling corrections interesting
only to a small number of specialists, but also threw a somewhat different light on the
problems regarding the background of this important document, it seems worth while to
publish a fresh translation of the papyrus with a few short notes in its defence and some
concluding remarks on the historical aspects of my new rendering. The translation is made
from the admirable hand-copy published by Deveria. 5 Bed writing in the original is repre-
sented by small capitals.

Translation

(I, 1) [King Usermare'-Meriamun, l.p.h., son of Re<: Ramesses] Ruler of Heliopolis [l.p.h. said]"

.... (2) the land (3) the who[le] land (I)

[theijr cattle (5) to bring them (6) all ... . before

them (7) the (8) people, saying: (9)

1 Ibid., iv, § 418.

2 Breasted refers to the following passage in P. Rollin (Anc. Bee., iv. § 4.5-4) : ‘the evil (deeds) which he
did, in which Re did not permit that he should succeed’.

3 Gesch. Alt., n. 1, 600. n. 2: ‘Die voile Konsequenz hat dann .Struve . . . gezogen; sie ist in der Tat

ganz unabweisbar’. 4 Sec the notes on the translation.

5 In Le Papyrus judiciaire de Turin et les papyrus Lee et Rollin, in J . as., 1805-S = Bill. Egyptologique,
vol. v, pp. 97 If.

154

A. DE BUCK

they being (II, 1) the abomination of the land. I commissioned 6 the overseer of the

treasury Montemtowe ; the overseer of the treasury Pefrowe ; (2) the standard-bearer Kara ; the
butler Paibese, the butler Kedendenna ; the butler Ba'almahar ; (3) the butler Peirswene ; the butler
Dhutrekhnefer ; the king’s adjutant Penernute ; the clerk Mai ; (4) the clerk of the archives Pre'em-
hab ; the standard-bearer of the infantry Hori ; (5) saying: ‘As for the matters which the people — I
do not know who f — have plotted, go and examine them’. (6) And they went 1 * and examined them,
and they caused to die by their own hands' 1 those whom they caused (so) to die/ (7) though [I] do
not know [wh]o, [and they] also punished [the] others/ though I do not know who. But (8) [I] had
charged [them strictly]/ saying : ‘ Take heed, have a care lest you allow that [somebody] be punished
(9) wrongfully [by an official] who is not over him’/ Thus I spoke to them again and again. 7

(Ill, 1) As for all this that has been done, it is they who have done it/' (2) May (the responsibility
for) all that they have done fall upon their (own) heads, (3) while I am consecrated and exempted*
for ever, while I am (4) among” 1 the just kings who are before (5) Amen-re', King of the Gods, and
before Osiris, Ruler of Eternity.

(First List of Accused)

(IV, 1) Persons brought in because of the great crimes which they had committed, and placed
in the Court of Examination before the great officials of the Court of Examination in order to be
examined by the overseer of the treasury Montemtowe, the overseer of the treasury Pefrowe, the
standard-bearer Kara, the butler Paibese, the clerk of the archives Mai, the standard-bearer Hori;
they examined them ; they found them guilty ; they caused their punishment to overtake them ;
their crimes seized them.

(2) The great criminal, Paibekkamen, 1 who was (then)” chief of the chamber. He was brought
in 0 because he had been in collusion with Teye and the women of the harem ; p he had made common
cause with them : q he had begun to bring out their words to their mothers and their brothers who
were there, saying : ‘ Stir up the people ! Incite enmity in order to make rebellion against their lord ! ’
He was placed before the great officials of the Court of Examination ; they examined his crimes ;
they found that he had committed them ; his crimes seized him ; the officials who examined him
caused his punishment to overtake him.

(3) The great criminal Mesedsure', who was (then) butler. He was brought in because he had
been in collusion with Paibekkamen, who was (then) chief of the chamber, and with the women, to
stir up enmity in order to make rebellion against their lord. He was placed before the great officials
of the Court of Examination; they examined his crimes; they found him guilty; they caused his
punishment to overtake him.

(4) The great criminal Penok, who was (then) overseer of the royal harem 77 in the suite. He was
brought in because he had made common cause with Paibekkamen and Mesedsure' to make rebellion
against their lord. He was placed before the great officials of the Court of Examination; they
examined his crimes ; they found him guilty ; they caused his punishment to overtake him.

(5) The great criminal Pendua, who was (then) clerk of the royal harem in the suite. He was
brought in because he had made common cause with Paibekkamen, Mesedsure', and this other
criminal/ who was (then) overseer of the royal harem, and the women of the harem to make a con-
spiracy with them to make rebellion against their lord. He was placed before the officials of the
Court of Examination; they examined his crimes; they found him guilty; they caused his punish-
ment to overtake him.

(6) The great criminal Ptewenteamun, who was (then) inspector of the harem in the suite. He was
brought in because he had heard the matters which the men had plotted with the women of the
harem, and he had not reported them. He was placed before the great officials of the Court of
Examination; they examined his crimes; they found him guilty; they caused his punishment to
overtake him.

(7) The great criminal Kerpes, who was (then) inspector of the harem in the suite. He was

1 It has often been pointed out that many of the names of these criminals are fictitious.

2 The title shows that this is not. in apposition to Mesedsure', but a third criminal, perhaps Penok of the
preceding line.

THE JUDICIAL PAPYRUS OF TURIN

155

brought ix because of the matters which he had heard, (but) concealed. r He was placed before
the officials of the Court of Examination; they found him guilty; they caused his punishment to
overtake him.

(8) The great criminal Kha'emope, who was (then) inspector of the harem in the suite. He was
brought ix because of the matters which he had heard, (but) concealed. He was placed before
the officials of the Court of Examination ; they found him guilty ; they caused his punishment to
overtake him.

(9) The great criminal Kha'emmale, who was (then) inspector of the harem in the suite. He was
brought ix because of the matters which he had heard, (but) concealed. He was placed before
the officials of the Court of Examination ; they found him guilty ; they caused his punishment to
overtake him.

(10) The great criminal Sethoyemperdhowti, who was (then) inspector of the harem in the
suite. He was brought ix because of the matters which he had heard, (but) concealed. He was
placed before the officials of the Court of Examination; they found him guilty; they caused his
punishment to overtake him.

(11) The great criminal Sethoyemperamun, who was (then) inspector of the harem in the suite.
He was brought ix because of the matters which he had heard, (but) concealed. He was placed
before the officials of the Court of Examination ; they found him guilty ; they caused his punishment
to overtake him.

(12) The great criminal Weren, who was (then) butler. He was brought ix because he had heard
the matters from this chief of the chamber with whom s he had been together; (but) he had concealed
them, he had not reported them. He was placed before the officials of the Court of Examination ;
they found him guilty ; they caused his punishment to overtake him.

(13) The great criminal tAshahebsed, who was (then) assistant of Paibekkamen. He was brought
ix because he had heard the matters from Paibekkamen with whom s he had plotted ; (but) he had
not reported them. He was placed before the officials of the Court of Examination ; they found him
guilty; they caused his punishment to overtake him.

(14) The great criminal Peluka ('the Lycian’) who was (then) butler and clerk of the treasury.
He was brought ix because he had been in collusion with Paibekkamen : he had heard the matters
from him, (but) he had not reported them. He was placed before the officials of the Court of
Examination; they found him guilty; they caused his punishment to overtake him.

(15) The great criminal, the Libyan Inini, who was (then) butler. He was brought ix because
he had been in collusion with Paibekkamen; he had heard the matters from him, (but) he had not
reported them. He was placed before the officials of the Court of Examination ; they found him
guilty ; they caused his punishment to overtake him.

(V,l) Wives of men of the gate of the harem, who had united with the men who plotted the
matters, who were placed before the officials of the Court of Examination ; they found them guilty ;
they caused their punishment to overtake them. Six women.

(2) The great criminal Paiere, son of Ruma, who was (then) overseer of the treasury. He was
brought ix because he had been in collusion with the great criminal Penhuiboyen ; he had made
common cause with him to incite enmity, to make rebellion against their lord. He was placed before
the officials of the Court of Examination ; they found him guilty ; they caused his punishment to
overtake him.

(3) The great criminal Beyenemwese, who was (then) captain of archers of Nubia. He was
brought ix because his sister who was in the harem in the suite had written to him, saying: ‘Stir up
people, make enmity and come (back) to make rebellion against your lord'. He was placed before
Kedendenna, Ba<almahar, Peirswene, and Dhutrekhnefer : they examined him ; they found him
guilty; they caused his punishment to overtake him.

(Second List of Accused)

(4) Persoxs brought in because of their crimes, because they had been in collusion with Paibek-
kamen, Paiis, and Pentawere. They were placed before the officials of the Court of Examination in

1 5t>

A. 1)E BUCK

order to be examined , thev found them guilty; they left them oil their own hands in the Court of
Examination , thev took tiieir on n live', no harm having been done to them.'

The oreaf criminal Pain, who u a.- (then) commander of the army; the great criminal Messui,
w ho wa- (then) clerk of the university . the great criminal ITe'kamenef, who was (then) magician
the great < riminal hoi, who was (then) overseer of the priests of .Sakhmet;“ the great criminal
Nebdjela, who wa- (then) butler; the great criminal Sha'edniasdjer, who was (then) clerk of the
mover'll v : total t>.

(Thud List nj .1 reused)

(b) Persons bnmght in becaii'C of their crimes to the Court of Examination, before Keden-
denna, lla'almaliar, Peir- welie. lJhutrekhliefer, and Mertusiamun. They examined them concerning
their ciime' . thev iound them guilty ; they lett them where they were ;*' they took their own lives.

(T) Peiitawere. to whom had been given'* that other name. 1 lit: was ukoi’CHT ix because he had
been in eollu'ton with fete, his mother, when 'he had plotted the matters with the women of the
harem i oneermng the making rebellion agani't his lord. He was placed before the butlers in order to
be examined : thev Iound him guilty ; they left him where he was ; he took his own life.

(>) The gieat enmmul Ilenutenamun, w ho wit' (then) butler. Hk was BROfdHT ix because of the
(time' of the women of the harem among whom’ he had been which he had heard, (but) not
leported. He was placed before the butler' m order to be examined ; they found him guilty ; they
lett him W liele he was . he took Ills own life.

(!>) The great i riiiiinal Ameiikha'u. who wa' (then) deputy of the harem in the suite. He was
iiitoniiu ix bee.ui'e of the i rune' ot the women of the harem among whom he had been which
lie had heard, (but) not reported. He was placed before the butlers in order to be examined;
thev foil ml him guilty . they lett him w hen- he was ; he took Ills ow n life.

(1<>) The great i mninal I’aiere, who was (then) clerk of the royal harem in the suite. He was
iiuoi on i ix became of the mines of the women of the harem among whom he had been which
lie had heard, (but) not reported. He was placed before the butlers in order to be examined;
thev bmnd him guilt \ , they left him w here he was; he took his ow n life.

(Fumth List ij A' i used)

(VI, 1 ) Perm ins pu m -lied hv cutting < > IT t heir noses and their ears because they had forsaken the
good instruction' given to them; the women had gone; they had reached them at the place where
thev w ere ; thev had ca loused with them and w it h Fail'. Their crime seized them.

(-) Tim gieat i riminal I’aibe'C." w ho was (then) butler, fills punishment was executed upon
him . lie was lett ah me . lie took til' ow n life.

(.’’>) The great enminal .Mai," who was (then) clerk of the archives.

( 1) The great criminal Tamakhtc. w ho was (then) otticer of mfantrv.

(.*>) The great criminal Nana I, w ho was (t him) captain of police.

(Fifth List of Afnisi-il)

(t>) Person who had been eonnec ted with them He was .scolded"' sternlv with had words; he
was hdt alone, no harm hating been done to him.

(7) The gieat criminal. Ilori." who was (then) static lard -bearer of the infantrv.

Nun s ox nti; Tua'w.uiox

in ) Wli.it rein. nits of the first lire- of the narrow strip of papyrus which is all we have of
the first page is jii't enough to 'how that tin- name of Harnesses HI stood here. In all

1 Accord mg to I'.reasted this means that not Pent a we're hut that other name' was his real name. It is,
however, more probable that lYntaufre was his real name and that that other name' refers to the roval
titulary w Inc h w as given him by the c oii'pirators w hen they prof laimed him king.

1 These throe men w ere members ot the < onrt ! See II. g-4

THE JUDICIAL PAPYRUS OF TURIN

157

probability some sucli words as we have in P. Harris I. H. ‘2 ; 25. 2 : 44. 2 ; 57, 2 ; 75, 1 have
to be restored, and this may well have been really the first page of the papyrus.

It is of course impossible to guess from these scanty remains what this first page may ha\ <■
contained. Perhaps the king gave a short summary of bis kind actions for the benefit of
gods and men — the great Harris Papyrus in a nutshell, as an introduction to the less attracts e
subject of this papyrus, namely his rigorous measures against the ungrateful otticials who
plotted against his life.

( b ) — &C. Herein lies the chief difference between my translation and
that of Breasted and others? Theoretically there are se\ eral possibilities, namely : 1. The
narrative use, which suggests itself first of all if one reads the passage without any pre-
conceived idea about the situation, this being by far the commonest meaning of this form in
Late Egyptian. Our papyrus uses it continually, and always in this orthography without
hr. 2. The Third Future, which is out of the question. 4. The Second Present, this being the
view of Breasted and all the other translators. But apart from the difficulties w hich.as notes
d and/ show, their rendering entails, I am convinct <1 that the normal expression for ‘ 1 com-
mission’ would be the First Present, tuj i hr) rdjt.

added the Poem of Pentain'rc fed. Selim IJu'sun). 51 A: ^ -mi j-T'O’ds^ ^ •

In sentences of this type I take the pronoun *t as having the sense of an interrogative
pronoun: ‘I do not know who they are’, just as the participles are sometimes used in virtual
indirect questions. The construction i' very common after rh. besides the examples quoted
by Gardiner, Ei/. Hr., § 41MI, see e.</. - w - 1 . f} , ( . Idnioiii/ioiis. 2. 4) ‘we do not

know what may happen’; j Y*./' i Ptnlilndpr. ed. Bevainl. 127) ’one does

not know what may be laid in (his) opinion’ : ' {ibid.. Pit) ‘one does

not know what may be in (his) heart’.

I am not sure that the meaning of this phrase is as colourless and vague here as Spiegel
thinks. The example from the treaty of Harnesses 11 which he quotes shows a much more
impersonal wording: • Moreover, it would be quite superfluous in 1. t», for. as

Spiegel himself points out. the words hr-ir rdjt unit in rilj-ir mirl-ir of themselves express (lie
fact that at this moment the people concerned cannot be explicitly named. It seems likely
that the phrase is used repeatedly in our passage in order to emphasize the assertion of
the king that he is not to lie held responsible for the sentences which the Court might
pronounce.

(d) <? 1 a Ac., hitherto taken as Third Future and as a continuation of the king’s

instructions to the Court. The serious difficult ies which beset t his t ranslat ion ha v e not deterred
the translators as they should. 1 hey ignore or skate light ly over the problem implied m the
sudden change of the pronoun from the 2nd to the 4rd person and the tautology in the
following jjjf'j?-, if these words are translated as future. Breasted translates:

‘When they go out, and they examine them, they shall cause Ac., saying in a note that we
should expect ‘ye’. Ed. Meyer (op. rit.. (>Otl) and Ermaii-Hanke. .1 npjpUn. 1*>2. deal with
the difficult v still more light-heartedly, and change without any warning the 4rd into the
2nd person : * End ilir werdet gehen und sic \ erhoren Ac. >piege|, it is true, t ries to explain
away this transition bv making a difference bet ween t he Ixrl.i LI . contained in the prec> d-
ing lines fl-o) and the ‘ Ausfuhrungsbestimniungen. die sirh als von (hin I.rlaB ver-
schieden (lurch den Ubergang von der 2. in died. Her', und die \\ iederholung d<s Inlialts
erweisen’. It is clear that this is only a makeshift and not an explanation : it is in fact only
a description of the difficulties. These disappear if the passage is taken as narrative.

158

A. DE BUCK

(e) Spiegel says that ‘ by their own hands ’ must be connected with the relative sentence.
It would be more correct to say that it belongs to both the principal and the relative sen-
tences.

(/) 3 ^ 4 — ut' These words provide us with a criterion outside the relativity of a
more or less arbitrary choice between translations which are grammatically equally possible.
In the present state of our knowledge of Late-Egyptian grammar we are often compelled
to translate according to the needs of the moment, i.e. of what we conjecture that the mean-
ning of a given context must be ; and it is only in this way that grammatical rules can be
discovered. But it needs no argument to see that this position is a dangerous one which
should as soon as possible he abandoned in favour of a more rigorous procedure on the basis
of sound grammatical knowledge. The present passage is a good illustration: here we find,
the one almost immediately after the other, two relative forms , 1 in 1 . 5, :<?-in

1. 6 . All translators have rendered the first form as expressing past time, but the second form
as referring to the present or the future: ‘ those who should die’ (Breasted) ; ‘ die ihr sterben
lassen mufit’ (Ed. Meyer) ; ‘die, welche sie sterben lassen’ (Spiegel), the only reason for this
different treatment of exactly the same forms being that the context was supposed to demand
this, and no firm grammatical rule they knew of stood in the way of such treatment. Now I
am convinced that in the case of the relative form we have reached firm ground. This form
must in Late Egyptian always have past reference, according to a rule which Gardiner 2 put
forward tentatively some years ago, and which in the course of my own reading of Late-
Egyptian texts I have found corroborated again and again. This fact once recognized, we are
compelled to take he-ie rdjt Ac. and the others as narrative, and the right conception of the
entire document follows almost automatically.

(;,) Restore U Although the

lacuna is rather large for [:<?-] this seems to he the only possibility; [^f : ] (so Spiegel)
is highly improbable in this text with its succession of verb-forms of the type he-ie (hr) sdrn.
whieh 1 - 8 might suggest, is excluded by the following an infinitive.

Although it is not impossible to take m i< with what immediately precedes it (Breasted:
‘likewise without my knowing it’; Spiegel: ‘Ich kenne sie nielit, gleichfalls'), I prefer to
take this adverb-equivalent as referring to the main verb. In my opinion this view would be
necessary even if he hw rJi-i st should be the vague expression which Spiegel will have it to be ;
in this case any additional words would make it too heavy — a phrase like nescio quis cannot
be amplified. It must not be argued that the word-order here assumed is unnatural, for
however intolerable it is in our languages, it is quite natural in Egyptian. The postpone-
ment of adverbial phrases to the end of the sentence is indeed rather characteristic of this
language, see my article in Griffith Studies, 59, and Gardiner in JEA 22, 174.

(h) Restore f; <?f ®] or the like. Cf., e.g., Pianklii, 9. According to my
experience he sdm-f in Late Egyptian always 3 refers to relative past time (pluperfect): ‘I
had heard’, or ‘when I had heard ’. 4 For example, d'Orbiney 19, 2, he shrt-f rtipt hue, etc.

1 4— fl <? - is certainly a relative form and not, as Erman thinks, the imperf. passive participle, which would
show gemination. See Xeutig. Gr.. § 380, Anm. : ‘Sie werden sterben lassen die. die man sterben lassen
muss (eigt. die zu machenden, dass sie sterben)’. - JEA 16, p. 224. n 1

3 And not only ‘zum Ted’ as Erman has it (Xeutig. Or., § 521, Anm.).

4 The negative counterpart of iw sdm-f is ho bivpivf sdm. The examples of the latter construction
quoted by Erman, Xeutig. Gr., §§530. 781, have all relative past reference. The following is another illuminat-
ing example (not quoted by Erman) of this construction ; it is found d'Orbiney 4. 9: when the husband came
home, his wife ‘did not pour water over his hands, and she had not kindled a light before him’ (iw bwpw-s
st! r hit f). See also note (o).

THE JUDICIAL PAPYRUS OF TURIN

159

‘now when he had completed many years . . his Majesty flew’, etc. ; ZAS 53, 108, 1. 5, iw
dd-j n-k ‘ I had said to you . . ; ibid., 1. 21, Go to the scribe’ iw tij-k tsj s<t ‘after you have
taken this letter’; Aeg. Inschrr. Berlin, ii, 161, 1. 14, ‘I shall make this stele . . .’ iw sdj-k
N.N. ‘after you have saved N.N.’ ; Horus and Seth, I, 3, iw irj-s hprw-s ‘after she had changed
herself into a girl, she said to me’; ibid., 9, 12, ‘This is Isis’ iw rwj Hr . . . didi-s ‘after
Horus has removed her head’; ibid., 10, 10, ‘Horus has been found’ he g;b sw Sts m irt-f
‘after Seth had deprived him of his eyes’. A particularly good example is the passage
Wenamun 1, x+5 ff., where the forms i) <? !) and follow one another

alternately: ‘as the prophet was raging (iw Hr ps hurt hurt) in this night, when I had
(already) found (iw gmj-j ) a ship, when I had loaded (iw Ap-j) it with all my possessions,
and as I wars awaiting (iw iir-j nw) the darkness . . . the harbourmaster came to me’, etc.
It is clear that iw iir-j sdm is here the clause of circumstance referring to something which
is contemporaneous with the principal sentence, i.e. that it has the function of, and very-
likely is Coptic eqccoTiS , 1 whereas iw sdm-f is relative past tense, i.e. has the function of
Middle Egn. sdm-n-f 2 and Coptic t'wqcoiTiuE. Another instructive example is to be found
in the passageP. Br. Mus. 10054, rt. 2,8-10: ‘ We brought away the silver and the gold which
w r e had found there in the tombs, and the offering-vessel which we had found in them,
having taken (iw tij-n ) my chisels of copper in our hands and opening (iw iir-n wn) the outer
coffins with the chisels of copper which were in our hands’. A comparison of P. Leopold II,
1, 3 with 4, 8 shows the same distinction between these constructions. The former passage
reads ‘The examination of the men found to have violated’, etc. (iw ic/h-w is) ; the latter,
‘he belonged to the seventeen thieves who were found (in the act of) robbing (iw lir-w tnct)
the tombs’. See also the examples of iw sdm-f in Erman's Keuiig. Gr., §§ 521, 523, 524.
Only one of these examples seems to demand a translation as relative present tense,
namely Doomed Prince, 5, 2: ‘He travelled in the desert’ iw < nh-j m tp n inct nb n
h?st: ‘while he lived upon game’. It is, however, very doubtful whether this passage,
which would contradict the rule here advocated, is really a case of the construction iw sdm-f.
Gardiner, in a note on this passage in his Late-Egyptian Stories, says that ( nh-f is a correction
of <nhw. Is it not possible that the / was inserted in the wrong place and that iw-f <nhw is
what was intended ? Or if <nh-f be correct, <nh may be the substantive ' nourishment ’ as in
the expression the correct rendering then being: ‘while his nourishment existed of

game’. Be this as it may r , this passage is certainly not of sufficient weight to throw doubt on
the general rule.

The translation of the words iw hn-j as pluperfect confirms my view that the commission
of the Court and the king's instructions to it are events of the past which are here narrated.
Moreover, it is not at all necessary-, on the contrary it is rather improbable, that the king
should have been already- dead when lie delivered these warnings to his officials. Hence
Struve’s reconstruction of the situation becomes very doubtful, for although the assumption
that the dead king here alludes to things which he did previously, but nevertheless after his
death, may not be absolutely- impossible, it is much more natural to suppose that lie nar-
rates events which happened when he was still alive.

1 The passage is therefore even more interesting for the difficult problems connected with the i Ir f sdm
than for the much simpler iw sdm-f. Though a discussion of the former is not within the scope of this article,
it may be pointed out that all the examples of iw iir-j sdm quoted by Erman, A e nag. Gr.. § 520 allow of
translation as the relative present tense. [After writing the above I discovered that Erman gives more
examples of this construction in § 551, where he also remarks on its connexion with the Coptic circumstantial
eqcioTii. His view is rather different from that which I am inclined to take.]

2 See Sup. Gard. Eg. Gr., p. 15 (ad p. 389, § 468, 1. 16).

160

A. DE BUCK

(i) It is difficult to find a satisfactory restoration. The phrase (1 (? J ^ <?<?!<? I reminds
one of P. Lee , 2, 4, where the suicide of one of the condemned is reported to
<? ‘the officials who are over him’. Whatever this may mean (perhaps: ‘within whose

jurisdiction he conies’), the analogy of the two passages in these related documents is too
striking to be ignored. Accordingly the lacuna must have contained two substantives,
designations of the official and the accused, to which the pronouns sic and •/ may refer.

Perhaps read

= JJ

( 9 )

, x . . Rmt nb in sr nb would be more in keeping with the generalizing
character of these instructions, but the objection to this is that rmt nb and sr nb would
have been treated as plurals. In any case the of the dative seems to have been omitted
after ir-tw sbnjt.

(j) For the sense of m dicn see Gardiner's article on P. Leopold II in this Journal, 22,
175-6.

(k) All translators follow Breasted, who himself may have been influenced by Erman’s
notes on our papyrus in ZAS 17,77. At all events, that early translation of Erman's is found
in all the later renderings, and is still adhered to by himself. 1 ‘ Alles dieses was gethan ist, sie
welche es gethan haben, moge alles was sie gethan haben auf ihr Haupt fallen’ (Errnan) :
‘as for all that has been done, and those who have done it. let all that theyhave done fall
upon their (own) heads’ (Breasted) ; ‘was nun dasjenige anbetrifft was getan ist, und die-
jenigen, die es getan haben, so lasset’ Ac. (Struve); ‘alles was geschehen ist und was sie
getan haben, la fit ’ Ac. (Ed. Meyer). Here again the supposed demands of the context have
apparently overweighed the rules of grammar. The starting-point for all these translations
was probably the preconceived idea that thesewords must refer to the conspirators. If so, the
sentence, ‘as for all that has been done. 2 it is they who have done it ' makes very poor sense,
if any, and there is no antecedent for ‘ they ’. But if we take ‘ they’ to refer to the only word
to which it can possibly refer, namely ‘ them ’ (i.e. the officials) of the preceding line, there is
n0 np ff ss ‘ t T to d ev iate front the rules of grammar, which are very clear in this case. Obviously
Jrh, ^ ill ^ participial statement, and certainly ‘those who have done it’ could

not be rendered in Egyptian in this way, the participle being the normal Egyptian equivalent
of such relative clauses in English and other modern languages.

The sentence now makes excellent sense: with the greatest emphasis the king lays all
responsibility upon the members of the Court.

(!) Tu-j hwj-kicj mk-kuj ; the expression denotes who and what is property of the gods
and therefore tabu, exempted from ordinary life and work. A good example is found in
the Ixoptos decrees (L'rk. i, 287, 3), where it is used of servants belonging to a temple;
also El-Amrah, pi. 29, of a cemetery; Abbott, 6, 7, of the mummies of kings. In P.
Leopold II, 2, 11 it is used of a more material protection ‘with (gypsum-)plaster’.

(m) The text has hr, but what else can be meant ?

(n) Gardiner has convinced me that in Late Egyptian simple adverbial predicate
has the sense of an absolute past (who was), which may sometimes be also relative past
(who had been ) in relation to the main verb, but is so not necessarily. From a comparison
of the expression, ‘ X. X., who was chief of the chamber’, etc., and the simple mention of the
title, as in the list of judges ( the overseer of the treasury X.X.’, etc.) one gets the impression
that the former type is not merely a long-winded paraphrase, whereas the bare title would
suffice, but that it somehow implies the additional information that the official, who was

1 Seuag. (Sr., § 70S, Anm. 2.

It the conspiracy was meant the text would moreover probably refer to this as ill mdt, this being the
term which is continually used in the rest of the papyrus.

THE JUDICIAL PAPYRUS OF TURIN

101

chief of the chamber, is no longer in that office at present. Our ‘who was (then) chief of the
chamber’ implies, I fancy, the same thing, though the expression itself does not explicitly
state that the person referred to is no longer what he was.

(o) Note that in Late Egyptian the verbal form sdmf (used here) seems to be employed
to state a fact in the past ( I have heard’), while the construction hcf hr sdm is used for
narrative (‘ I heard’). This distinction is unfortunately obscured by our translations in this
and other cases, because English, and many other Teutonic languages for that ma tter,
cannot say, ‘ He has been brought in . . . , he was placed’, etc. In this particular case the
distinction could be brought out in a Dutch translation, Dutch putting the first verb in
similar sentences in the Present Perfect, and continuing with verbs in the Imperfect, thus
saying, e.g., ‘ I have seen him yesterday in London, and we went and did’, etc. On the whole,
however, a comparison with the tenses in our own languages seems to be confusing rather
than helpful. On the one hand they often have a different range of meaning in the different
languages, on the other hand these distinctions are often a matter of very subtle shades of
meaning ; not seldom they are even uncertain. The best analogy is perhaps to be found in
the Greek Perfect and Aorist and the French Parfait and Passe defini, though the Parfait
has nowadays practically superseded the Passe defini.

Erman makes the distinction in his A Jeuag. Gr., very clearly in §§ 721, 722, but he does
not seem to attach enough importance to it in other parts of his book. Thus he writes, e.g.,
op. cit., § 284, ‘ Das so ausgesagte ist oft eine abgeschlossene Handlung’. And in § 286 he
attributes the use of sdmf on the stela which the prince of Byblos is urged to erect
(Wenamun, 2, 55 ff.) to its being ‘ altertumlich und feierlich’. The real reason is that the
contents of the stela are not conceived of as narrative but as a series of statements, ‘ Amonre<
has sent . . ., I have felled', etc. 1 In the same way Eamesses III in P. Harris I, 3, 1 1 ff., makes
a long series of statements, all in sdmf, about his benefactions to the gods, ‘I have multi-
plied . . ., I have made . . ., I have built’, etc.

The negative counterpart is bicpwf sdm, as Erman rightly observes, Ke-uag. Gr., § 779,
‘Man braucht die Negation in verneinenden Aussagen, die sich auf die Vergangenheit
beziehen, nicht aber in der Erzahlung’. Hence also the similar function of he sdmf and ho
bicpwf sdm, see note ( h ) above.

The negative construction corresponding to the narrative hcf hr sdm is hcf hr tm sdm.
A comparison of d’Orbiney, 4, 9, 4, 10, and 5, 2 is instructive. ‘ The wife of the elder brother
did not pour water (iw-s hr tm rdjt nac) on his hands’, etc. ‘She said to him: “Nobody has
talked with me ( bwpiv ic< mdt mdj-j) except your younger brother.’” This is an answer to
a question, a very common case in which sdmf is used. Narrative again, 1 1 did not listen
to him’ ( iw-j h/tm sdm n-f).

(p) The papyrus uses two expressions, pr-hnr and ipt nsw n pr-hnr. Their relation and
exact meaning are unknown. See Wb., hi, 297. The latter expression is followed by hr sms,
for which Gardiner suggests ‘ itinerant ’.

( q ) It seems necessary to translate thus (‘he had made’, ‘he had begun’, etc.), though
the original uses the same construction (hcf (hr) sdm ) that it uses for ordinary past narrative
(‘he was placed’, ‘they examined’, etc.). Apparently there is only one construction for
absolute and relative past narrative. Contrast the difference between absolute and relative
past statements, notes (h) and (o).

(r) I owe the suggestion that iwf (hr) hip-w be translated as a second relative to Gunn.
He proposes to take it as a circumstantial clause (so also Erman, Neucig. Gr., § 495) and

1 So Erman rightly in his Literatur der Aegypter, 235, ‘Amon Re . . . hat . . . geschickt . . . Ich habe
es gefallt’, etc., whereas he translates in his Neuag. Gr., ‘ Amun sandte . . . ich fallte es’, etc.

1G2

A. DE BUCK

refers me to Till, Achmimisch-Koptisehe Grammatik, § 243, <7, for the Coptic usage of con-
tinuing a Relative Form with a circumstantial clause. Till there writes, ‘Sehr haufig ist
die Fortsetzung (lurch einen Zustandssatz', e.g. neTccofli xnxcetxe &.* yco eqpnicT€*y e
‘wer mein Wort liort und glaubt’. Although I accept Gunn’s translation, which to my
mind is obviously right, his grammatical explanation of the construction is open to several
serious objections. In the first place there seems to be an objection to taking iwf (hr)
hsp-w as a circumstantial clause (eqctoTii). In V, 8 ff., occurs the negative counterpart
of this construction, and I doubt whether the construction there employed, iwf (hr) tm sdm,
can be a circumstantial clause, the normal type of such a clause in Late Egyptian seems
at all events to be hr bn sic hr sdm. 1 See, e.g., Doomed Prince, 7, 8, ‘She began to keep watch
over her husband very carefully’, hv bn sj hr rdjt prjf r bl, ‘not allowing him to go out of
doors’, as compared with the narrative iwf hr tm sdm, d'Orbiney, 4, 9 (see note (o)). In the
second place, is it mere chance that Till's examples of the Coptic construction are all in the
present tense '? What is stated below about relative sentences with past tense rather suggests
that this usage follows a definite rule.

In view of these difficulties I would propose a different grammatical analysis, namely
to take iwf (hr) Jup-w as the narrative form, and to compare our construction with the
Coptic construction recorded by Till, op. cit., § 243, b: the continuation of perfective
relative sentences with the 1st Perfect, e.g. neei nT*,qjuo , Y *,^10 ;x-ihc TO'yn^cq
‘who had died and whom Jesus had raised’. 2 It may be noted that all Till’s examples of
this construction have past meaning. The same holds true of a few examples which I noted
in the Sa’idic Acts of the Apostles. 3 As this construction seems to have escaped all gram-
marians except Till, 4 it may be useful to quote those examples here. Acts iv. 10, n&.’i *acii
ut^tctuc-^o'y Hxioq * ^nuo'YTC Toq'iiocq e£>o\ omteTAioeryT, $v vp.els
iora vpwoare, ov 6 deoi ijyeipev Ik veKpdiV. Ibid., iv. 20, neiiTivimN'y cpoo'y a/yco
XUCOTJAO'y, d eibapev kciI r/KOUcrape v. Ibid., xiv. 15, 1G, nxi UTxqTXJU-ieTne etc. . . .
jvqmo nuoe©iioc THpoq* tTpe/yfecoK cviue , Ygioc‘ye, o? irroipaev tov ovpavov etc. . . .
di . . . eiaotv navra rd edvrj Tropeveodat. Tali odoli avrdiv. Although this Coptic con-
struction does not otter a cogent analogy to the Late-Egyptian construction here
discussed, the preceding verb being a Relative Form in the latter case and a totally different
form in the former, 5 it seems nevertheless significant that Coptic does not continue a
relative verb with past meaning with the circumstantial clause expressing the relative
present tense.

Fe this as it may, my first objection to taking iwf (hr) tm sdm as a circumstantial

1 Coptic seems to point in the same direction; it does not use Til in the circumstantial clause with e.
For I site Egyptian see Firman. Xeinnj. fir.. § .">31. The only examples which Erman gives of hef hr tm sdm
as a circumstantial clause arc the cases m the Judicial Papyrus.

- We should, of course, always bear in mind that this docs not alter the fact that Coptic in such cases
does not use two relative sentences, but disliking such a sequence of more than one relative sentence uses
several devices to avoid them, saying, ’he who hears my word and while he believes’ in one case, ‘who had
died and Jesus raised him’ in another, etc.

3 Xot as the result of a systematic search, be it noted, but in the course of reading the Acts (ed.
Thompson) with some pupils.

4 I have not been able to find a discussion of this construction except in Till. op. cit., and an all-too-short
paragraph in the same author's Koptisrhe Dinlrktijramnmtik, § 72. [So however already ZAS 62, 67.]

5 1 1 has also been suggested to me that ,\-j . . . would be a natural continuation of nTxq ...( = iiT] xq
■ ■ f ha\e, how e\ er, little doubt that 1 1 sw q . . . was not thus analysed bv speakers and writers.
Surely it was felt as an indivisible verb-form. And Egyptian does not as a rule like to carry on the force of
words like the relative words, negations, prepositions (conjunctions) over more than one dependent word.

THE JUDICIAL PAPYRUS OF TURIN 103

clause remains, and it is mainly for this reason that I prefer my explanation. However, my
knowledge of the facts on the sides of both Late Egyptian and Coptic is regrettably in-
complete. Clearly the problem needs further and thorough investigation. The publication
of this translation, however, cannot be delayed until the question raised by Gunn is finally
settled. Therefore my hypothesis is put forward here with due diffidence in the hope that
the point may attract other scholars to further study of Gunn's interesting suggestion and
the related problems.

(s) W nwf (here and 4, 13 ; 5,7-10), is of course relative form. See the examples Erinan,
Neuag. Gr., § 393.

(<) For the construction see Edgerton's article in AJSL 4S, 29.

( u ) doubtless the old see Spiegelberg. Demotica, i, 4 ft'., and for its identity

with the D’atpTO of the Old Testament see Strieker’s article in Acta Oriental in 15. f>.
Ibid., p. ‘20, he quotes a good example from P. Harris May., 0 , 10. Magical expedients are
very prominent in P. Bollin and P. Lee. The priest of Saklmiet, the doctor, is also a kind
of magician.

(v) Literally ‘on their place’ and similarly 11. 7-10 below.

(iv) Apparently he was not quite innocent. For the meaning of = <j.

d’Orbiney, 10, 9 ; Bol. 1094, 4, 9.

Conclusion

Let us now hark back for a moment to the question how far this new translation affects the
historical background of the document. The principal novel point is, of course, that the
accepted name ‘the Judicial Papyrus’ appears to be wrong. It is not a judicial document
at all, but a narrative, which in the present rendering tells a clear and consistent tale. The
contents may be summed up in a few words. The dead king gives an account of his dealings
with the participants in a conspiracy. He tells how he commissioned a. court for their prosecu-
tion, and he lays considerable stress upon the fact that he is not responsible for the punish-
ments which have been inflicted. He had strictly charged the Court to be careful, so that it
is their responsibility, not his, if mistakes have been made.

Does this story correspond to reality, or is it fiction? The whole trend of the papyrus
suggests that Ramesses III died as a result of the conspiracy, or else was expecting soon to
die at the moment when it occurred. Put did he live long enough to appoint the court as
he says he did, or is this mere invention? I see no reason to reject the historicity of this
story. There is nothing impossible or illogical in the situation as the papyrus reveals it to an
unprejudiced mind. It would be difficult, and perhaps impossible, to convince somebody who
is bent on being sceptical at all costs, but the burden of proof would lie upon thosew ho should
take the view that it is all a fiction contrived by Harnesses IV. This king may indeed have
been very glad that the prosecution of the conspirators had been already ordered bv his
father and that their punishment had been none of his business, so that lie could begin his
reign with clean hands. 1 Thus Harnesses IV may have had political reasons which made it
desirable and wise to record this course of affairs. It is, however, also possible that the
document had no political intention at all, but was meant to be Hameses Ill's vindication
before the divine tribunal, so that lie could appear there with a- clear conscience and con-
fident that he too would be one of the righteous kings before Amen-rt* and Osiris. Doth
Harnesses III and his son were very religious men, and this reconstruction of the background

1 Is it by mere chance that a poem on the coronation of Harnesses IV describes « ith much detail a general
amnesty proclaimed on this occasion '! The text is to be found in Bee. True. 2, 1 Hi.

164

A. DE BUCK

of our papyrus is thoroughly in keeping with what one may conjecture about their mind and
psychology.

Finally, it may he asked what light this result throws upon the problem of that related
document, the great Harris Papyrus. To my mind Struve’s view of that document must be
modified. It seems probable that the Harris Papyrus was not a selfish fiction contrived by
Kamesses IV. The prayers for the benefit of this king which are so prominent in that papyrus
may well be a genuine expression of the father’s own wishes. The long and detailed statement
of Ramesses Ill’s benefactions to the gods seems to show that the book was primarily in-
tended to secure the favour of the gods for him and through him for his son, the object of his
prayers being both his own well-being in the hereafter and the welfare of his son upon earth.
Surely it is not an unreasonable assumption that Ramesses III himself ordered the composi-
tion of the long letter of introduction to the gods of the Netherworld in the short interval 1
which was apparently granted him between the moment he knew with certainty that he
would die soon and the day of his death, an interval diligently used by him to adjust his
temporary and eternal affairs.

1 hile correcting the proofs of this article Cerny's discussion of the date of the death of Ramesses III
(ZAS 72, 109 if.) came to hand. He proves that Ramesses III died on the 15th day of the 3rd month of
summer; he discusses also the discrepancy between this date and that of the great Harris Papyrus, and
suggests several possible war's in which the two dates may be reconciled. My interpretation of the Judicial
Papyrus seems to yield an argument in favour of the second suggestion (the assumption of such an interval),
which ferny him self ultimately rejects. The third suggestion, which he prefers, requires a textual alteration
which, however probable it may be, should be adopted only as a last resource.

(1G5)

A TOILET SCENE ON A FUNERARY STELA OF THE

MIDDLE KINGDOM

By I. E. S. EDWARDS
With Plate xx

The fragmentary stela of the Lady Ipwet, 1 which is published here (PL xx) for the first
time by kind permission of the Trustees of the British Museum, is of a kind which displays
a welcome variation from the very stereotyped pattern of Egyptian funerary stelae. Nothing
is known of its provenance, nor is there any conclusive proof of its date, but in character
and technique it strongly suggests the work of the Eleventh Dynasty.

The texts, which have no feature of special interest, may be translated as follows:

Three large horizontal lines (<—): [.4n offering which the ling gives to] Osiris, Lord of
Busiris, Foremost of the Westerners , Lord of Abgdos in all his beautiful and pure places, that
the voice (of the offerer) may go forth (with) bread and beer for the Loyal Lady, King's Acquain-
tance, beloved of her lord, revered with the Great God. Ipwet.

Above and by the side of the offering- table: [.4 thousand of] bread and beer, a thousand of
oxen and fowl, a thousand of gazelle- and oryx, a thousand of alabaster and clothing, for the
revered Ipwet. 3 The requirements [of the offering table]!

Below the main inscription the surviving portion of the relief contains a scene which is
perhaps unique among the illustrations on Middle- Kingdom stelae. 5 Ipwet is shown, in
the conventional manner, sitting before a table of offerings, but, instead of holding a lly-
whisk or a lotus-flower, as we might expect, she holds in her left hand a mirror— a sign of
nobility, and in her right she has a cloth, with which she applies unguent to her face. A
mirror is frequently included in the tomb-furniture of this period, but only two other cases
in which the dead person is represented in the act of using it have been recorded to my
knowledge. 6

1 B.M. 1658. The measurements are : height, 30 5 cm. ; width, 30 cm. : thickness, c. 6 cm. There are no
visible traces of colour.

a Reading ghs.

3 It is noticeable that the upper parts of several signs in this inscription are not separated from the
ground of the main inscription.

4 Reading dbht-htp.

5 The best-known toilet-scenes of this period are: (i) the coffin of the princess Kawit (Naville and Hall.
Deir el-Bahari, I. PI. xx) ; (ii) the coffin of 'Int-it-s (.Steindorff, Orabfunde des mittl. Reiches in d. Kyi. Muscfn
zu Berlin, n, PI. iii) ; and (iii) on the wall of the tomb of Sebeknakht at El-Kfib (Tvlor. Rebek-nekhl, Pis. v. viii).

6 Klebs, Die Reliefs u. Malereien d. mittl. Reiches, 40.

(166)

THE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— III

By R. 0. FAULKNER

D. THE BOOK OF OVERTHROWING CAPEP

This, by far the longest section of the manuscript, consists of 101 columns of text, each con-
taining on the average 25 lines which vary in length from 20 cm. in col. 24 to 29 cm. in cols.
26 and 28. It is split up into a number of subsections, each of which is prefaced by the words
o ^ ie b°°k °f • ■ The main purpose of these texts is the magical protection of the
sun-god in his daily course across the sky from the attacks of the storm-demon ( Apep, see
especially 28, 13-15, hut they are secondarily directed to the protection of Pharaoh, the
earthly representative of the solar divinity, from his foes also, ‘whether dead or alive’. The
titles of the ‘hooks’ Cffijj are as follows:

(1) 1 The book oj the Jelling of <Apep the joe oj Re< and the foe of King Onnophris, justified,
which is performed daily in the temple of Amen-Re<, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, who
dwells in Karnak’, 22, 1. This serves also as a general title to the whole work.

(2) ‘ The first hook of felling ( Apep the foe ofRe<-’, 23, 16-17. This is followed by a ‘second
chapter’ in 24, 21.

(3) ‘ The book of felling the foe of Rc( daily’, 26, 7.

(4) “l he book of the repelling of Llpep the great enemy which is done at morninq-tide’ ,
26, 11-12. *

(5) ‘The book of knowing the creations (hprw) of Re< and of felling <Apep’, 26, 21. This
hook, by far the most interesting of the whole collection, begins with a monologue by the
sun-god in which he describes the process of the Creation, but ends -with the usual spells
against c Apep.

(6) Another version, much more corrupt, of the Creation-story, which also concludes with
the usual spells, 28, 20. The title is the same as (6).

(7) ‘The stanza of conjuring their names’, 29, 16, is really a continuation of the magical

spells of (6). °

(S) ‘ The book of felling c Apep' , 82, 3.

(9) ‘ Another hook of felling <Apep\ 32, 6. This, the last in the collection, is said at the
end to he 'the book of the Lord of All'. 1

The final and shortest section of the original manuscript is that entitled ‘ The Names of
<Apep . The translation of this will follow the Commentary on the second instalment of
the present section.

The texts ghing an account of the Creation (nos. 5 and 6 above) have received brief
mentions here and there in general works on Egyptian religion and mythology, but no
translation of the whole has appeared apart from those of Budge in Archaeologia, vol. 52,
and m Hierat. Tap. BM, i (London. 1910). Boeder, however, has translated considerable
portions in Ins Urk. z. Religion d. alten Agypten (Jena, 1915).

As before, words and sections written in red ink in the original manuscript have been
printed in small capitals in the translation. In this connexion it is interesting to note how

1 I < ; )W , in 7 t0 consi <lerations of space, only items 1-5 are dealt with here; the remaining portion will be
published in the next issue of this Journal.

THE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— III

167

extensively red ink was employed in writing the texts now to be translated. In the first
place, it is used for the titles of the different sections and for the first words of the instruc-
tions for the performance of the various rites. Second!}', there are a few cases where
specially important passages are thus emphasized, a particularly striking case being 31, 4-10.
Thirdly, the names of c Apep and other evil beings are written in red because that is a malefic
and unlucky colour, 1 while conversely the name of Re< is written always in black, even when
it occurs in the middle of a rubric, as in 22, l. 2 The injurious nature of red accounts for the
writing in this colour of the list of the names of ( Apep in 32, 13 ff. and the instructions for
making images of demons in 32, 43 ff. It is interesting to note that the name of Seth is also
written in red, although in this text he appears in a good role as protector of the sun-god.

Translation

1 Here begixs the book of the felling of 'Apep the foe of Re< and the foe of Kino-

Onnopliris, the justified, winch is performed daily in the temple of Amen-Re<, Lord of the
Thrones of the Two Lands, who dwells in Karnak. 1

2 The spell of spitting on CApep. Recite: Be thou spat upon, 0 ( Apep — four
times — this is (done) for Re' and his ka, this is (done) for Pharaoh and his la. Re' has come in

3 power, Re' has come in 1 victory, Re' has come exalted, Re' has come prepared, Re' has come in
joy, Re' has come in happiness, Re' has come as King of Upper Egypt, Re' has come as King

4 of Lower Egypt, Re' has come in rejoicing, 1 Re' has come in triumph. Come thou to Pharaoh
that thou mayest crush all his foes for him even as he fells IApep for thee, (as) he cuts up the

5 Ill-disposed One for thee, (as) he gives praise to thy might, 1 (as) he extols thee in all thy
manifestations in which thou shinest for him, even as he fells all thy foes for thee daily.

The spell of trampling on 'Apep with the left foot. Recite : Raise thee up, 0 Re', i

6 and crush thy foes. Shine thou out, 0 Re', for thy foes are fallen. Behold, Pharaoh crushes all
thy foes for thee : 0 Re', crush thou all his foes, dead or alive. Behold, Re' has power over thee,

7 0 c Apep; 1 his flame rages against thee, it has power over thee, its fiery blast is sharp against
thee, and its fire falls on all the foes of Re' — focr times — may <lts> fire fall on all the foes of

8 Pharaoh. Be mighty, 0 Re', against thy foe, go thou to and fro, 0 Re', in thine horizon ; may
those who are in the Night-bark adore thee, may the crew of thy bark serve thee joyfully, and

9 mayest thou reappear rejoicing within the Day-bark. 1 Praise to thee, 0 Re'-Harakhti — tour
times.

The spell of taking the spear to smite 'Apep. Recite : Horus has taken his spear of iron,

10 he has battered 1 the heads of the foes of Re'. Horus has taken his spear of iron, he has battered
the heads of the foes of Pharaoh. Behold, Horus has taken his spear of iron, he has smitten 1

11 the heads of the rebels in front of his bark. Raise thee up, O Re', chastise him who rebels against
thee and cut CApep to pieces that the confederacy of the Ill-disposed One may fall. Raise

12 thee up, 0 Pharaoh, 1 chastise him who rebels against thee and cut to pieces thy foe, that his
confederacy may fall. Come, 0 Re', in thy splendour, that those who are in their shrines may

13 serve thee and that thev may adore thee 1 in thy beauty. Arise and shine, for thy foe is not,
thy magic power being a protection for thy body. Pharaoh, he adores Re' and thrusts his spear

14 into c Apep; he takes a flaming brand and sets fire to him; 1 he chastises the body of thy foe.
Eire is in thee, its flame is in thee; fire is in you, ye foes of Pharaoh, and it shall devour you.

15 Raise thee up, 0 Re', chastise him who rebels against thee, and set fire 1 to 'A pep ; he is bitten
in the middle of his back. Oho! Fire is in c Apep, (but) Re' sails with a (fair) breeze and his

16 crew are possessed with joy, those who are in the horizon 1 exulting at the sight of him, for he
has felled the rebels, the fire has power over 'Apep, the Roarer, the Ill-disposed One, and

17 they have no peace, no peace. 0 Re'-Harakhti, turn thy fair countenance to Pharaoh, 1 that

1 The few eases where the name of 'Apep is written in black are obvious oversights.

2 The same comment applies to the words r' nh ‘every day’, owing to the identity of the words for ‘day

and for the name of the sun-god. A particularly clear instance occurs in 28, 16.

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R. O. FAULKNER

tliou mayest crush all his foes for him, so that he may adore Re' in very deed. Re' is triumphant
over 'Apep — four times — Pharaoh is triumphant over his foes — four times.

18 The spell of binding 'Apep. Recite : 1 They who should be bound are bound, 'Apep that
foe of Re' is bound ; mayest thou not know what is done to thee, 0 'Apep. Turn thee back,

19 there being testimony (?) against thee. As for (?) him who flees in his time, he injures 1 his
own self, when (?) his throat is released. Beware, ye who are bound! Ye are bound by Horus,
ye are fettered by Re', ye shall not become erect, ye shall not copulate, ye shall not be removed 1

20 from under his fingers ; ye are condemned by Re', ye are fettered by Horus Mekhantenirti.

21 The spell of taking the knife to smite 'Apep. Recite : Seize, seize, 0 butcher, 1 fell the
foe of Re' with thy knife. Seize, seize, 0 butcher, fell the foe of Pharaoh with thy knife. These

22 are vour heads, ye rebels, this is that head of thine, 0 c Apep, which are cut off by 1 the warrior-
priest with his knife. Be sharp, 0 Sothis, 0 flame of Asbyt who has authority over fire, fell ye

23 the Ill-disposed One with your knives, cut ye up Wenty 1 with your knives. Be ye cut to
pieces because of your evil, be ye cut up because of what ye have done, there being testimony (?)
against you ; be ye dealt with according to the evil ye have done. Re' is triumphant over you
and Horus cuts you up.

24 The spell of 1 setting fire to 'Apep. Recite: Fire be in thee, 0 ( Apep, thou foe of Re'.
May the Eye of Horus have power over the soul and the shade of c Apep ; may the flame of the

23 1 Eye of Horus devour that foe 1 of Re' ; may the flame of the Eye of Horus devour all the foes
of Pharaoh, dead or alive.

The magic spell to be uttered when putting 'Apf.p on the fire. Recite: Be thou

2 utterly spat upon, 0 'Apep, 1 get thee back, thou foe of Re'; fall, creep away, take thee oil!
I have turned thee back, I have cut thee up, and Re' is triumphant over thee, 0 'Apep—

3 four times. Be thou spat upon, 0 'Apep — four times. 1 Get thee back, thou rebel;
be thou annihilated ! \ erily I have burned thee, verily I have destroyed thee, I have condemned
thee to all ill, that thou mayest be annihilated, that thou mayest be utterly spat upon, that thou

4 mayest be utterly non-existent. 1 Mayest thou be annihilated, be thou annihilated, mayest thou
, he utterly spat upon. I have destroyed 'Apep the foe of Re' ; Re' is triumphant over thee,

5 0 'Apep — four times — and Pharaoh is triumphant over his foes —four times. 1 Now afterward
thou shalt trample on 'Apep four times with thy left foot and thou shalt say before Re'
with thine arms bent when he rises: — Re' is triumphant over thee, 0 'Apep — four times —

6 1 Re' triumphs over thee, 0 'Apep, in very truth ; be thou destroyed, 0 'Apep.

This spell is to be spoken over (a figure of) 'Apep drawn on a new sheet of papyrus in

7 green ink, and there shall be made (an image of) 'Apep with waxen 1 body with his name
inscribed on it in green ink, to be put on the fire that he may burn before Re when he

8 manifests himself in the morning, at noon-tide, and also in the evening when Re' sets * in the
M est , at the sixth hour of the night, at the eighth hour of the day, at the end of the evening,

9 down to every hour of the day and night, at the festival of the new moon, 1 at the day of the
monthly festival, at the sixth-day festival, at the fifteenth-day festival, and likewise every day.
Apep the foe of Re' is felled in storm by the shining of Re', 'Apep is felled in very truth. *

10 He is to be burnt in a fire of bryony and his remains placed in a pot of urine and pounded up

11 into one mass. Thou shalt do accordingly at the sixth hour of the night 1 and at the eighth hour
of the day, placing 'Apep on the fire and spitting on him very often at the beginning of every

12 hour of the day until the turning of the shadow. After this, at the sixth hour I of the day, thou
shalt place 'Apep on the fire, spitting on him and trampling on (him) with thy left foot, and

13 driving off the roarer Nehaher. Thou shalt do accordingly ' at the eighth hour of the day,
driving off 'Apep that he may not attack the Night-bark. Thou shalt do accordingly when

14 storm brews in the east of the sky and when Re' sets 1 in the west in order to prevent the (storm-)
red from growing in the east of the sky. Thou shalt do accordingly very often in order to prevent

10 bad weather from growing in the sky and to prevent 1 thunder-storms from growing in the sky.
Thou shalt do this very often against storm so that the sun may shine and 'Apep be felled in

16 very truth ; it will be well with whoso does it upon earth, and it will be well ■ with him in the

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169

realm of the dead, strength shall be given to that man to (attain) the office of his superior, and
it will be his salvation from all evil and harmful things in very truth ; I have seen it come to pass
in mine (own) case.

17 The first book 1 of felling c Apep the foe of Re'. Recite: Fall on thy face, 0 c Apep

18 thou foe of Re'; get thee back, thou enemy, thou rebel who hast neither arms nor 1 legs, or
thy snout shall be cut off from the rest of thy face. Thou art fallen and felled, for Re'-Harakhti
has felled thee, he has crushed thee, he has condemned thee, the Eye of his body chastises thee, 1

19 and thou art fallen into the fire which issues from it, the flame which issues from its fiery blast,
which comes forth in its moment (of action) ; its fiery blast is on thee. Thy raging is dispelled

20 by Isis through the spells of her utterance, thy soul is cut up, 1 thy vertebrae are severed ; Horus
has made thee impotent, the Children of Horus break thee up, for thou art destroved in their
moment. Back! Get thee back! Off! Take thee off! Thou art fallen, driven off and turned

21 back, 0 c Apep. 1 The Great Ennead which is in Heliopolis drives thee off, Horus has repelled
thy rage, Seth has rendered thy moment (of action) impotent. Isis repels thee, Nephthys cuts

22 thee up, the Great Ennead 1 which is in the prow of the bark of Re' drives thee off, Seth has
stabbed at thy neck, the Children of Horus set their spears in thee, those gods who guard the

23 doors of the mysterious portals repel thee, 1 their fiery blast goes forth against thee in fire. Take
thee off at their blast of flame which goes forth from their mouths, fall down and creep awav,

24 1 0 c Apep ; take thee off, 1 thou foe of Re', for thou art fallen at this his moment, and they who are

2 in his bark fell thee. Get thee back, for thou art exorcised, crushed and repelled 1 in thy moment.
Fall down! Thou art turned back, thy soul is turned back, thy flesh is taken away, and thou art
made impotent. Thy execution and the cutting of thee to pieces are achieved, thy rage is

3 crushed, 1 thy (power of) movement is taken away, thy flesh is beaten from thy body, thy soul

4 is parted from thy shade, thy name is destroyed, thy magic is crushed, 1 and thou art destroyed.
Fall down, for thou art felled! Thou shalt nevermore come forth from this thine hell. Thou art

5 made impotent ; once again thou art bound, for thou hast been broken 1 by (?) those who break
up ills. Thy moment is averted, thy rage turned back, thy (power of) movement taken away,

6 thou art ousted from this thy place. Fall down, for thou hast been driven off 1 and condemned
to evil ; he who should be broken is broken and his deeds shall not succeed. Thy soul is annihi-

7 lated, thy shade is destroyed, for thou art allotted to the fiery Eye of Horus ; 1 it shall have
power over thee, it shall devour thee utterly. Be thou annihilated, 0 'Apep! It has pierced

8 thee, it has turned thee back, it has destroyed thee, it has annihilated 1 thee.

To BE RECITED IN CONTINUATION OF THE ABOVE SPELL: Fall UPON THY FACE, 0 C APEP, THOU
foe of Re' ; the fire which issues from the Eye of Horus comes forth against thee, the great

9 flame which issues 1 from the Eye of Horus comes forth against thee, it presses on thee with a
blast of flame, the fire comes forth against thee, and fierce is its flame against thy soul, thy

10 spirit, 1 thy magic, thy body and thy shade ; the Mistress of Burning has power over thee, her

11 fiery blast makes chastisement in thy soul, she annihilates thy shape, 1 she chastises thy form,
and thou art fallen to the Eye of Horus which is enraged against its foe. Wepes the great parches

12 thee, the Eye of Re' has power over 1 thee, the devouring flame consumes thee, and there is no (?)
remnant to (?) fall. Get thee back! Thou art cut up, thy soul is despoiled (?), thy name is

13 obliterated. 1 May thy name be unheard, may thy name fall; be thou forgotten and driven back
that thou mayest be forgotten. Retire, turn thee back, for thou art cut up and far removed 1

14 from those who are in his shrine. Be thou utterly destroyed, be thou annihilated, 0 'Apep thou
foe of Re'. Thou shalt not be, thy soul shall not be in thee, for the Eye of Re' shall have power 1

15 over thee and it shall consume thee every day, even as Re' commanded should be done to thee,
0 'Apep. Thou art fallen to the flame of fire, and the furnace shall consume thee ; thou art

16 condemned 1 to the devouring flame of the Eye of Horus, and the fiery one has parched thee;
it consumes thy soul, thy spirit, thy body and thy shade, and thou shalt not become erect nor

17 copulate 1 for ever and ever. Re' is triumphant over thee, O c Apep — foi'R times — Horus is
triumphant over his foes — four times — Pharaoh is triumphant over his foes— -four times.

18 Retire, turn thee back at 1 this magic which issues from my mouth on behalf of Pharaoh for

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R. O. FAULKNER

ever. This thy (. . .) is crushed, and thou shalt not come •(because of) its influence (?) for ever,

19 0 c Apep thou foe of Re'. Be thou spat upon, 1 thou enemy, thou rebel — four times.
To be recited by a man who is pure and clean. Thou shalt depict (?) the name of c Apep, it

20 BEING WRITTEN ON a NEW SHEET OF PAPYRUS, AND IT SHALL BE PUT 1 IN THE FIRE WHEN Re'
manifests himself, when Re' is at noon-tide, when Re' sets in the West, by night, by day, at

21 every hour of everv day, at the monthly festival, at the sixth-day festival, at 1 the fifteenth-day
festival, and likewise every day when the foes of Re'-Harakhti are felled.

The second chapter of felling 'Apep the foe of Re'. Fall upon your faces, ye foes of Re',

22 all ye rebels, 1 foes and children of revolt, ye froward ones and nameless rebels, doomed ones

23 whose hell is prepared, for it has been commanded to make a slaughter of the froward, 1 the foes
and rebels who create warfare and make tumult. Fall ye, fall ye at the moment of Re'; he will

25 1 annihilate you, fell you, 1 make fall your heads. On your faces ! He will destroy you, making
a slaughter of vou. 0 ye who ought to be annihilated, be ye annihilated, be ye destroyed! 0 ye
who have naught (?), ye shall possess naught (?), ye shall not exist, ye shall not be; your heads

2 shall be removed, 1 your necks shall be hewn asunder, your vertebrae shall be severed, (ye) shall
be made impotent, ye shall be slaughtered, (ye) shall fall to the Eye of Horus, for its flame is
sharp against you, its fiery blast shall have power over you ; the Eye of Re' shall appear against

3 you, 1 his might shall have power over you, his Eye shall have power over you, it shall consume
you and chastise vou in this its name of ‘Devouring Flame’ ; it shall have power over you in this

4 its name of Sakhmet; ye shall fall to 1 its blast, and fierce is the flame of fire which comes forth
from its blast ; it shall destroy you, 0 ye who are doomed to destruction. The fire comes forth
against you, ye foes of Re', ye who rebel against Horus, and against your souls, your bodies and

5 your shades ; 1 the fire comes forth, it cooks you, its glow (?) bakes (?) you, its burning burns
you, Wepes the great divides you, she devours you, she parches you, she destroys your souls, 1

6 her fiery blast makes chastisement in your shades. 0 ye who ought to be annihilated, be ye
annihilated; ye are crushed, crushed! Ye shall be burned, ye shall be cut down, ye shall be

7 slaughtered, ye shall be condemned to the great furnace of fire, the mistress of heat, and 1 its
glow shall consume your souls, its blast shall make chastisement in your bodies, it shall press on
you with its great flame, it shall cut you with its knife, it shall rage against you with its wTath,

8 consume 1 (you) with its flame, shrivel you with its fire, blast you with its blaze, scorch you

9 with its heat, bum you with its burning; it shall break you in this its name 1 of fire, it shall
divide you in this its name of Wepes the great ; ye shall fall to its flame, for sharp is the great
flame which is in its blast, and its glow shall devour your souls.

10 0 ye who ought to fall, fall 1 ye, fall ye! Ye are fallen and felled! Fall ye to Re', fall ye to
the rage of his moment, be ye annihilated for him, be ye annihilated! He shall destroy you, fell

11 you, cut you up ; he shall condemn 1 you, execute you, obliterate your names and cut up your
souls ; he shall imprison you, destroy you, crush you, chastise you, fell you. Ye shall fall to the

12 devouring flame, and it shall destroy 1 you ; may ye not be ! 0 ye who ought to be annihilated,
be ye annihilated, annihilated! Be ye annihilated, be ye annihilated, be your souls annihilated;
be ye annihilated, be your bodies annihilated ; be ye annihilated, be your shades annihilated ; be

13 ye annihilated! Ye shall not be, and 1 your souls shall not be ; ye shall not be, and your bodies
shall not be ; ye shall not be, and your shades shall not be ; ye shall not be, and your lives shall
not be ; ye shall not be, and your generative power (?) shall not be ; your heads shall not be knit

14 to vour bodies. 1 Get you back because of him ; retire, ye rebels ! May ye not be, may Thoth
make conjuration against (?) you with his magic. The great god is mighty against you, he has

15 crushed you, he has caused men to hate you, the fire which is on his mouth 1 comes forth against
you, so burn, ye rebels! May ye not be; may Thoth make conjuration against (?) you with his
magic ; may he fell you, cut you up, destroy you, condemn you to the fiery glance of Horus

16 which comes forth from the Eye of Horus ; it shall consume 1 you utterly, it shall destroy you
through the greatness of its heat, and it shall not be repelled in the moment of its heart’s
desire in that its name of Meret-goddess. Be ye annihilated because of it, turn ye back because

17 of it, turn ye back because of it, ' get ye back because of it, 0 all ye foes of Re' and all ye foes of

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171

Homs ; it shall pierce you, it shall turn you back, it shall destroy vou. Be ye annihilated because

18 of it, be ye destroyed because of it ; may ye neither become erect nor 1 copulate for ever and ever.

Re< triumphs, and justice is upon you, 0 'Apep and ye children of kevolt, ye greatly
rebellious! Re' is triumphant over his foes — -four times — Horus is triumphant over his foes —

19 four times — Osiris, 1 First of the Westerners, is triumphant over his foes — four times — Pharaoh
is triumphant over his foes — four times. I have overthrown' 'Apep, the rebel, the tortoise,
the Ill-disposed One and the children of revolt from all their seats in every' place

20 where they are ; 1 I have overthrown all the foes of Re' from all their seats in every place
where they are ; I have overthrown all the foes of Horus from all their seats in every place where

21 they are ; I have overthrown all the foes of Amen-Re', 1 Lord of the thrones of the Two Lands
who dwells in Karnak, from all their seats in every place where they are; I have overthrown
all the foes of Ptah who is south of his wall, Lord of 'Ankh-towe, from all their seats in every

22 place where they are ; 1 similarly all the foes of Atum ; likewise all the foes of Tlioth, Lord of
Khemunu; likewise all the foes of Yus'as, Lady of Iden (?), and of Hathor, Lady of Hetepet,

23 the Hand of Atum ; all the foes of Horus Khentekhtay, Lord of Athribis ; all the foes 1 of Khuyet,
the wife of the god ; all the foes of Bastet the great, Lady of Bubastis ; all the foes of Osiris, Lord
of Busiris ; all the foes of Banebded, the great god, the life of Re' ; I have overthrown all the foes

24 of Onuris-Shu, son of Re', and of 1 the strong-armed Horus; all the foes of Amen-Re' of Sma-
Behdet ; all the foes of Anubis, Lord of Asyut ; all the foes of Sopd, Lord of the East ; all the foes
of Hor-merty, Lord of Shednu ; all the foes of Homs who dwells in Three-hundred-town (?) ; 1

26 1 all the foes of Horus the Uniter of the Two Lands, Lord of Tided ; all the foes of Horus in Pe
and of Wadjet in Dep ; all the foes of Haroeris, Lord of L T pper Egypt, from all their seats in

2 every place where they are ; I have overthrown all the foes of Pharaoh 1 from all their seats in
every place where they are. To be recited by' a man who is pure and clean. Thou shalt
depict (?) every foe of Re' and every foe of Pharaoh, whether dead or alive, and every accused

3 one whom he has in mind, (also) the names of their fathers, their mothers 1 and their children,
every one of them (?), they having been drawn in green ink on a new sheet of papyrus, their
names written on their breasts, (these) having been made of wax, and also bound with bonds (?)

4 of black thread ; they are to be spat upon, 1 and (they are) to be trampled with the left foot,
felled with the spear and knife, and cast on the fire in the melting-furnace of the coppersmiths.
Afterwards, the name of 'Apep is to be burnt in a fire of bryony' when Re' manifests him-

5 self, when Re' is at noontide, 1 and when Re' sets in the West; in the first hour of the day and
of the night and in the second hour of the night down to the third hour of the night; at dawn,
and likewise every hour of the night and every hour of the day : at the festival of the New Moon,

6 at the sixth-day festival, 1 at the fifteenth-day festival, and likewise at the monthly festival,
felling the foe of Re', felling 'Apep in very truth in order to fell the foe of Re'. This book is
to be employ’ED in this manner which is in writing, when the sacred bark ferries over to fell the

7 foe 1 of Re' and every foe of Hor-merti in Yat-Pega. It will be well with the man who makes
conjuration for himself {from) this book in the presence of this august god — a true matter,
(tested) a million times.

8 The book of felling the foe of Re' daily. Recite: Fall 1 upon thy face, 0 'Apep thou
foe of Re', submerge, submerge, go forth unrecognized (?), creep away, away! Hasten (away),
hasten when he hastens (?), that he may (?) come and go ; be thou upside down in the Lake of

9 Nun, 1 for Re' has commanded that <thou be) cut to pieces and the great flame appears against
thee, the Sharp One is gone forth from the brow of Hike who opens eyes that the Two Lands
may see. Nehebkau (?) the great goes forth against thee from the booth of those who are in his

10 shrine, the Marvellous One (?) goes forth 1 against thee, the uraei rage, and fire goes forth against
thee from the mouths of the wardens of the mysterious portals : the foe and rebel is annihilated,

11 'Apep is crushed, (but) Re' rests on his standard within his shrine. 1 Hail to thee, 0 Re', in the
midst of (the coils of) thy mehen- serpent ; thou art triumphant over 'Apep — four times — thou
art triumphant over all thy foes — four times — and Pharaoh is triumphant over all his foes — -four
times. Be thou brought to naught, 0 'Apep — four times.

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R. O. FAULKNER

12 The book or 1 the repelling of c Apep the great enemy which is done at morning-
tide. Recite: Be thou brought to naught, 0 c Apep thou foe of He<—four times — get thee
afar off from him who is in his shrine ! Be thou annihilated, thou rebel ; fall on thy face ! May

13 thy face be destroyed! Get 1 thee back from thy place, for thy roads are blocked, thy paths are
stopped up ; thou art imprisoned (?) in thy former place, thou art powerless, thy heart is miser-

14 able, thy body is feeble, thou art maimed and canst not escape, for thou art committed to 1 those
who are in the place of execution. The sharp-knived butchers cut off thine head, they sever thy
neck, they do execution on (?) thee again and again. They cast (?) thee to the raging fire, they

15 remove thee to the flame in its moment, 1 and it shall have power over thee, it shall devour thy
body, consume thy bones and chastise thy members, and Khnum shall take away thy children
to his place of execution, thy body being brought to the fire ; it shall chastise thy soul, which

16 shall not travel on earth, and thine arms shall not 1 be stretched out (for offerings) in this land,

0 c Apep thou foe of Re'. Haroeris son of Isis shall destroy thee, and thou shalt not conceive,
thou shalt not bring to birth, thy soul shall not journey to the ‘Supports of Shu’, thou shalt

17 neither see nor behold, for thou art destroyed 1 and thy shade is not, 0 c Apep thou foe of Re'.
Be thou brought to naught, 0 rebel ! Thy name shall be annihilated and thou shalt be remem-
bered no more, for I have (?) laid hold on thee ; thou shalt be spat upon whenever thou art

18 remembered. Re' shall make thee impotent, Isis shall fetter thee, 1 Nephthys shall bind thee, the
spells of Thoth shall destroy thee, thy soul shall not be among the souls, thy corpse shall not
be at the head of the corpses, for the fire shall bite thee and the flame devour thee, the furnace

19 shall be satisfied with thee, ' 0 c Apep thou foe of Re'. Re' rejoices, Atum is glad, Haroeris is
happy, f° r c Apep is brought to the flame, Neki is brought to the fire, and he shall be
utterly non-existent and his shade shall be neither in heaven nor on earth. 0 'Apep 1

20 thou foe of Re', be thou brought to naught! Be annihilated, 0 c Apep — four times. To be
recited over an (image of) 'Apep made with a waxen body and also drawn on a new
sheet of papyrus ; to be put on the fire before Re' every day, and likewise on the day of

21 the monthly festival and the days of the sixth-day festival and the fifteenth-day festival, 1 <(in
order to) fell 'Apep on water, land, and river-bank.

The book of knowing the creations of Re' and of felling c Apep. recite: Thus spake
the Lord of All after he had come into being: It was I who came into being as Khopri. When

22 I came into being, Being 1 came into being, and all beings came into being after I came into
being , manifold v ere the beings which came forth from my mouth ere the sky had come into
being, ere the earth had come into being, ere the ground and reptiles had been created in this

23 place. I created (some) of them in Nun ■ as Inert Ones when I could as yet find no place where

1 could stand. I considered (?) in mine heart, I surveyed with my sight, and I alone made every
shape ere I had spat out Shu, ere I had expectorated Tefenet, ere there had come into being

24 am other 1 who could act with me. I planned with mine own heart and there came into being
a multitude of forms of living creatures, namely the forms of children and the forms of their

1 children. I indeed made excitation with my fist, I copulated 1 with mine hand, I spat with mine
own mouth , I spat out Shu, I expectorated Tefenet, and my father Nun brought them up, mine
Eye following after them since the aeons when they were far from me. After I had come into

2 being as sole god, > there were three gods in addition to myself. I came into being in this land
and .Shu and Tefenet rejoiced in the Nun, in which they were. They brought back to me mine
Eye with them after I had united my members; I wept over them, and that is how men came

3 into being ' from the tears which came forth from mine Eye, for it was wroth with me when it
returned and found that I had made another in its place, having replaced it with the Glorious

4 (Eye). So I promoted it m my face, and when it exercised governance over I this entire land, its
wrath died away (??), for I had replaced what had been (?) taken from it. I came forth from

5 the roots, I created all reptiles and all that exists among them. Shu and Tefenet begat ' Geb
and Nut, and Geb and Nut begat Osiris, Horus Mekhantenirti, Seth, Isis, and Nephthys from the
womb, one after the other, and they begat their multitudes in this land.

6 What the Great Enchanters spoke, it was the very essence of magic ; ■ they were commanded

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173

to destroy my foes by means of the spells of their utterance, and I dispatched those who came
into being through my body to fell that evil foe. He it is who is fallen to the fire, (even)

7 <Apep with the knife in his head, and he cannot (?) ' see, and his name shall not be in this land.
I have commanded that obstacles be implanted against him, I have chastised his bones and
destroyed his soul daily, I have severed his vertebrae at his neck, thev having been broken with

8 a knife ' which has hacked into his flesh and cut through his skin. He is put on the fire, and it
has power over him in this its name of Sakhmet ; its glow is on him in this its name of Glorious

9 Eye ; its foe is burnt up and his soul is chastised, 1 his bones are burnt and his members brought
to the fire. Horus has given command, and he who is most mighty in the prow of the bark of
Re' has stabbed him with his lance of iron, that he might make his bodv to be as though it did

10 not exist. His moment (of action) is nullified when ' he rages, he is made to vomit from his
heart, he is guarded, bound, and fettered, Aker has taken away his strength, I have cut away

11 his flesh from his bones, I have broken his legs, I have cut off his arms, ' I have closed his mouth
and his lips, I have drawn his teeth, cut away his tongue from his gullet, taken away his speech,

12 blinded his eyes, taken away his hearing, and cut out 1 his heart in (?) his place, his seat, and his
tomb ; I (have) made him as one non-existent, and his name shall not be, his children shall not
be. He shall not be and his family shall not be ; he shall not be and his false door shall not be ; he

13 shall not be and his heirs shall not be ; 1 his egg shall not grow nor his seed create — and vice versa
—his soul shall not be, (nor) his body, his spirit, his shade, his magic ; his bones shall not be,

14 his skin shall not be, for he is fallen and felled ; he shall not be, for he is fallen to the fire ' of the
glance of Horus, to the slaughterers and the sharp-knived butchers ; they perform their office

15 on him and he is fallen into this evil impotence. I have made command daily against him 1 on
account of this his evil character, and they cut off his face with sharp knives, his head is severed
from his neck, Sakhmet cuts out his heart, she puts him in the flame on her finger, she puts him

16 in the fire and her flame 1 is on him in this her name of ‘Fire’ ; the flame of Wosret the great is
on him, she sunders his soul from his body and she has power over him in this her name of

17 Sakhmet ; she acts as a spirit (?) against him in this her name of 1 ‘Glorious Eye’, and the flame
consumes his heart, she burns him with the fiery breath of her mouth ; Wadjet parches him, he
is fallen into his hell, and he shall not escape from it for ever and ever.

18 Those who are among (?) 1 the watchers (?) guard him, they cut off his soul, his body, his
shade, his spirit, and his magic power, they cut out his heart from its place ; his name is erased
and he is fallen and shall not be, for I have commanded that he be despoiled (?) and that his

19 soul be despoiled (?) ; 1 he shall have neither seat nor place. The troops (?) of Shu have laid hold
of him in the place of the Flesh-eater, Pekhat has put him in her fire (??), Sothis has destroyed

20 him in the moment of her rage, and Sakhmet has put him 1 in the fire on her mouth. His heart
is fallen through her cutting to pieces, and he is blind, for he is fallen and felled, (even) 'Apep.
Re' himself fells him, Re' triumphs over 'Apep in the presence of the Great Ennead, and the

21 knife shall be 1 stuck fast in his head in the presence of Re' every day. The gods of the south
fell him, the gods of the north fell him, the gods of the west fell him, the gods of the east fell

22 him, Orion binds him 1 in the southern heaven, the Great Bear 1 overturns him in the northern
heaven, those who are in the starry firmament fetter him, fire attacks him, flame devours him,

23 it chastises his bones and his hair, it consumes 1 his flesh, it burns his skin, it overthrows him
on to the hands of the gods, and his name shall not be in the mouths of men, he shall not be

24 remembered in the hearts of the gods, he shall be spat upon whenever he is remembered, 1 for
Re' has rendered him impotent.

Annihilate him, annihilate him! fell him, fell him, (even) 'Apep! Fell him into the fire! Fell
him for the Aenfw-serpent! He shall not rage, not rage! He shall not snuff the wind, the wind!

25 He is (condemned) to the fire, and it shall blaze (?) at the sight of him, 1 the fire of her who
is on his 2 brow shall slay him, the gods who are in his bark desiring to attack him.

The tears which came forth from mine Eye are against you, ye are made impotent because

26 of this his evil character. The gods behold you, 1 and the gods shall not grant (to) you to be

1 The constellation. 2 Re' s.

174

R. 0. FAULKNER

in his place or his tomb ; the gods shall not grant (to) you that his name exist ; the gods shall
not grant (to) you that his soul, his spirit, his shade, his bones or his hair exist ; the gods shall

1 not grant (to) you that his arms be extended, 1 and his children and his heirs shall not come
into being ; the gods shall not grant (to) you that [. . -] 1 , and his seed shall not grow, nor his
egg create ; the gods shall not grant (to) you that his magic come into being ; the gods shall not
grant (to) you that he be in heaven or that he be on earth ; the gods shall not grant (to) you

2 that he be 1 in the south, north, west, or east ; the gods shall not grant (to) you that he be in
the entire world ; he is (condemned) to the fire of this uraeus of Horus and it shall have power

3 over him daily, it shall be in him, and it shall not be extinguished in him for ever 1 and ever.
It shall take away his moment, it shall repel his wrath, and he shall be consumed so that he
may not be. It fells c Apep, it fells (him) into the fire ; Re' himself fells him.

Re' is triumphant over thee, 0 c Apep ; behold, I have cut thee up, behold, I have erased thv

4 name, 1 and thou art given over to the fire every day as Re' commanded should be done to thee.
Behold, 0 Re' ! Hearken, 0 Re' ! Behold, I have crushed thy foe, I have trampled on him with

5 (my) feet, I have spat on him. Re< is triumphant over thee — variant, over all his fallen 1 foes,
and they shall not be. His name is burnt up, I have removed his place, his seat and his tomb,
I have destroyed his soul, his spirit, his bod}-, his shade, his magic, his seed, his egg, his bones

6 and his hair, these being cast into the fire every day, as Re' 1 commanded should be done to
him. Crush, chastise, burn all the foes of Pharaoh, dead or alive. He shall cut them (?) down,
their flesh shall be pierced even through their skins, the lords of Heliopolis shall deal with them,

7 they being destroyed daily in 1 thy presence, 0 Re'.

Burning be on you ! They shall have no souls thereby, nor spirits nor bodies nor shades nor

8 magic nor bones nor hair nor spells nor utterances nor words. They shall have no grave 1 thereby,
nor house nor hole nor tomb. They shall have no garden (thereby), nor tree nor bush. They

9 shall have no water thereby, nor bread nor light nor fire. They shall have no children 1 thereby,
nor family nor heirs nor tribe. They shall have no head thereby, nor arms nor legs nor gait nor

10 seed. They shall have no seats upon earth thereby. None shall pour libations 1 for them in this
land among the living or in the realm of the dead among the spirits of the dead, for thou com-
mandest them to the execution-block of Sakhmet the great, Lady of Ishru, thou fellest them

11 in the moment of the great maiden, thou committest 1 them to those who are among (?) the
watchers (?) in the West. Their souls shall not be permitted to come out of the Netherworld
and they shall not be among those who live upon earth, on no day shall they behold Re', (but)

12 they shall be bound and fettered in the hell 1 in the lower Netherworld and their souls shall not
be permitted to come forth thence for ever and ever. It is thy command which has come into
being against them ; Re' has exorcised them from his shrine and the gods who are in it are witness

13 against them, for they belong to the heirs (?) of ( Apep. 1 The Eye of Horus has power over them,
and they burn upon the altar of Sakhmet in the place of the Flesh-eater, they being chastised
daily in thy presence, 0 Re', according to the command to the great god to deal (so) with them,

14 0 Re', for ever and ever. (But) thou art in thy shrine, ■ thou travellest in the Night-bark, thou
restest in the Day-bark, thou crossest thy two heavens in peace, thou art mighty, thou livest,
thou art hale, thou makest thy spirits to endure, thou crushest all thy foes at thy command,

15 for these have done evil against Pharaoh ' with all manner of evil words, namely all men, all
nobles, all plebs, all sun-folk, etc., all Easterners of the deserts, and all the foes of Pharaoh, dead
or alive, whom i ha\e crlshed and destroyed. Be thou brought to naught when thou
art fallen, 0 h-YpEP. Re' is triumphant over thee, 0 'A pep — four times — Pharaoh is

16 triumphant 1 over his toes— four times.

This spell is to be spoken over (a figure of) 'Apep drawn upon a new sheet of papyrus
IN green ink and placed within a box (?) with his name indicated upon it, he being

BOUND AND FETTERED, TO BE PUT ON THE FIRE every day, TRAMPLED WITH THY LEFT FOOT AND

17 SPAT 1 L PON FOL R TIMES DAILY. THUS SHALT THOU SPEAK WHEN THOU PUTTEST HIM ON THE FIRE I

Re' is triumphant over thee, 0 c Apep — four times — Horus is triumphant over his foes—

1 Clause omitted by the scribe.

THE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— III

175

four times — Pharaoh is triumphant over his foes — -four times. And when thou hast written

18 THESE NAMES OF ALL FOES, 1 2 MALE AND FEMALE, WHOM THINE HEART FEARS, NAMELY ALL THE

foes of Pharaoh, dead or alive, the names of their fathers, the names of their mothers, and the
names of <their) children, within the box (?), (they) are to be made (?) in wax, put on the fire

19 after the name of 'Apep, and burnt 1 when Re' manifests himself ; thou shalt <(do the like of?)
the first time at the middle of the day and when Re' sets in the West, when the sunlight flees
to the mountain. This shall be better for thee than any other act in very truth, and it will be

20 well with whoso does it upon earth and in 1 the realm of the dead.

(To be continued)

Commentary

22, 1. For read ^\ni, see Urk., vi, 4, n. a.

22, 2. The verb var. ‘T/^,23, 2, is doubtless identical with “(I/ 9 ‘to be spewed out’,
P. Ch. Beatty T 'II, vs., 5, 10 ; the translation ‘ be spat upon’ is, however, more in accord with
the title of the spell.

22, 3-4. For = j = n?ff = , read I, see the textual n. 1

22, 5. Sin, here rendered ‘trample on’, is literally ‘to rub out’ ; presumably the left foot
was rubbed to and fro over an image of ( Apep until it was destroyed. For the use of the
left foot see also Urk., vi, 5, 14, where dgs hr ‘to tread on’ is used instead of sin ‘to rub’.

22, 9. For the reading of x |$ as see the variant 1$, 31, 17. On the derivation
of the group x || from the hieratic form of n n n £) see Faulkner, op. cit., 94 (n. on p. 43, line 6).

On bit = ‘iron’ see Wainwright in JEA IS, 6 if.; Antiquity, 1936, 11-13.

22, 11. is a corrupt writing of m-b/li icirf; for the sense compare

^ l ^ ie s ^ ew ^ iem ' n front of the bark of Re'’, Chassinat, Edfou, vi, 119.“

22, i°2. # is sllown by the suffix in sm l J'f to be singular, despite the plural strokes.

For dwi-n-sn read dicrsn.

22, 14. Sdt bn-k, nsrt-s bn-k, ‘fire is in thee, its flame is in thee’ ; the context shows that
the suffix must refer to c Apep.

22, 15. ’liv in miUo n nu<w, lit. perhaps ‘Re' is in the wind through wind’; for the
expression ‘to be in the wind’ iu the sense of to sail , cf. TT b., n, 23, 16.

22, 16. With hmhmty ‘roarer’ as an epithet of ( Apep compare the description of Seth as
a roaring ( hmhm ) serpent, Chassinat, op. cit., vr, 121.-

22, 18. ’Im-k rh ir n-k ‘mayest thou not know what is done to thee’ doubtless means
‘mayest thou be smitten senseless’ ; for read probably r; ^- The meaning of mtr in
hsfr-k mtr bn-k is uncertain, and in regarding it as the word for ‘testimony’ I may be very
wide of the mark ; compare however 28, 12. It occurs again in a similar context below', 22, 23.

is probably a miswriting of II b., hi, 337, 11-13. the (j^) in cannot

be the interjection ‘ 0 ! ’ because the sentence is in the third person ; it may be prothetic l,
as in 23 » 23 (imperatives), or possibly a miswriting of (]-=»

‘as to’ ; in any case Jim is here a participle in anticipatory emphasis.

22, 19. On the expression srk ihty, older srk htw , see PSBA 39, 35. The sense of the whole
passage is that c Apep is doomed in any circumstances ; if his opponent relents and lets go
his hold on 'Apep's throat, he will still suffer self-inflicted injury.— The distinction between
bnbn and Uti is not very clear; my translation of the former word depends upon a possible
etymological connexion with bnbn ‘pyramidion . On t>t? see hethe s n., ZAS 57. 116.

1 Faulkner, The Papyrus Bremner-Rhind , 42, note d.

2 I owe this reference to Mr. H. \\ . Fairnian.

176

R, 0. FAULKNER

22, 20. Mnluc ‘ butcher’ is a term applied to the executioners who serve Osiris, cj. Sethe,
Dramatische Texte, 170; the ‘butchers’ are mentioned again in 26, 14.

22, 22. The goddess is doubtless identical with of Pyr. § 556a, who

is associated with Isis and Neplithys. — The demon appears as a serpent of hostile

nature in P. mag. Harris, 5, 7 ; he does not seem to be connected in any way with the god
of Pyr., § 661 b, w r ho occurs again as in Budge, Bk. Dead (1898 ed.), 38, 5;

298,4.

22, 23. The suffixes in skl-tn hr du-tn ‘ be ye cut to pieces because of your evil ’ must refer
to the ‘ Ill-disposed One’ and to Wnty, not to Sothis and Asbyt. — On mtr im-tn see the n. on

22, IS. — On ‘be ye dealt with’, see the n. on 26, 14.

23, 1. For the expression dd(t) m hknc, lit. ‘what should be said consisting of magic’,
see also P. Westcar, 6, 8, 12.

23, 2. On hr sbn ‘fall, creep away’, see the n. on 23, 23.

23, 4. Note the continual play on the word tm.

23, 6. Shtmt is probably the old perfective 2nd sing, in its exclamatory sense (Gard.,
Eg. Dr., § 313), a usage not infrequent in this text.

23, 6-7. With the instructions for preparing the image of c Apep compare the similar
directions for making an image of Seth in Urk., vi, 5, 7-10.

23, 9-10. Snwh pic, lit. ‘it is a burning’, is shown by the context to be a ritual instruction
for disposing of the image of c Apep.

23, 10. On the identification of hsuc with bryony see JEA 20, 45. — For smn (older zmn)
‘to pound’ see Beschr. Leiden, i, 10; Steindorff, Ti, 85.

23, 11. With phr hnjbt ‘the turning of the shadow’ compare ‘as the leaders reached the
exit of the pass the shadow turned’ Urk., iv, 655, 9; noon-tide is clearly

the time indicated. The same expression occurs in Urk., i, 185, 3 (Gunn).

23, 12. For read

23, 16. ’he mrn-l hpr have seen it come to pass in mine (own) case’ (lit. ‘by me’).

The same expression occurs as testimony to the efficacy of a prescription in Hearst, 2, 10;
Eb., 66. 17 ; for hpr ?«-< see also Breasted, Ed. Smith Surg. Pap., i, 320.

23, 18. S<d hntyk hc(— r) ht hr-k, lit. ‘thy front shall be cut off from the things of thy
face’, apparently means that the part to be cut off is the foremost part of the serpent’s head,
its snout, as distinct from the other organs contained therein, its eyes, etc. Possibly the
thought is that the c Apep-serpent is to be rendered harmless by the amputation of that
portion of its ‘face’ which contains its greatest potentialities for mischief, its poison fangs.

23, 19. In this spell there is a play upon the words d ‘moment’ and id ‘rage’; it is
possible that in some cases the former is a miswriting for the latter, as perhaps in pr m d-s
which came forth in its moment ’, but lacking any clear indication to the contrary d
‘ moment ’ has been taken literally.

23, 20. According to Gunn, Ann. Sere. 27, 227, icd sdb means ‘to put an impediment in
someone's wav’, hence the rendering ‘to make impotent’; for the use with suffix after sdb
see II b., iv. 382, 12 . — Si w here and below in 24, 4, 5, 6 means clearly not ‘to guard’ but
to break (II b., in, 419, 4) ; for sue to guard ’ in this spell see sue <nv ‘ who guard the doors ’.

23, 22. Shtm-tw n d-sn ‘thou art destroyed in (read m) their moment’; n it-sn might
possibly be a miswriting for in td-sn ‘ in their rage ’.

23, 21. Note that Seth here and in 23, 22 is acting in his role of protector of the sun-god,
cj. Nagel’s article in Bull. Inst. fr. 28, 33 ft'., and is not, as might be expected, associated
with ( Apep in his capacity of storm-god.

23, 22. \\ ith the fire-breathing gods who guard the mysterious portals compare the fire-

THE BREMNEPv-RHIND PAPYRUS— III

177

spitting serpents who protect the gates of the netherworld. Bonoini and Sharpe, Sarcophagus
of Oimenepthah , passim.

23, 23. in and in ij|jj ; is the protlietic l of the imperative; in the

latter case this is proved by the collocation which occurs, likewise in the

imperative, in Pyr.. § 237b in the form -J similarly §§ 41 Sb, 430b, in each case

in a spell against serpents ; for the fish-determinative of subcbn see also Peas.. Ill . 120. 221 .

24, 4. Dit sdb is clearly nothing but a variant of ini sdb, for which see the n. on 23, 20
above; it occurs also in JJrk., vi, 0, ti. — For uhm kns-h 'once again thou art hound’ Urk. .
vi, 9, 7 has whm-sn nkn-k ‘once again they execute thee".

24, 4-5. Snc-tw (old perfective) m snc nine ‘thou hast been broken by ( '?) those who
break up ills’ ; if this passage has been correctly understood, m must be an error for agential in.

24, 6. Sue snc-twf is lit. "he who is fto bej broken, he is broken’. — Xn pr sp-f, lit. ‘his
deed shall not go forth’, doubtless means that all the actions of c Apep shall fail.

24, 7. The curious expression r-dr n hr-s. lit. ‘to the limits of its face (i.e. vision)’ is used
of the Eye of Horns again in 2.5, IB. Since presumably the Eye was all-seeing, this phrase
must be intended to convey the idea of ’without limit", 'utterly".

24, 8. For the expression 'to be recited in continuation of the (above)

spell’ see Wb.. v. B29, 9.

24, 9. For mdd-n read mdd-s : the scribe has omitted the cross-stroke which distinguishes

from — in hieratic.

24, 12. The reading of ' "A as wnmy(t) 'the devouring flame' is assured by the clear
paronomasia with mini ‘to eat" ; the word is of frequent occurrence, see below 24. IB ; 25, 11 ;
30, 21; 31, 24: 33. 7: Crh. vi. 9. S: 17. B: 53. 7.— ^7 V7 : for iicty spy
read either hdy spyk or, more probably, nn spy, and for n hr read perhaps r hr. The sense
is doubtless that c Apep is burnt up even to the last fragment. — U preceding slun is the
particle my used to reinforce imperatives; for its use as a non-enclitic see Hard.. Kg. Sr..
§ 250. end; Junker. Or. J. Denderatexte. § 245. second example. — For the sense of hnl in
» cf. Wb.. hi. 29G, 2.

24. 13. is old perfective 2nd sg. in exclamatory use. cf. Gardiner, op. cit., § 313.

Note the eccentric writing at the end of the sentence.

24, 14. The suffix in krbf 'his shrine" refers back to ‘EH’ in 24. 11.

24, 17. For hftyivs read hftyicf in »n<-hric Hr r hjtyw-s: the scribe has become confused
between the mase. ‘Homs' and the fern. 'Eye of Horns".

24.18. D : the noun which should bo the object of dr has been omitted, with

O _ W ~ Ji ^ — ” - «v ' ___

the exception of its determinative and flu- Miftix. — Z, % should have a

preposition, probably hr, before sp. which should most likely be regarded as having its sense
of ‘deed’ with reference to the ‘effect’ or 'influence of the previously mentioned magic.

24. 19. fjp^U. which occurs again in a similar context in 2B, 2, is not known to the 11 b.
It is just possible that it may be a miswriting of s'm-k ' thou shall erase . but the sense seems
to demand the exact opposite: one would expect a verb with some such meaning as to
depict ’.

24,22. The msic bts are well known: examples are JU> Irk., v. 51, 9:

| JfzAjfJj Budge, Bk. Dead (1898 ed.), Cl, 3 ; Anj ibid.. 74. 13 (note the

serpent-determinative); with bds instead of bd.it. ibid. 2, 8; 31B, 8. The expression appears
to mean literally 'children of faintness’ or the like; in translating these words as ‘children
of revolt’, a rendering which suits the present context better, a confusion of bds ' to be faint’
and bit ‘to rebel has been assumed, the latter verb being not infrequently written JjfA) or

A <X

178

R. O. FAULKNER

J( Q from the Nineteenth Dynasty onward, see Wb., i, 479. — _ \\ lacks any determinative,
hut is doubtless to be read as kit ‘slaughter'.

24. 28. Hr-tn m H nt ‘fall ye at the moment of Ke<’; for ‘moment’ (of action)

it is possible that ‘rage’ should be read, but the emendation is not absolutely

necessary.

25. 1. In sic ir kl-tn the preposition hr is required before ir. Note the Late-Egyptian

construction with the pronominal compound. — V 1 1 Ti ’ appears to be a

vocative, and if so must mean ‘0 ye who are naught" or more probably ‘ve who have
naught compare the Late-Egyptian ^ V. var. Erman, A eucig. Gr., § 799, though

the use is abnormal : Middle Egyptian would have tm icnn or tm min n-tn, according to the sense
required. ^ is probably corrupt : the natural emendation would be nn icn-tn, but that
is found in the next phrase but one; moreover, some such sense as ‘ye shall have naught’
seems required. Gunn suggests very tentatively that may be a writing of THyTH. but
the latter objection applies to this view also, attractive though it be. The only alternative
seems to be to emend into lit. ‘your possessions are naught assuming coalescence

of successive n’s : for the sense compare the use of V for ‘its content ' and of n- A' buy for
‘thy possessions' quoted by Gardiner, op. cit., § 114. 4. Ohs.

25. 2. The suffix tn should be supplied after sdb and again after hr.

25. 5. Hnfy is perhaps connected with the word hnfic for a kind of cake, the determinative
then suggesting the glowing heat which bakes the cake. — 80 written under
the influence of the following ’she divides’, should be emended into or

the like. cf. 24. 11 ; 25, 9; on this goddess see Junker. Onurisleyemle, 82 ff.

25. 5-li. The suffix after men in ssirn-s hh-sm htybt-s is superfluous and should be omitted.

25. 7. Dndn-s tn m dndn-s ’it Mia 11 rage against you with its wrath"; the transitive use
uf ibubi ‘to rage' is unknown to the II "Is.

25. 8. It is impossible to make a clear distinction in English between these almost synony-
mous words for ‘burning' and ‘fire', and the translation is perforce of u somewhat free
nature.

25. 11. Sihn (Wh.. iv. 41) is probably the causative of nlh 22, 20; 28. IS: 25, 10 with
metatheds of n and 1 : the normal writing s nil; is also known. Wb.. iv. 156. — Hr-ftn 'he shall
fell you’ : for tile transitive use of hr see Wb., in. 321, 4.

25. 18. Xhp is obscure, the determinative looking as if it were ^ corrected out of S.
Judging from the context, the word seems to be related to nhp ‘ to beget '. Wb., ii, 2S4. hence
my translation ‘generative power (?)'. I bulge apparently took a similar view when he
translated it as ‘progeny (MV.

25. 14. Hi irj hi n-j ' Get ye back because of him ’ : the dative probably refers to the sun-
god Hi*.— (again below 25, 15, with ^,7;

instead of * s clearly two sentences, bn-tn ini ‘may ye not be’ and mm Dhicty irj tn

m liknr-J ’may T’hoth . . . you with his magic . Since no known verb icn or icnn yields a
suitable sense in the second sentence, it is clear that some corruption has taken place, and
the most probable emendation is ij |j ^ may ye

not be. may Thoth make conjuration against you with his magic ’. one of the successive groups
WL having been omitted in our text and the resulting s2S.^| assimilated to icnn ‘to be’; for
the verb muni see 117;.. i. 81s, 10. In any case the verb of which ‘Tlioth ’is subject must have
reference to the operation of his magic. Of the variant readings here and 'jjj’j')"”) in

25. 15 the latter is perhaps the better, though on this point certainty is unobtainable owing
to the doubt as to the nature of the preceding verb. Note that iii 25, 15 the suffix tn has

THE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— III

179

been omitted after and for as a, late writing of the name of L'liotli rf. Ilovlati.

Thoih, B.

25. 16. On r dr n hr-s 'to the limit of its virion’ see n. on 24, 7. — X ‘ 'heat' i-
unknown to the T! b ., but it may possibly be connected with tfr 'to boil’.

25, 17. The sign after bnbn is obviously a corruption and should be disregarded.

25, IB. On msic bds see n. on 24, 22.

25, 19. he shr-n-i ( tpp 'I have overthrown c Apep': the pronoun ‘I’ must refer to the
officiating priest. Note the writing of he as <=» in 25, 20.

25, 21. occurs frequently as a name of Memphis or of a quarter of that city.

25, 22. The town of (read Idn '?) occurs again 38. 17 : Chassinat, lidj'ou. ix. 94, but
its situation is unknown.— On these epithets of Hathor see Ennan, Bate. ay. Religion
iSitzunijsb. Berlin , 1916). 1145 ft’., where other examples of the association of this godde--
with Yus'as will be found.

25, 23. On ' Khnyet the wife of the god ' see J BA 1 7, 227. — With the epithets of Banebded
' the great god, the life of Re< ‘ compare ' the great god, the living one ’ Horns and Beth, 2, 2-3.
and on Banebded as the incarnation of B O see Gardiner, Chester Bcatti / Papyri Xo. 1, 1 4, n. s.

25, 24. was perhaps a name for the necropolis of Edfu. see Oauthiei'. Diet, gcoy.,

v, 35. — C, identified with modern Horbet. was the capital of the Xlth nomc of Lower
Egypt, see Gauthier, op. cit.. v. 151. — The reading of the place-name at the end of the line
as '^ 0 i= is not certain : other references for the unknown locality ' Three-hundred-town ’ in
Gardiner, Hicrat. Pap. BM. iii. 113. n. 1.

26, 1. unknown elsewhere, is apparently the place-name read- as i 1 ^ O by

Gauthier. o;p. cit., iv, 165, quoting Budge. Eg. Did., 1025; Gauthier hints at a possible
identity with llear Bendereh. The association of Harsomtus, worshipped at

Dendereh, with the locality under discussion would seem to support this suggestion, but
the hieratic reading is certainly yU,® , (Budge's transcription has J < s > ^p,). Since, however,

} and i are closely similar in hieratic of this period, it is possible that corruption has
occurred and that | was the original l-eading, 1 though if the scribe had meant to write
Htdd he would almost certainly have spelt it [ 1 ? i the phonetic complement

26, 2. On ijil^ see n. on 24, 19. — Srhij nbt nt;i m ibj ‘every accused one whom he has
in mind’ (lit. ‘in his heart'): nty hi lb-f here clearly does not possess its usual connotation
of affection, and the whole expression must refer to those wicked persons to whom Pharaoh
proposes to deal their just deserts.

26. 3. M hbt is difficult. The most probable explanation is to regard it a? a writing ot
m ibiet ‘in form' with a meaning similar to mi li-f. This would yield good sense, and L
apparently the view taken by Budge in his translation ' each and all', but no suc-h expression
m ibiet appears to be known elsewhere . — Snlue w xnti / nt mine km ' bound with bonds (’?) of
black thread’ ; according to Tilt., iv. 518. Anty is but a late variant of Any 'hair'. Tint 'hairs'
of thread cannot be taken literally, so that it would seem that the bonds of thread with
which the evil images were bound were called 'hairs' on account of their thinness.

26, 7. situated in the Xlth Home of Lower Egypt, according to

Gauthier, op. cit., i, 25. — Bnty n-f nuht tn 'who makes conjuration for himself from this
book’; the preposition m should be supplied before md;t. since according to 11 h.. iv, 496
this verb is not found with direct object of the means of conjuration.

26, S. - probably means "go forth as one unknown the ending

having been borrowed from ihmt ‘bank', ‘shore . but there is a possibility that this word
was intended, in which case it would be necessary to translate 'go forth from the shore .

1 For a good example of l in our text sec tj-'rt ‘widow in -t. 3.

ISO

R. O. FAULKNER

The objection to the hitter alternative is that Unnt occurs in a normal spelling in 20, 21 :
otherwise it would suit the context better . — Shi tic -sin m sin-/ <k-f pr-J; this sentence, with
its play on the verb sin, is difficult : it is not even certain with which of the two verbs sin
we have to deal, whether with that meaning ‘to wait' or with that meaning ‘to hasten .
though the context suggests the latter. Sin tu is doubtless an imperative with reflexive
object addressed to ( Apep, while the second sin may be either another imperative or a
participle ‘thou who oughtest to hasten" : in the translation the former alternative has been
adopted. It i- probable that the suffixes in An-f ( k-J prf refer to the sun-god Key the sense
of the whole passage being that ( Apep is to hurry out of the way when Ee< is performing his
diurnal evolutions in the sky.

2(3, 9. The suffix A should lie supplied after .«<?. — On the god Hike, the personification
of magic, here written eA\3s. see Gardiner in PSBA 87. 258. — For AA-Av read probably
Xhb-knc : on this god see Shorter in JEA 21. 41. — The suffix in kri-J apparently refers to
II e c . cj. 26. 10-11. — The suffix in BL'-k should be deleted.

26. 10. The fire-breathing guardian.- of the mysterious portals have been mentioned
previously in 28. 22. see the note thereon . — Hip IS hr L-t-f m-ljmr-n krhf ‘ H A rests on his
standard within his shrine' : the allusion i- to the figures representing the sun-god as a falcon
on a perch.

26, 11. ’Ini] hr-k IS hr-ib nihnt-f ‘Hail to thee. II eV in the midst of ("the c-oils of) thy (lit.
‘his') meAcu-serpent ’ : the image is that of the solar disk encircled by a serpent, as in the
hieroglyph gy. — Sp-k 'be thou brought to naught' : for the sense of sp here cf. IT ~b.. iv. 444, 5.

26, 12. AT- hr-tw ‘get thee afar off: the construction of this sentence with Av and old
perfective 2nd sg. is quite unexampled, since according to the grammars Av can be used in
verbal sentences only with sdm-J. Since, however, hr-tw is clearly used hi the exclamatory
sense of Gard., Et /. G r.. § 318, to oxpre.— an injunction, and Av before a verbal sentence
may have similar force (op. At.. § 242). it seems likely that Av is used here as a reinforcing
word to make it quite clear how hr-tw i- to be understood.

26. 18. For the sense of J? jyj see TJ7>.. ii, 33, 4. —For guild 'feebleness' see TIT).,

v, 169. 16.

26. 14. ( )n the butchers who act as executioner.- see n. on 22. 20. — Irij-sn tic m ichm sp sn.
lit. ‘they do thee again and again'; one would expect 'mj-sn r-k 'they act against thee’, but
a similar u-e of - - occurs above in ir-tn hr hw-dw lnr-tn ‘be ye dealt with according to the
evil ye have done - , 22. 23, with passive sdm-J instead of h-tir Hu. For the expression m ulim
■' p of. II Ij.. ui. 486 . 5 : w bet her the numeral in . was actually to he read is perhaps doubtful.
—The verb h<- in tu T-.r~f , ‘ they cast (?) thee to the raging fire’ is

probably identical with the tran-itice verb of TFA. II, 475. 4.

26, 15. TAjA i i v j\ clearly a corrupt writing of it(hs 'to travel'. The same writing
occurs again in 30. 12.

26, 16. 'C t _.., ( is a writing of she i later sA) <wij-k with Asr instead of sir ; for the

expression she iicfi 'to -tretch out the ana-' -ee II b.. iv. 294, S. — A A nnitij ht-k in stsic Sir ;
tor unit m "to journey to a place -ee Ti b.. ii, 270. 18. 1 1 v the ‘.-upport.- of Shu" we should
doubtless understand the four corners of the world where the sky was deemed to be sup-
ported on the earth.

26. 17. ~ \.«A. : the first word is perhaps to he under-tood as ir-n-i. the sdm-n-f
form of irt as an auxiliary verb, with following infinitive and object-suffix . — Tmc shit-k
‘whenever thou art reinemhered i- lit. ’fat) every remembering of thee’, the construction
being that of Gardiner, op. At.. $ Ns. — On hr .Ah see Ann. Sere. 27. 227.

26. Is. loir htm-tw-k read htm-k linfinitivei : the scribe has repeated the ending JL, from

THE BEEMNEE-EHINL) PAPYRUS— III

181

.shi-twh and shit-} ; above in 26. 17: the like comment applies also to psh-tir-k below, where,
however, psh tw should be read.

26, 21. On ‘The book of knowing the creations of lh‘< '. with its description of the
state of affairs before the Creation, see ZAS 67, 34 ff. : see also the discussion in IV. Max
Muller, Eg. Mythology. 68 if. The word hpnc. lit. ‘forms’, ‘shapes’, in this title refers not
to the forms assumed by Ee< but to those made by him. and it has therefore been translated
as ‘creations’.

26. 21-2. T he next few sentences consist of a continual play upon the word-stem hpr.
as again in 26. 24.

26. 22. In <si hpnc m pr in r-i the function of the first in is by no means clear, but there
is no doubt as to the sense of the passage. It i- possible that pr here may be the infinitive,
but Gunn calls my attention to a construction with m -j- inasc. participle pr in Sethe.
Lesest.. 77, 16 which is not dissimilar to the present instance. — Xn hpr pt, hu hpr f» ‘ere
(he sky had come into being, ere the earth had come into being’: un hpr here correspond.-
to the old construction n sdmt-f. see the parallel passages from the Pyramid Texts quoted in
ZAS 67. 85. Xn };»u in the next sentence represents the passive form of this construction.
rf. Card.. Eg. Sr.. § 404. — jqA- ‘ground’ is possibly a corrupt writing of s;-t; ‘snake’, but
the literal rendering has been retained in the translation.

26. 22-3. Ts-n-i hn-sn m men m nmr T created Gomei of them in Xun as Inert Ones’:
for ts in the sense of "to create’ see TIT., v. 39x. 2 If. : Lac-au. Tates rcl. xvn. 0. ‘Xun’ is
the watery chaos which preceded the settled order of the world. Xmc ‘inert ones’, a term
usually applied to the dead, must here mean such supernatural beings as could exist un a
state of suspended animation - ?) before the cosmos was organized : the word is here brought
in primarily to make a pun with ‘Xun’. The version found in 2s. 24 is slightly different,
see the note thereon.

26, 28. ih-n-l m tb-i is difficult. The parallelism with snt-n-i m hr-t. lit. ‘I planned with
my face’, i.e. surveyed the outlook, indicates that a sense of planning or designing lies in
the first sentence also, but no verb >h with this meaning is known. On the other hand, the
usual meaning of this idiom, exemplified by ih-n-{i ) m ib- f ‘ I found favour in his heart Sin..
B 106. does not suit the present context. The suggestion that dj-n-t m U>-i means something
like ‘I considered in mine heart’ finds some support, however, in the fact that in 26, 24
we have snt n-l lb-l‘ I planned in mine heart ’, with snt 1 to plan ' replacing At. and the passage
in question has therefore been translated in this sense. Tor the expressions .-.tit m hr and
snt in ib see TIT., iv. 178, 13.

26. 24. Hpr <£i hpnc me hpnc. in hpnc me insic. in hpnc me instc-sn is another jingle

based upon the stem hpr which it is difficult to translate intelligibly. The first word is cer-
tainly the sdm-f form of the verb hpr. with subject ( si. which in its turn is in direct genitival
relation with the first hpnc. 8ince the second hpnc. following me. must have a different
nuance from that following ( s>. I suggest that the first of the two means ‘form- or shapes
and the second ‘beings’ in the sense of ‘living creatures . the latter being parallel to tnstc
in the second phrase. Msw presumably refers to the first children of men to come into being
on earth. — is unknown to the TIT., but it is obviously a Lite writing of ) U’L.

iv, 219, 16. ItTsense is clear.— On ==. jj? j . <«=*. see the text ual n. This creative act is described
in other words in Pyr.. § 1248.

27, 1. ® X is unknown to the Tl b.. but here ahe the sense is clear. — IJr hnty us-sn r-t
‘ since the aeons when they were far from me : hnty. which has no very exact equivalent in
English, is a term expressing a. long period of time, and often is used as a word for eternity .
The use after dr ‘since’ is not noted in the Tl b.. but for m-ht hnty ’after a long age . 29. 1.

182

R. O. FAULKNER

see TEE. hi, lOti. 14. lEya/t r-l ' when they were far from me' must be a reference to the
legend of the wandering of the Eye of Ee<. which is said in 27, 2 to have been brought back
to the god by Shu and Tefenet. There is evidently some confusion with the story of the
wanderings of Tefenet in Nubia, whence she was brought hack by Shu and Thoth. The most
recent treatment of these inextricably entangled myths is by Junker in Die Onurislegende.

27. 2. Xtr 3 pic r-l ‘ there were three gods in addition to myself ' ; the three gods must be
the just-created Shu and Tefenet. and Nun. the personification of the primaeval watery
chaos. — Bm-ii-l hr-sn " I wept over them ‘ : for 9' read 7 or possibly <?j <?i . see the n. on 2, 1 .
It is not quite clear to what the mflix sn refers, but it most probably belongs to ‘my

members' : the god apparently wept became he was lacking an eye from the tale of organs,
for we learn from 27. 8 that he made a substitute, and that the original Eye was wroth when
it returned and found its place occupied. In the next sentence 'that is how men came into
being from the tears which c-ame forth from mine Eye ' we lan e the well-known paronomasia
of rmir 'tears' and rmt 'men'.

27. 8. ’Ir-n-i A it iij Irf sl-s m hr-l "so I promoted it (lit. 'its place') in my face' ; the wrath
of the displaced Eye is appea-ed by its becoming the uraeus on the brow of lle< and so
exercising authority over the whole land. On this particular version of the legend of the
wandering Eye of the sun-god see Junker, op. cit.. 1.5s.

-7. 4. 1 ? -£\ L unintelligible as it stands, but a com-

parison with the parallel passage Ijrtic ibidn-s he inbir-s hr inbic 20, 4 suggests that we should
emend into i ? ( = 'its wrath fell to its roots’: the expression

hr r inbic is unknown to me elsewhere, but it may possibly be a metaphor for ‘came to
nothing . 'died away', or the like, lloeder's translation 'fiel seine Wut ins Eras ( ?)’ supports

the emendation for a JO. £ : Ik - 1 . 8 seems to be likewise

corrupt, since the literal translation 'I replaced what it took from it’ makes no sense. The
simplest emendation is to omit the suffix in itt-s and to render ’1 replaced what had been
taken from it . meaning the rank and position which the wandering Eye had lost by having had
another set in its place. Ihe parallel in 29, 4 has dbi-n-l hn-s, possibly lit should be supplied
in the latter version. — Pr-n-i ni inbic ' I came forth from the roots' is obscure, but the follow-
ing sentence suggests that it is to he taken literally. Perhaps the meaning is that plants
were created first, and after them the reptiles and such creatures as live in vegetation. The
word mb 'root ' seems to have some special significance in this text, for the variant version

of 2‘J, 8-4 employs it several times with doubtful meaning.

27. 4-a. The text now describes how the original pair of deities whom the sun-god created,
namely Shu and tefenet. became the ancestors of the entire Heliopohtan Ennead. Note the
use of the sdm-bi-f form ms-in.

22 ht ‘from the womb' apparently indicates that this family of gods was born in
the natural way. and not by the miraculous means described in 2ti, 24 — 27. 1. — DJw icrichknr
what the (rreat Enchanters spoke : (1/1 ic is doubtless a writing of the old neuter relative
form r II r hlnc. lit. ‘great of magic', is a common epithet of deities : here the plural

suffixes in the following sentences show that all the gods so far mentioned are comprehended
in this tei m. Ihe parallel text of 28. 2(>lf. is quite divergent from this point onward (29. Oft'.).

27. 0. The construction of 0

^ S "I despatched those who came

into b oin ^ tlnou^li m\ bod\ i-< curious, inusniucli us tliu dunioiistrcitivG tux sgghis super-
liu ons, the participle hpr being by itself adequate to convey the sense, but there can be little
doubt as to the translation .— Hr sir is apparently the participial construction of Gardiner.
op. cit. § 874.

27. f>— 7. Restore bn ma-J ’? The negative bn is not absolutely unknown to this papyrus.

THE .BREMNER-RHJ.NT) PAPYRUS— III

183

c .t- JLfi i i_~^’ the writing of the negation as Jj with a line-division coming between

the two signs does not seem very probable, nor do the illegible traces at the beginning of
2/, i support the leading «■ On the other hand the reading bn nm-f would suit the context,
and if it be rejected it is difficult to imagine any likely alternative : the lacuna is too large
for <? (of and this latter word does not occur elsewhere in this manuscript.

•27. 7. On lur sdb r 'to implant an obstacle against' set- Ann. Sere. 27. 227.

27. 8. Delete the suffix in ssirn-k.

27. 9. phtji m-Jut wh n l!< 'he who is most mighty in the prow of the bark of lif-< ' is
Seth, who protects the sun-god from c Apep. i f. Nagel in Bull. InA.fr. 28. 33.

27, 10. J iVV OI^ is shown by the determinative y to he a writing of hrty ' heart '.cf. also Wb..
in, 2 1, top. though a word for stomach is what would be expected. One is reminded of
our colloquial expression for violent sickness 'to bring one's heart up'. p is for

■he iwn-i ; for the writing of r for iw in the construction hr silm-n-f see also 23. 20. — ' I have
broken his legs’ is not at all appropriate in the present situation: the scribe has forgotten
that he is writing of a serpent, which has no legs. The same comment applies to the next
sentence I have cut off his arms . W e probably har e here an exorcism drawn bodily from
the common stock, which the author has forgotten to adapt for his special purpose.

27, 10—11. hr ljtm-n-i rf sptipf 1 have closed his mouth and his lips' : with this sentence
compare the spell from P. Brit. Mm. 10081. 35. 21 if. published by Schott. ZAS 05. 35.
especially 35. 27.

27. 11. For <s T-vl rea 'l •

27, 12. With -£i| j'j[— j compare } 'false door 1 rk.. t. 99. 10: the point of the

imprecation is that the person cursed shall have neither a family to make offerings nor a
false door at which offerings can be made.

27, 14. For read .

27, 15. For read doubtless , : on the writing of , tor cf. Gaul.. Suppl.

hij. Gr.. 2. n. on p. 39, § 34. and on the transitive use of hr see TF6.. in. 321. 4. The suffix
presumably refers to the 'butchers' of 27. 14. Since to 'fell' a face is not English usage,
it seems necessary to translate hr as 'cut off".-~jF , after /nub/-/ should be omitted: the
word-order forbids emending it into ns 'for herself - . The scribe seems to have got hi'
pronouns badly muddled in this line.

27.17. jW‘ = 7 > jl | l . ro mi Q- ' ! III j 'she burns with the fiery breath of lnu- mouth ': j-— ^ 7'C
is here a writing of the verb mr 'to burn' Wb.. n. 335. and tor n hit read ni hh. -For 1 _ J,.

ffi^F^read ~T JpE - 1 5 : . . r, 'Z and for * tr=s E— _ read f ’ - —

hm 1 l) ii i , ,OT ic ‘ iu : ■ , , v-A 1 1 — --

or possibly .2,5*=!^ cf. 27, t‘>: the scribe is 'till confused in his pronoun'.

Similarly for wir read *31,

27. 17-18. The obscure expression Inu/ir .mr ' those who are among i ?) the watchers t ’.V
occurs again 28. 11.

27, 18. For ivir used of a despoiled enemy see I rk., iv. 'Si. 1.

27, 19. The text now becomes difficult and is certainly corrupt. For read

ndr-n sir. The allusion to the ‘ troops (■?)' of Shu is quite obscure, while
incomprehensible as it stands : here, however, the true reading is shown by 2S. 13 to be wnm
For ITO we might just possibly read ,

and for \ 2 22.' ? - rY-^s4c- Tor read

certainly

27. 20. [1 is written for sir in shr sir here and four times in 27. 21 : read similarly siih sir.
ntt sir and mini sir in 27. 21-2.

184

R. O. FAULKNER

*37, 31-3. For n pt rst read m pt rst as in the next sentence (m pt mhtt).

37, 33. On msht(yir) as a name for the constellation of the Great Bear see JEA 18, 11,
103, and on hibss "the starry firmament’ see JEA 31, 5, n. 3.

37, 33. For : read as before.

37, 34. For tm (here written dm) as transitive verb see Wb.. v, 303, 1, and for the tran-
sitive use of hr see IFF, in. 331, 4. — 'Iu-f m sdt "he is (condemned) to the fire’ is lit. ‘he is
for the fire' ; this usage has a modern analogy in the military slang expression * to be for it ’,
some punishment or unpleasant experience being implied. — For the protecting serpent linb
see also Erl:., vi, 15. 5.

37. 35. For "UrnA " read sm; sir ht. — The suffix in but icpt-f ‘she who is on his
brow’ [i.e. the fiery uraeus) and in nine hni/ic ’the gods who are in his bark' clearly
refers to Be<. — Iimu pr m irt-i r-tn 'the tears which came forth from mine Eye are against
you ’ ; the sun-god suddenly speaks in the 1st sing., and his foes are addressed in the 2nd plur.
As this is quite in disaccord with the preceding context, it seems likely that a portion of the
text has been omitted by the copyist. That the suffix tn refers to the confederates of c Apep
seems quite clear in this passage, though in the often repeated ^ i s necessary

to emend into in every case if the reference, as seems probable, is still to the foes of

the sun-god. On the other hand, if in these sentences tn refers not to the foes of the sun-god
but to the gods themselves, then ntric must be in apposition to tn in every case. This is in
itself improbable and also raise-; other difficulties, so that in the translation the emendation
n-tn has been adopted. For a similar omission of the preposition n after (r)dl see the
( 'olophon 31-3 (JEA 23, 11), with the n. thereon. Emir pr n irt-i ‘ the tears which came forth
from mine Eye’ is a periphrasis for ‘human beings', see also the n. on 29, 8.

28, 1. |1 is a writing of sir! it 'egg', compare 28, 5.

28, 3. Delete the second suffix in tm-j inm-f. -For hr-s n sdt, sljr-s Td ds-f read hr-s sir n
■At. shr sir Pd ds-f.

28. 4. The context shows that JF.'T'i should be translated as a singular, despite the
plural determinative, as also above. 22, 12.

28. 5-0. For hr ird-n i?< read mi icd-n i?<. compare 2s. 4.

28, 0. For read compare 25. 0, and for tie read probably sn or

possibly hi. as the pronoun must refer to ' all the foes of Pharaoh' mentioned just previously.
—The - in , . , is simply a space-filler.

28. 7. Ah tm bt-sn . . . im ‘they shall have no souls (etc.) thereby"; the adverb hn
thereby in this and th<- following sentences alludes to the punishments just described.

28, 9. ~~ i ? A is a writing of hc<ir ‘heir (a)’, compare 29. 18.

28. 11. Mote the u-e of the Lai e-Egyptian pronoun A varying with the more regular sn.

-The ob.-cure expression imipr .-:ir ‘those who are among (?) the watchers (*?)’ occurs also
above. 27. 17-18.

28. 12. A n rdit pr b<-sn im-*n : for hn-su read simply bn. the suffix being due to mechan-
ical repetition. — ^ probably a writing of iir<ic 'heirs’, compare 28. 9. The reading
arms yields poor sense, and tile determinative \ supports the former reading.

28. 14. 1 he roles of the m.-.ldt 'Night-bark and ndndt ‘Day-bark’ have been reversed;
clearly t lie text should read thou travellest in the Day-bark, thou restest (i.e. settest) in
the Night-bark . The two heat oils are the celestial sky and the sky below the earth; for
the ‘two heavens’ see also Fyr.. §§ 400c, 54L.

28. 15. Tor the abbret iated writing - -A-
men. all nobles, all plebs, all sun-folk’ see also 32
bo rmt. \ i- tlie determinative of pcf 'nobles'. \

ix, of rmt nb, pH nb, rh/t nb. hnmmt nb 'all
. 0. 11 ; 32, 11 shows the reading of *gs f 0
. in this context can only stand for rhyt

THE BREMNER-RHIND PAPYRUS— III

1S5

■plebs’, and is an abbreviation of linmmt. an obscure word usually translated ‘sun-folk’
which is very commonly associated with pt and rlj ijt . 1 — For the sense of sp see IFF, iv, 444, 5.

28, 16. For hi as the name of a kind of receptacle cf. Mariette. Abi/dos. i, lub.

28, 18. For m-huc n-s lint read m-ljnic n lint as 28. 16 . — <= ^ o Q f , ° , is perhaps
intended for rdl-tw irt m mnh. lit. ‘the making in wax is to be caused’.

28. 19. Yfl' \sAsf© 10 i’ 'thou slialt plan a first occasion at the standing
(i.e. noon) of the day ’, makes poor sense as it stands, and is probably corrupt ; one is tempted
to emend into Avfc rrl: mitt sp tpij etc. ‘thou shalt do the like of the first time (again) at
noon-tide'.

(To be continued)

1 I am indebted to Prof. Gunn for the correct explanation of these abbreviations.

r> b

( 186 )

RESTITUTION OF, AND PENALTY ATTACHING TO,
STOLEN PROPERTY IN RAMESSIDE TIMES

By JAEOSLAV C'EENt

In the Leiden Museum there is a small papyrus measuring 17 cm. high x 20 cm. broad,
numbered 352 1 and bearing on one side, namely on that where the vertical fibres run over
the horizontal ones, the following text :

( 1 )

( 2 )

( 3 )

( 1 )

( 3 )

( 7 )

( 8 )
(9)

( 10 )

( 11 )

5;. i rl?. '.■05

W\. i

h\-D

i5:. I ,i<?o5

c W _cj> V.V 1 5

7 X

0 9

X A .»••■•••■

i U i &£> I _!N J 75 A JS;

n (0 a.

1 1

i XL.

. 1 \\ i i

..□finn.i

I I I

INI

1 1 1

1 1 1
1 1 1

~i in w.a^^£iujq\i
-O- Tl O
' v - G

The text, which belongs in all probability to the Nineteenth Dynasty, 2 * 4 may be translated
as follows:

(1) List of property stolen by the female servant of the charioteer Pekhari:

(2) 1 wash-basin of hsmn-tnwce, makes 20 deben, makes penalty 40 deben of copper.

(3) 7 . . . .'■‘-vessel of hzum-bronze. makes 0 deben, „ „ IS

(4) 1 spittoon of hsinn-bron’je. 0 ., j; IS

(.3) 7 kt -rm.se? of lismnAroir.e, .. 3’, ,, ., J()l

((i) 1 wd-resseP of h*nm-bron:e. .. 1 jt 3

1 Published in hiesimile in natural size by Leemans, Acgypttiche Monumental van hit Xederlandsche
Museum ran OmlhrAa, te Leiden, n. PI. clxviii. My transcription is based on a collation with the original
made in 1U30.

This date, rather than the Twentieth Dynasty, is suggested by the use of yy and AT A ( w r hich are not
forthcoming in non-literary texts after the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty.

J On the original I saw , which does not permit the reading ^< 3 -., attested as a bronze vessel

(e.g. unpubl. Ostr. Turin 9039, 4).

4 or this word 11 6 . i, 399, 10 rjuotcs only the present passage.

STOLEN PROPERTY IN RAMESSIDE TIMES

187

(7) 2 dAxe -garments of fine Upper-Egyptian doth of first quality, (makes penalty) <>.

(8) 2 sdy -garments of fine Upper-Egyptian doth. ,, .. ti.

(9) 1 mss -shirt of fine Upper-Egyptian doth, east off. ,, .. 3.

(10) 17 cleics of yarn, makes penalty -51 dews of yarn.

(11) 1 hair of - makes penalty 3.

The text thus represents a list of stolen objects with a appended to each item.

This {net is threefold throughout (except in the first entry, where it is double) : in the case of
bronze vessels, the price of which is indicated in the usual way by a weight of copper, the
tjwt amounts to a threefold quantity of the copper; in She case of garments, yarn, and the
obscure ‘hair’, the tjwt is represented by thrice the number of the objects stolen.

The word is known — apparently only from the above-quoted document — to the Worter-
buch. 3 which gives as its meaning ‘ Wiedererstattungswert furgestolilenesGut ' : this seems to
imply that diet included the stolen object itself as well as the fine amounting to the double of
the object or of its value. As a new text treated below shows, however, the tjwt represents
the amount of the fine only, quite apart from the original stolen object.

The determinative of the word tjwt in Leiden Papyrus 852 U considered doubtful by
the Worterbucli. In its three occurrences it has the following forms: 2, (1. 2). 4. (1. 10),
and Jjfr (1. 11): and the connexion of the word with the verbs : h, and
‘ steal’, which probably will not be questioned, suggests n priori that the doubtful determina-
tive is to be transcribed as ^ . As a matter of fact, an identical cursive group is found in a
ligatured group in Pap. Mayer. A 5.11: ti. 1 : 12. 8. It is nothing else than the cursive
form of fjd , i.e. ^ with the lateral stroke omitted. That this explanation of the determina-
tive is correct is confirmed by the second document, now to be discussed.

This is a potsherd inscribed in hieratic belonging to the Oriental Institute of Chicago
University and measuring S'5 cm. high X 10 cm. broad. 4 It is written on both sides, and the
text runs as follows :

Redo.

(1)

■ A d

•=- 1 i i hi

{*)

. . . c

(3)

c±2x-; Q O i"lj O v n JA ' i i

rZ,

- .

Ivt

(4)

ruO(?€rm

. ~~ _ •

~i n n . .. „ 7T <

(3)

ie'VlS

ilriwfc

* — - i

(3)

. l7j $ 4

4 5 ! ! 1

A quantity of yarn measured by hpt occurs also in Ostr. Ourdmer 15)7. is.. -7. where the word is written
TL □ (j Q g , and Ostr. Varille li). vs., col. V. which wTites , further < htr. Brussels

Sir

L. 6311, vs., !):

7<?wQ'U£ K S

2 See the accompanying facsimile:

. 1 am unable to read the word.

' v.. 3-30. 11.

4 Bought in I. uxor by Prof. Nelson. It bears the provisional number 110. I am under a deep obligation
to Prof. Nelson, who has kindly allowed me to study the ostracon and to publi-h it.

188

JAROSLAV CERNY

Verso.

ii)

( 2 )

&) :AV,

,4 i

•, i 1 loA> A» <?C

- =1 = - 1

Translation:

Recto.

(1) What will be exacted from Lute (2) in order to be given to the chief workman Hay :

(3) 20 hin of fat, its penalty (4) 10 bin, makes § of a kliar;

(5) 1 sdy-gurment, its penalty 2. (f>) makes 3 sdy -garments-,

Verso.

(1) 1 stick, its penalty (2) 2. makes 3 :

I itrt-iw. 1 its penalty (3) 2, makes 3:

d canes. 2 their (4) penalty S. makes 12.

Hero we have a list of objects to be exacted from Lute, who was a workman of the Royal
Tomb, and to be given to his chief Hay. 3 It is not said that these objects have been stolen
by Lute, but they are clearly in some way due from him. and the word used for penalty
^ undoubtedly identical with the of tlie Leiden Papyrus. 4 * The deter-

minative is clear this time, and beside this the additional words show that
does not include the original object which is due. Unlike the first document, the
here is equal only to the double of the original object.

In the present writer's opinion there is finally a third mention of a penalty which has
been hitherto misunderstood, namely in Brit. Hus. Pap. 10335, r-s.,21. 3 This papyrus is con-
cerned with oracles issued with regard to five /ass-shirts stolen from the servant Amenemwia,.
The oracles name as the thief a certain Petjauemdiamun, who first denies but finally con-
fesses the theft and promises to give back the stolen garments. The text concludes: And
the god caused the servant Amenemwia to utter an oath, saying: •

The words of the oath have been translated ‘the stolen goods have not been recovered
from him , by Blackman, who rightly rejected an old translation by Spiegelberg. 6 But even
the new rendering can hardly be defended. Apart from the fact that ‘have been recovered ’
would have undoubtedly been ex preyed by means of the usual passive in -tic, the negation
• y is frequently found with the sdm-j form in oaths and promises, where sdm-f invariably
refers to the future. 7 So, too. in the present case we have only to admit the omission of the

1 dirt is a box in the form of ^ , used a< a container for shawablis. This is expressly stated in Ostr.
Turin 0.302, 2-3.

2 For turl rf. Kcimer. Bulletin dc rind. 31 (1031). 220-32. Our passage shows that the word is
masculine, against \Yb., v, 232.

3 J he Utf ' St <latefl raention of Ha . v is year 17 of Harnesses III, Ostr. Cairo. Cut. gen. 25584 ; the earliest is
year 5 of Sethos II, Ostr. Cairo 25550. This places our piece at the transition from the Nineteenth to the
Twentieth Dynasties.

4 It may be remembered that b-WZl W the infinitive of the verb 'steal’. The final t

was no longer pronounced at this period. ~

' Published by Dawson, JEA 11, I’J. xxxviii; translated by Blackman, ibid., 253.

6 "Ich habe (es) ihm nicht gestohlen’ (Efuditv mid Materinlien, 77).

7 Especially clear examples are: Pap. Salt, vs., 1, 14 ; Mrs, X. 21 ; JEA 21, PI. xv, 27 ■ Pap. Turin P.-R.
47, 3; Botti-Peet, 11 Giornale, 12, 5.

STOLEN PROPERTY IN RAMESSIDE TIMES ISO

suffix of the 1st person singular ^ after the verb Ml, an omission of which many examples
could be quoted, 1 and taking the oath as referring to the future and substituting for put
the meaning ‘penalty’ found in the Leiden papyrus and Chicago ostracon above quoted,
we obtain a clear translation: 'I will not exact a penult if from him This naturally means that
Amenemwia declared himself content with the restitution of the five stolen garments, and
renounced the exaction of the penalty, which would have been double or treble the value
of the things stolen.

As my friend Dr. Cvetler has pointed out to me. a close analogy can be quoted from
Roman law, where the penalty was equal to the quadruple value of the goods stolen in the
case of furtum manife-stum (i.e. when the thief was caught red-handed) and to double the
value in the case of furtum nee manifestum. A quadruple fine was also exacted from any one
who resisted a domiciliary search and in whose house the stolen property was subsequently
found, whereas in the case of unopposed inquiry the eventual penalty was only threefold.
Here also the penalty did not affect the question of compensation for the damage, namely
restitution of the stolen goods themselves and the making good of any incidental damage.

From the preceding we are probably entitled to consider the following points as established,
at least as far as the Ramesside period is concerned :

(1) A convicted thief was obliged to give the stolen property hack to the person robbed,
and in addition to pay him a penalty which amounted to double or treble its value.

(2) This penalty was called or a feminine word.

(3) The person robbed sometimes renounced his claim to the penalty, perhaps in case.-
where the stolen goods were not actually found with the thief.

1 Cf. Ennui). Xeinnj. Gramm, (dnd ed.), § (>2.

(190)

THE EGYPTIAN CORRESPONDENCE OF ABIMILKI,

PRINCE OF TYRE

By W. Y. ALBRIGHT

lx spite of all the research which has been expended on them during the past half-century,
the Tell el-‘Amarnah Tablets have by no means yielded up all their secrets. Thanks to the
admirable edition of the texts by the Norwegian scholar. .T. A. Knudtzon, with elaborate
notes and glossary from the hands of Weber and E holing, assisted by Ranke and others
(1907-15). we have had a iirst-class repertory at our disposal for twenty years. 1 Moreover,
the careful collation and edition of the Berlin tablets by the late Otto hchroeder in 1915
was accompanied by a number of sound observations and discoveries by this gifted young
scholar. The publication of the contemporary Hittite records in Aceadian from Bogazkoy,
beginning in 1 91 »>. has helped to clear up a number of obscurities. From time to time new
letters from the ’Amarnah collection have boon published: six by Thureau-Dangin in 1921. 2
one by Dosdn m 1934. 3 and two ( with a 'hurt description of the contents only) by Gordon
in 1934. 4 the other texts subsequently discovered at Tell el-' Amarnah, such as the narrative
poem of the King of Battle, the Kgyptiun vocabulary, and various Acc-adian vocabularies,
are interesting in themselves, but do not belong to the group represented by the letters.
Discoveries in Palestine and Syria have also furnished contemporary documents, including
a number of Aceadian and C'anaanite letters, found at Taanac-h. Shechem. Ugarit (Ras
esh-Shamrah). and elsewhere.

Owing perhaps partly to the definite. «• character of Kuudtzon's treatment in many
respects, a. well as to the fact that the lingui-tic monographs of Bohl. 5 Ebeling. 0 and Dhorme 7
seemed to exhaust the immediate pos-ibditie- of linguistic analysis, there has been no serious
published eltort to advance the philological interpretation of the documents as a whole
during the pa >4 twenty years. Tor some years the writer has been devoting much time to
this task, with Very gratifying results. To illustrate the situation, it may be said that the
principal gains have come in two directions, namely, in the improvement of the translation
of words and passages. and in a more minute grammatical analysis, with emphasis on the
distribution of linguistic inlluences between Aceadian. Hurrian, C'anaanite, Egyptian, etc.
As is well known, the ‘Amarnah Tablets am nearly all written in what purports to be Acca-
dian cuneifoim. but the latter is only grammatically and stylisticallv correct when written
ly Laly Ionian scribes. The Canaanite scribes i whose letters form the overwhelming major-
ity), foi example, wiite an execrable Aceadian. full of C'anaanitisms in both vocabulary and
grammar. The same is true, mutatis mutandis. of the letters written by Hurrian and Hittite

1 Die El- A nun ua-Tnftln { Vorderusiatlschr Bibhothd.-. Vol. n), abbreviated EA. Note also Vocaliza-
tion = Albright. Jhe localization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography (Am. Orien. Soc., Vol. iv New
Haven. 1934).

- Her. d' Assy r. 19, 91-108.

" Rev. d'Assyr. 31. 12.7 ff.

4 JEA 20, 137 f.

’ Die Sprnche tier Amarnnbritfe, Leipzig, 1909.

) 1)1,8 1 •’Irvin <hr El-Amnrna-Briefe ( Beitnige zur Assyriologie, cun, 2. pp. 39-79), Leipzig, 1910.

• La lahgiie de Canaan (also Rev. Bill. 1913. 309 ff. : 1914. 37 ff., 344 ff.).

THE EGYPTIAN CORRESPONDENCE OF ABIMILKI

191

scribes (whose peculiarities also appear in the Accadian documents from Bogazkoy). Some
of the Egyptian letters (which include two not yet known when the Ivnudtzon edition
appeared) were certainly written by native Egyptians who had learned Accadian cuneiform
at school ; this is also true of the Egyptian letters found at Bogazkoy. 1 Most interesting is
the fact, hitherto unrecognized, that an Egyptian euueiformist served as official scribe at
Tyre, where he wrote some ten letters to the Egyptian court. This will be proved below by
examination of the Egyptian glosses, Egyptianisms in style, word-order, and phonology,
as well as by giving direct translations from Egyptian.

Before taking up the detailed examination of this material, we wish first to call attention
to a hitherto unrecognized Egyptian royal name, which occurs eight times in E A . Xo. loo.
the tenth letter (following Knudtzon's order) of Abimilki (Abimelech) of Tyre. This name
is written four times (det.jor woman) AIa-ia(ya)-a-ti and another four times (det. for personal
name, det.jor woman) (Ma-ia(ya)-n-ti. Misled by the second group of writings, all previous
scholars have read (det. for personal name) SAL--ma-ya-a-ti, which they transcribe Slial-
maydti. influenced by the Canaanite verb sh-l-m. ‘to be well, be at peace’. 3 The formation
is hardly possible in either Canaanite or Accadian, and is completely out of the question
in Egyptian. We must, therefore, consider the reading Maijdti or Maija-ati. taking the
feminine determinative, which always occurs, as an indication of sex. and the occasional
personal determinative as an honorific, indicating that the person in question was too im-
portant to be treated as a mere woman. 4 We need only remind the reader of phenomena
such as Hatshepsut wearing a beard, or the goddess Ishtar given masculine attributes and
even addressed with words in the masculine gender. The name occurs in the following
connexions. Four times Abimilki calls himself the servant of Maya-ati (arad '""''Ma-yn-rt-ti).
once as servant of both the king and of Maya-ai i ( lines 7-10) : ‘ The king has commanded that
grace (lit. breath) be given and that water (be given) to his servant and the servant of
Maya-ati’. Three times Tyre is called ‘the city of Maya-ati'. whereas in the other letters
Tyre is spoken of as ‘the city of the king’, in accordance with the general custom among
Canaanite princes when mentioning their cities to Pharaoh. In one passage (lines 29-30)
Abimilki says ‘Maya-ati is my life (or my strength) night and day'.

There is obviously only one solution of this problem : Maya-ati must be the reigning
queen, preferably one of exceptional relative importance, like Hatshepsut or possibly Teye.
Since it is agreed that the Abimilki letters are among the latest one" in the ‘Amarnah
archives (see below), Maya-ati mud naturally be Mryt-itn, the eldest daughter of Akhenaten
and wife of his coregent and ephemeral »ucee»"or Semonkhkere*. Me shall consider the
historical bearing of this new reference to her below, after we have studied the identification
phonetically.

The name Alrijt-ltn is composed of the perfect passive participle feminine mryt as nomni
reyens and the name of the solar disk. Itn. following it as uomai rectum, fortunately we
have several contemporary cuneiform traii"Criptions of the masculine form of the same
participle. We are therefore not working in tin- dark, as sometimes happens in the field ot

1 See Friedrich, OJ-Z 27 (1024), *0/ ; Labat. X Aktcndioi de pp. _.

J In order to identity a cuneiform character in traiw ription it is customary for Assyriologists to employ
capitals, which indicate its conventional value, but which may or may not be an actual phonetic vduo.

3 Cf. the discussion by Weber, AVI, 1254 11'. Riedel. L'lihrsuchioujen zu den Ttll-el- Amurna-Briefui
(Tubingen, 11)20), 20-23. gives an explanation which is as ioreed contextually as it is linguistically, and can
only be called fantastic.

4 Dr. C. H. Gordon has called my attention to the fact that the nearly contemporary do< uments of Xuzi.
belonging to a Hurrian eommunit v which \\ rote in Babylonian cuneiform, not infrecpicnth place the deter-
minative for male names before names of women ; cf. Gordon, Zeits. j. Axsyr. 43, 1(51. n. 2.

192

W. F. ALBRIGHT

Egyptian vocalization. The name of the official Mry-r< is written Ma-i-re-ya T i.e. May-re<e,
abbreviated to Mry = Ma-a-ya (Maya). 'L'he familiar appellation Miayyow of Eamesses IT
appears as Mu-u-i- d A-mu-nu and as Ma[ ’.jJti-yu-'A-ma-ua- in the Bogazkoy transcription.
The slight variation is very helpful, since it enables us to reconstruct an original *mimf >
ma’if, which could be shortened to may (with quiescing of the glottal catch in the preceding
ti). 3 As is well established, the feminine form fell together with the masculine in New
Egyptian, at least in practice. The feminine mryt must accordingly have been vocalized
*mtiry<Ht)>mVyc. shortened to mtitf, in full agreement with cuneiform ma-yn. The second
element, a-ti. must reflect an Egyptian divine name *’Ati(r). which is evidently the name of
the solar disk. The loss of n in pronunciation may he due to a hypocoristic tendency ; we
cannot explain it as the result of a Canaanite analogy with the old feminine ending clti
i preserved in North Canaanite and probably in Amorite). since the scribe was himself an
Egyptian, as we shall see below. There is a good Coptic parallel; N. E. mtn (old mtn).
'road', appear.-, as aiocit : juuoit for *miiU(c)n>*mitti(t')>*mdiU (>*wu7tf>xitoiT)
(> .1*0 err). We must, accordingly, vocalize ‘Aten", not 'Aton . It must be
emphasized that neither the Canaanite place-name Hinnatunu (Heb. Hannntun) nor the
Human ’ Atn-prln (for which </. Bull. A SOB. No. 08, p. 25) has anything to do with
the Aten.— If. however, the feminine t was preserved in a compound name like Mrytltn.
we may explain the form Mtiyuli as standing by haplology for *Mayutdti(n), just as
Xaphurcyit E a haplological form of the alternative and more correct Xnphurureya.

Since 192s there have been many interesting discoveries and discussions bearing on the
career of queen Meritaten. which begins to assume historical form. Thanks to the reports
of Griffith. 4 Gunn. 5 Eairnian, 0 and lVndlebury. 7 and to their discussion of the material,
supplemented by important articles by Newberry 3 and Wolf. 9 we are in a very favourable
position. 1 taring the seventeen 10 year-, of the feeble Akhenaten he seems to have been almost
constantly under female influence (or under that of male personalities working through the
king’s female relatives). Toye was followed by Nofretete, who in any case was a more vigo-
rous character than her husband. Before the end of Akhenaten's reign, however, his eldest
daughter. IMeritaten. succeeded in depriving her mother of much of her prestige, and the
fetid between them continued until the death of the daughter's husband, SemenkhkereC and

1 Fur this name see Thureau-Dangin. Rer. ,/'.hq/>. 10. 100.

- For this spelling, which was not available to Ranke, see Keilschr. Urk. mis Boghaz-koi, rrr, 124, obv. 10.

4 It is probable that the Oh! Ken. vocalization was *wiri'i^*niiry. for the following reason. Gardiner,
■I AOS .7b (193b), 19.3. n. 28. has pointed out that 8. £h»k iig.wie ‘to be drowned’ (explained by Griffith in
ZAS 4b. 132 ti.) contains the perfect passive participle p, N cu:, Egn. h-sy (hzy). The Bohairie form eeie
makes it probable that jncie goes back, according to rule, to *hisye( ). since this dialect is, in general,
rather more conservative in its vocalization than Na'Idic. though it does not go nearly so for in this direction
as Akhnnmic. The later vocalization of nuy with a would lie paralleled by the still later Coptic tendency to
prefer t'i before an r which has changed to i (Set he. Verbnm, I, § 40 bis. 3). In this connexion it may be
observed that the first element of 31 rkn-Rth. cuneiform Manuptah of the Bogazkoy documents, is the per-
fective relative (so also (hum) and not the perfect passiie participle as supposed by Friedrich (OLZ, 1924,
Tub) and Sturm ( Wiem / Znh. 41 (1934), 171 ) : it means ' He whom Re' loves', not ‘Beloved of Rc<’. Similarly,
as Prof. Gunn points out. Sty n-R< Saleynm-ra means ‘He whom Rc< has chosen’. The forms in question
were then pronounced approximately nninn and stitepni (the obscure vowel e was transcribed by a dis-
similatory tendency as i between two a vowels and as a between two e vowels).

4 .JEA 1 , (1931). 183 ti. " In Peet-W oolfey. City of Akhenaten, i. 147 If.

e In Frankfort-lVndleburv. City of Akhenaten. it. 108-9.

7 JEA 17. 243 : 18. 144 f. : l«9 (1933). 1 Hi f. ' JEA 14 (1928). 3-9; 18, 50 If.

9 ZAS 0.7 (1930). 100 ff.

10 Fairman in City of Akhenaten. n. 103. n. 3: Pendlcbury in JEA 19, 117.

THE EGYPTIAN CORRESPONDENCE OF ABEVIILKI 193

the accession of Tut<ankhamun. This is proved partly by monumental representations in
which Meritaten displaces her mother, and partly by numerous erasures of the mother’s
name, which is sometimes replaced by that of her daughter. 1 That Akhenaten and Semenkh-
kere< were co-regents has been shown by Newberry, 2 so that the relation between the older
queen and her daughter was bound to lead to trouble, especially when intriguing courtiers
attached themselves to each party. After Akhenaten’s death his widow, presumably in order
to forestall the succession of her daughter, actually wrote to the Hittite king Suppiluliuma,
asking him for one of his sons as consort, ‘for my husband is dead and I have no son, while
thou art said to have many sons’. 3

EA, No. 155 must therefore have been written to the Egyptian court during the brief
reign of Semenkhkere*, which seems to have lasted at least two full years, since the third
year of his reign is recorded in the hieratic graffito from the tomb of Pere, published by
Gardiner. 4 To his reign belong then the ostraca from Tell el-‘Amarnah which are dated in
years one and two, since they cannot belong to Akhenaten’s reign, as shown by several
scholars. 5 It is, however, possible that the first year of Semenkhkertk really belongs to his
co-regency with Akhenaten, as suggested by an ostracon dated by years seventeen (the last
year of the latter) and one (of the former). 6 In agreement with this is an ostracon from
Thebes recently described by Holscher and Anthes, which apparently proves that Harmais
was already on the throne in the twenty-seventh year (after Akhenaten’s accession). 7 Since
the highest recorded regnal years of Akhenaten, Tut<ankhamun, and Aya are, respectively,
the seventeenth, sixth, and fourth, it follows that they must have reigned at least twenty-
four years together, a result which would leave a maximum of two years and several months
to cover the reign of Semenkhkere' and the odd months at the end of the reigns of the other
three. If this is correct, Semenkhker5< reigned less than two years, but more than one, in
all probability, between 1361/0 and 1359/S. 8

1 See Gunn in City of Akhenaten, I, 155; Griffith in JEA 17, 183; Pendlebury in JEA 19, 116.

s JEA 14, 7 ff.

3 See the translation and commentary by Zimmern and Friedrich in Zeits. f. Assyr. 35 (1923), 37 ff.
The identification of the Egyptian king is discussed below.

4 JEA 14, 10 ff. 5 See especially Fairman, op. cit., 103.

6 Pendlebury in JEA 19, 117.

7 Holscher, Excavations at Ancient Thebes (Oriental Institute Communications , No. 15, 1932), 52-3.

8 This date and others in this paper are based primarily on the new astronomical-calendaric chronology
of Borchardt (Die Mittel zur zeitlichen Festlegung von Punkten der dgyptischen Ge-schichte und ihre Amcendung,
Cairo, 1935, especially pp. 84 ff., 121 f.). There seems to be little doubt that Borchardt is right in fixing
the dates of the death of Tuthmosis III at 1436 B.c. ( — 1435) and of the accession of Sethos I at 1319 B.C.,
in view of his unrivalled competence in employing astronomical data to fix the Sothic cycle. His date for
the accession of Amenophis III (1413 B.c.) also appears to be solidly established. The dates between 1413
and 1319 are, however, unsatisfactory, as he himself admits (pp. 81, 84 ff.), since the astronomical and calen-
daric material is ambiguous, to say the least, and since several of the regnal years are wrong (e.g. the
supposed ninth year of Tut'ankhamun was an error, the reign of Akhenaten is four years too long and that
of Harmais two years too short, as we know from the new Theban ostracon). W hile it is now certain that
Amenophis III and his son Akhenaten were co-regents (see Glanville, Antiquity, 1936, 82-3, and Pendlebury,
III. Ldn. Neu-s, Oct. 10, 1936, p. 620), there is no need to suppose that any of the former's thirty-six years
were contemporary with the latter's seventeen. Had they been contemporaneous, we should expect some
double datings, as in the Twelfth Dynasty or in the case of Akhenaten and Semenklikereb We suggest the
following dates, starring those which are taken from Borchardt’s work:

Amenophis III *1413-1377 Tutbmkhamun 1359/8-1354/3

Akhenaten 1377-1361/0 Aya 1354/3-1351/0

Semenkhkere< 1361/0-1359/8 Harmais 1351/0-*1319

194

W. F. ALBRIGHT

It is possible that Tyre had been designated to provide revenue for Meritaten’s pin-
money, but the repeated references to Tyre as the ‘ city of Maya-ati ’ may be simply intended
as flattery to a powerful queen. In itself the idea is plausible, since it was customary for
the Egyptian king to designate foreign revenues for specified temples, and there is no
reason why the queen might not have been similarly favoured; cf. Diodorus I, 52 (Gunn).

The discovery that EA, No. 155 dates from the years immediately following the death
of Amenophis IV has some importance for the chronology of the ‘Amarnah Tablets. Since
W. Riedel's dissertation, Untersuchungen zu den T ell-el- A mar na-Briefen (1920), many
scholars have been inclined to assign practically all the letters to the second half of the
reign of Amenophis III and the first few years of his successor. The discovery of the
synchronism between Suppiluliuma’s fifth-from-the-last year and the death-year of Pharaoh
Pipkhurureya(s) has led to a reaction, generally in the direction of spreading the ‘Amarnah
records over a period of from forty to fifty years. 1 This view cannot be correct. Since
the dated documents of Akhetaten stop with the second year of Akhenaten’s successor, 2
after which the court moved back to Thebes, it is in the highest degree improbable that
any tablets were received there more than a year after that date, i.e. some three years
after the death of Amenophis IV. This alone makes the identification of Pipkhurureya
with either TuPankhamun 3 or Aya 4 quite impossible. Nearly all scholars therefore identify
Pipkhurureya with Akhenaten, 5 which identification the writer regards as certain. On the
other hand, there can be little doubt that Forrer 6 and Sturm 7 are right in follow ing
Ranke’s identification of the name Pipkhurureya with the prenomen of TuPankhamun,
Xb-hpric-r <, which would be pronounced *Xipkhurureya or the like, in Hittite. 8 The solution
is probably to be sought in a direction already sketched by Forrer, 9 namely in a confusion
on the part of the Hittite scribe between the names A apkhurureya and A ipkhurureya.
We must remember that the so-called ‘Annals’ of Suppiluliuma were written in the
reign of his son Alursilis II, who ascended the throne about the time of TuPankhamun’s
death or very soon afterwards. A confusion of the kind suggested would be most natural.

The pivot of the argument for a relatively early date of the great mass of letters from
local chieftains, addressed merely to the ‘king’, is found in the fact that two of them, from
a comparatively late period as proved by their contents, are supposed to be addressed speci-
fically to Amenophis III. If this is true, it would follow that nearly the whole correspon-
dence, aside from royal letters, belonged to the reign of Amenophis III. However, the name

1 A relatively moderate view is represented by Bilabel, Oeschichte Vorderasiens und Agyptens (1927),
passim ; the most extreme position is that of Cavaignac, Subbiluliuma et son temps (1932).

2 Fairman, op. cit., 103.

3 The most recent and best effort to establish this identification is that of J. Sturm, Wer ist Piphururias ?
in Rev. Hittite et Asianique,Xos. 13-14 (1934), 162-76. The writer formerly held this view, mainly for the same
linguistic reasons as those given by Sturm.

See Cavaignac in Kt mi, 3 (1930), 33-8. This view is linguistically impossible, quite aside from all the
other difficulties; cf. Sturm’s discussion.

5 So especially Eduard Meyer, GescJi. Alt., n, 1 (2nd ed.), 337 ff.; Forrer, Forschungen, u, 24-32;
Gutze in Klio, 19, 347, n. 1 and Die Annalen d. Mursilis (193.3), U.

6 Op. cit., 26-7.

7 Loc. cit. In addition to Sturm’s arguments, it may be observed that a confusion between the full name
in its Hittite form *M iphurureyas and a hypocoristic *Bibey (pronounced *Pipe by the Hittites) would also
come into consideration. Names beginning with the element nb often formed a Fypocoristicon Bln ■ cf.
Junker in ZAS, 63, 63.

8 Perhaps it should be remarked that the Hittites regularly confused the Semitic and Egyptian voiced
and voiceless stops, following a well-known Anatolian isogloss, also found in other languages of this region.

* Op. cit., 26, below.

THE EGYPTIAN CORRESPONDENCE OF ABIMILKI

195

of the addressee in the letters of Akizzi of Qatna, EA, Nos. 53 and 55, has hitherto been
misread by all historians (so far as we can find) ; we should read the group XAM-HUR-ia
as Namkhureya, not as Nammuriya with all previous students except Sturm, who has
corrected the error (WZKM 41 [1934], 167). The cuneiform value hur is much more com-
mon than mur in the documents from ‘Amarnah and Bogazkby. Moreover, the vowel of the
first syllable is wrong; the name of Amenophis III appears as Xi-ib-mu-ht-ica-re-in, Xi-ib-
mu-a-re-{i)a, Ni-mu-wa-re-ia, 1 Xi-im-mu-u-re-ia, Im-mu-u-re-ia, Mi-im-mu-(u-)re-ia, Mi-
mu-re-ia, all representing various attempts to reproduce *Xib-muAe-re<e in cuneiform, with
secondary assimilation or dissimilation of the first consonant. Akizzi’s Xamhuria stands
undoubtedly for Xaphuria (Amenophis IV); cf. the spellings Xa-ap-hu-('u-)ru-re-ia, Xa-ap-
hur-re-ia, Xap-hu-u-re-ia, etc. The nasalizing is common in Human territory; cf. the
alternation between the forms Kidsa and Kinza (originally Qidsu) of the name of Ivadesh
on the Orontes, only a few hours’ travel from Qatna. The letters of Akizzi were clearly
written shortly before the final destruction of the city, either in the second or the third
Syrian campaign of Suppiluliuma, i.e. either about the middle of the reign of Amenophis IV
or at the very end of it.

This observation eliminates the chronological strain which we find in all recent attempts
to rearrange the events of the ‘Amarnah period in chronological order, whether made by
Forrer, 2 Gotze, 3 Bilabel, 4 or Cavaignae. 5 We can now place the entire career of Aziru, the
principal ruler in Amurru in the second part of the period covered by the ‘Amarnah Letters,
after the accession of Akhenaten, and can date the second Syrian campaign of Suppiluliuma,
described in the Mattiwaza Treaty, late in the reign of Akhenaten, instead of before his
accession. All scholars agree that- the letter of Aziru 's locum tenentes (EA, No. 170) gives an
explicit account of the beginning of Suppiluliuma’s third Syrian campaign, in which a great
Hittite army was led by Zitas and Lupakkis. This campaign began a year or two before the
mission of the queen of Akhenaten to the Hittite king, described briefly above. Hitherto
this has been regarded as the latest datable ‘Amarnah letter, belonging to about the year
1362-1361 (present chronology). The letter which mentions Meritaten must be a little later,
since it probably belongs to the year 1360-1359 b.c.

That this is approximately correct becomes clear from an examination of all ten letters
of Abimilki of Tyre. Dated relatively to the voluminous correspondence of Illb-Adda of
Byblus, they seem very late. Bib-Adda's sixty-five letters may be distributed into four
periods: (1) under Amenophis III, while Abdi-Ashirta of Amurru was the great enemy;
(2) after the latter’s death, when his place was taken by his sons ; (3) under Amenophis R .
when Aziru of Amurru was sole ruler; (4) after the final victory of Aziru over Pub- Adda.
Weber says correctly: ‘In general the Abimilki letters give the impression of belonging to
the latest of the entire El-‘Amarnah correspondence, and they certainly presuppose the
complete success of Aziru.' 6 But the final success of Aziru took place well after the second
campaign of Suppiluliuma in Syria, as is clear from a careful comparison of the Hittite
documents with the 'Amarnah Letters. V e are thus brought down to the very end of the
reign of Amenophis IV, in any case. Since the ten letters of Abimilki were all written by the

1 One occurrence (EA, No. 31, 1) has hitherto been erroneously read Xi-mu-ut-re-ia. a form which is
linguistically impossible, but it should certainly be read A i-tnu-wa('.)-re-ia, with a change which does not
involve anything but the separation of the horizontal wedge that distinguishes 11^1 (PI) from L T, from
the first horizontal wedge of RI (read ri, re).

2 Cf. Forrer, Forschungen, n, 21 fl., where the latter part of the period is discussed.

2 See Klio 19, 347-50. 4 Op. cit., 73 ff., 227 ff., 296 ff.

6 Subbiluliuma et son temps, passim, with table on pp. 93-6. 5 \\ eber, EA, p. 1245.

196

W. F. ALBRIGHT

same Egyptian scribe (unless we wish to postulate two Egyptian scribes with the same
peculiarities, even of handwriting), we can hardly spread them out over too long a period,
and can tentatively date them all between c. 1365 and 1358 b.c., by which year Akhetaten
had probably been abandoned 'by the Egyptian court.

Addendum: Egyptianisms in the Abimilki Cokrespondence

Since it has not been recognized hitherto that the letters from Abimilki, prince of Tyre,
were actually written by an Egyptian scribe, we must devote some space to a demonstra-
tion of this. First, we shall consider the Egyptian words and glosses, the five clearest of
which were previously known, while four others may now be added. Then come direct
translations from Egyptian, which include two whole poems and several words and con-
structions. Several morphological and syntactic peculiarities may also be explained as due
to the scribe’s ignorance of idiomatic Canaanite or Aceadian. Finally, a study of certain
phonological peculiarities of the scribe’s cuneiform prove that he was either Egyptian or
Hurrian — certainly the former, since there is nothing else whatever to suggest a Hurrian
origin.

Three Egyptian words had already been recognized when Eanke wrote his valuable
monograph on cuneiform material for Egyptian vocalization: 1 u'e(h)u, ‘soldier, petty
officer’ (EA, No. 150: 6, 9; 152: 47, 50) = u<w (pronounced *if5<e[ic]) ; 2 pauSra(i), ‘foreign
chieftain, prince’ (EA, No. 149: 30; 151: 59) = pi-ur(w) (pronounced *pe-u4re[ui\) ; 3
u put(i), ‘envoy’ (EA, No. 151 : 20; 152: 56) 4 = upidl (pronounced approximately *ewp4w-
<c[i]). 5 While the second and third words occur only in the Abimilki letters, the first is found
elsewhere, but is, e.g., six times as frequent here as in any other body of Canaanite letters in
the ‘Amarnah collection. The same year that Eanke’s monograph appeared (1910) Ebeling
pointed out two additional cases: 6 akuni(u), ‘amphora’ 7 (EA, No. 148: 12; cj. No. 14: in,
36) = i-ka-na ; 8 haps(i) (EA, No. 147: 12; cf. 147: 54, 64) = lips, ‘arm, sword, strength’

1 Ranke, Keilschr. Mat. zur altdg. Yokalisation, 19, 24, 26.

3 For the vowel e (which has nothing to do genetically with Coptic e derived from u [ Vocalization , pp,
17-18]) in *we<e(w) and *Re<e(ic) see Rec. Tiav. 40 (1923), 67, where these words are explained as fossilized
participles of the fd<il type (not connected with any Egyptian participial formations, all of which are neo-
plastic in Egyptian), analogous to the fossil pi‘el participles collected by Grapow. To the three illustrations
given there add *U'Crc[w), great , discussed here; it may be added that the vocalization is preserved bv
Coptic oy H p, "how much’ (Spiegelberg, Kopt. Hdub., 170, n. 10). A fifth case may be *nebe(w), ‘lord’;
cf. cuneiform neb(nib)-taun = nb-tml with nut : hh6i.

3 For the vocalization see the preceding note; it should be added that the cuneiform spelling Pa-WA-
>a(i) should be read Pa-iee-ra{i), not Pa-ici-ra(i) with Knudtzon and Ranke.

4 In 152: 56 we should perhaps read a-pu-ta ( ta "’) for u-b(p)u-ut. In 151: 20 the word is parallel to the
abstract inirutu, which must mean mission’, so Ranke’s hesitation in making the identification with uptcti
was not unwarranted. However, confusion between the name of an office (or collective body) and that of
the official (or member of the collective body) was so common in the Ancient Orient that it need occasion
no surprise.

In liew of the writing vputi(a ?) we can hardly vocalize upwtl otherwise. Since the latter is derived
from up ut, preserved in Coptic as none, it may follow that the original form of the latter was *wdpuimt,
whence in Late Egn. (under the influence of the accent) *wdp we( t)>* wop ue >*yo pwe.

" Das Verbum d. El-Amarna-Briefe, 78.

The meaning is established by the fact that it is said to be used for carrying water; it accordingly
designates a two-handled water-jar, in agreement with the Egyptian hieroglyph. The word is not Canaanite
and has noticing to do with Heb. aggdn = Accad. ctg(g)anmt, Aram, aggana; the Egyptians may have
borrowed it from an African source.

8 For the transcription see Vocalization, p. 60, xvu. C. I.

THE EGYPTIAN CORRESPONDENCE OF ABIMILKI 197

(pronounced hdpes}. 1 We propose four additional cases: panimu (E.4, No. 155:46) = bic-nb,
‘everywhere’ (pronounced *bdnibe[ic] or *bdnime[ic]) f aril, ‘contented, happy’ (EA, No.
147: 28) = hrw(w), ‘he is contented, satisfied’ (pronounced Vidrw<:[w]) f quna (EA, No.
147 : 86) = qny, ‘ be ye valiant’ ; 4 ydyaya, an exclamation denoting approval (EA, No. 147 :
88) = ys, ‘yea verily, etc.’ (repeated for emphasis). 5 There are several other damaged
glosses which may be Egyptian, but the context is nowhere sufficiently clear to permit of
a convincing suggestion.

Much more impressive than these scattered words and glosses is the fact that two rather
long poems in EA, No. 147 (lines 5-15, 41-56), are unmistakably inspired by Egyptian
models, as is clear from ideas, idioms, word-order, and especially from Egyptian parallels.
On the other hand, nothing comparable has been discovered either in Hebrew poetry or in
the Canaanite literature of Ugarit (Ras esh-Shamrah), nor are there any parallels in Aecadian
texts. It does not, of course, follow that our scribe translated these poems for the purpose

1 Correctly combined by Ebeling with Coptic ujioiuij. The ideogram ZAG does not, however, mean
‘arm’, as thought at first by Knudtzon and Ebeling (contrast EA, p. 1412), but ‘might, power’ (emuqu);
see J. Pal. Or. Soc. 4, 169 ; 6, 106.

2 The cuneiform text reads: amata(m) sarri (sign of foreign word) panimu [ il]lak . ‘The word of the king
goes panimu’. Ebeling, op. cit., 78, proposed to explain panimu as identical with Heb. panemo (Psalms xi.
7), comparing mahziramu (EA, No. 287: 16), and translating, ‘das Wort des Konigs geht vor ihnen her'.
This is both phonetically and morphologically possible; panemo stands for *panihimu (Bauer-Leander,
Historische Grammatik der hebraischen Sprache, § 29 p'), but this form of the suffix is only found in very
late, strongly archaistic passages, and is often used for the singular as well as for the plural (Gesenius-
Kautzsch, Hebr. Gramm. 2e , § 91 1). However, the meaning simply cannot be made to fit into the context
here (the following line has ‘the king is the sun-god forever’). Since p and b are constantly confused, and the
quantity of vowels is hardly ever indicated in the Abimilki letters, there is no difficulty whatever in explaining
panimu as biv-nb, ‘ everywhere ’. The equation ba — bic, ‘place’, if correct, explains the syllabic value
Jj <? = 6a, which so puzzled the writer ( Vocalization, § 41) ; we must derive it from the word Jj X£>, J 5 ,
‘place’, considering JJ^, Jj <? = bu as alphabetic. The word nb, ‘all, every’, appears in Coptic as mu:
iiifie(n) : nifci (Fayyumic), and was undoubtedly pronounced *nibe() or *ntme(); for the interchange between
b and m. especially in the presence of n, cf. Sethe, Verbum, i, § 210, 4 and note the pronunciation of Hniim
as Hnub at Elephantine in the fifth century b.c.

3 The cuneiform text reads: u batidti dannis u (sign of foreign word) a-ru-u ina umi v. »[mi]wa = ‘and I
rejoiced (hadii) greatly and aru day by day’. ‘Amarnah usage demands that aril be connected with the
preceding; it cannot possibly be Egn. hnv, ‘dav‘, but must be an adjective or preferably a verbal form.
Since we find no little confusion here between persons, which are shifted in bewildering fashion, we can
hardly be wrong in identifying aru with the stative (old perfective) of hrw, ‘ be satisfied, happy", third person
masculine singular, to be vocalized *hdru-e(w). For the consonantal structure and the relation with the
secondary Coptic stative oo-ypioo-f see Sethe, Verbum, n, §§ 112, 84. For the final ic in Late Egn.
see Erman, Xeudg. Or., § 332.

4 The context offers: enuma iqbi sarru beliya (sign indicating foreign word) qii-na ana pdni ummdni (so.
EA, p. 1538) rabiti, u iqbi ardu ana beliiu (sign of foreign word) ia-a-ia-ia = ‘When the king my lord says
quna before the great army, then the servant says to his lord ydyaya ’. Since we are very poorly informed
about the vocalization of the old Egyptian imperative (cf. Card.. Eg. Gr.. § 335 ; Erman. Ag. Gr. (4th ed.),
§ 380 ; Erman, Xeudg. Gr., § 350), this interpretation cannot be regarded as certain, especially since the
Canaanite explanation (imperative of kim, ‘be, stand") remains possible, though unlikely. If correct, we
should vocalize the imperative plural of qni approximately *quney for *qunUi. It should perhaps be added
that the sign KU (QU) equally represents qu in the ‘Amarnah orthography; cf. numerous cases s.v. qdlu
and laqu (EA, pp. 1446, 1451-3).

5 For the cuneiform context see the preceding note. Our suggestion is that it represents Late Egn.

re P ea ted f° r emphasis (Erman, Xeuag. Gr., tjij 717. 58S). Such reduplication is apparently un-
known in Aecadian, Canaanite, or Biblical Hebrew.

198

W. F. ALBRIGHT

of letter 147; it is much more likely that he had used the Accadian version frequently, and
had perhaps obtained it originally from official Egyptian sources in translated form. The
poems in question were considered by Winckler, Bohl, and Jirku as Canaanite compositions ; a
in 1918 Gressmann showed that their background, imagery and, in part, their wording were
Egyptian, though he did not yet recognize that they were practically direct translations
from Egyptian. 2 Gressmann’s work was resumed by Alt in 1982, 3 with important additions,
but, strangely enough, was totally disregarded by Jirku in 1933, as was Alt s contribution
of the year before.

The first poem (fines 5-15) may be translated:

5. My lord is the Sun-god who rises over the lands day after day, 4

8. as ordained 5 by the Sun-god, his gracious father,

9. who gives fife by his sweet breath 6

10. and diminishes 7 when he is hidden, 8

11. who sets 9 the whole land in peace by his might, 10

13. who utters his battle-cry in heaven like Ba'al, 11 so that the land quakes with his
cry. 12

No Egyptologist can fail to see the strong Egyptian colouring of the poem, which may
be translated into Egyptian, as we have attempted to do, with ease, and with good parallels
almost throughout. Some of the phrases are so common as to require no illustration;

1 See the discussions by Alt in ZDJIG 11 (1932), 33 ff., and Jirku in J. Bibl. Lit. 52 (1933), 109 £F.

3 Beihefte zur Zeitschr. f. d. Alltestamentl. Wist., xxxm (Baudissin volume), 207-9.

3 Loc. cit.

I The expression ina umi u umi-ma is unknown in Accadian, which employs umisam, ‘daily’. It could
reflect Canaanite (Hebrew) yom yom or yom wa-yom but is a more direct equivalent of Egypt. ( m ) hrw (hr)
hru\ etc.

5 Cuneiform klma simat u Samas, lit., ‘like the ordinance (destiny) of the god Shamash’. The expression
is very strange Accadian, but is quite understandable as a rendering of Egn. mi Z/t-n R<, since siw, ‘fate’, is
the exact equivalent of Zlmtu.

6 Egyptian parallels from the New Kingdom are legion ; cf. Grapow in EA, p. 1606 ; Gressmann, op. cit.,
208 f. The idea is unknown in Accadian.

7 The line reads: u i-za-HAR ina sapaniZu, which has proved to be a crux interpretum, with Knudtzon
proposing i-za-har from saharu (then written zaharu), 'to turn’, and Delitzsch preferring i-za-mnr from
zamdru, ‘to sing’, which does not fit into the passage at all. We must naturally read isahir for usahhir,
‘he makes less, diminishes, decimates, etc.’, just as we have ibalit for uballit in the previous line. The
Egyptian cuneiformist simply confused qal forms with pi‘el. For other occurrences of the word in letter 147
see below.

8 The verb -sapanu is Canaanite, not Accadian, but the conception is pure Egyptian, where hnn is com-
monly used of the gods. There is nothing comparable in Accadian.

9 The verb ittasab is Aecadianized Canaanite (Heb. hityasseb, 7ii.s : sd&, North Canaanite ?is& in various forms),
but the form is wrongly used in an active sense; for the correct use see the following letter (No. 148 : 42).

10 See n. 1 of p. 197 above.

II For numerous Egyptian parallels see Gressmann, op. cit.. 197 ff. The earliest occurrence of the god
Ba‘al, identified with Sutah, in Egyptian literature seems to be in a poem describing a Syrian campaign of
Tuthmosis III (cf. Alt in ZD JIG 11 [1932], 38).

' To illustrate the thoroughly Egyptian character of this poem we offer a translation into Middle
Egyptian (which was still the literary norm), nearly every phrase of which is fixed by parallels (Prof. Gunn
has improved several renderings, but is not responsible for line 11).

5. R< pw nb-i wbn hr tiw (m) hrw r hrw

8. mi sit n R< iff f nfr di ’■nh m tiw-f ndm

11. di l/rdr-f m htp m hpZ-f . . .

13. di hric-f m pt mi B<r he ti hr mnmn hr hrivf

THE EGYPTIAN CORRESPONDENCE OF ABIMILKI 199

Grapow and Gressmann have already given numerous parallels to lines 9 and 13 ff. Two
additional quotations will give a good idea of the close resemblance in tone and details.
In the great Abydos inscription of Ramesses II the courtiers are represented as eulogizing
the king with the words: ‘Behold we are now before thy majesty, that thou mayest ordain
to us the life which thou givest, 0 Pharaoh, l.p.h., breath of life, who givest life to all men
when thou shinest on them’. 1 TuGankhamun is addressed as follows: ‘Give us the breath
which thou givest, 0 lord ; tell us thy victories ; and there shall be no rebels in thy time, but
every land shall be in peace.’ 2

The second poem is even more interesting, though it is harder to find exact parallels for
some of it :

41. As for him who hearkens to the king his lord

42. and serves him in his place, 3

43. the Sun-god shall rise over him,

44. and sweet breath from the mouth of the king my lord shall give him life( !) 4

45. But as for him who hearkens not to the word of the king his lord,

46. his city shall perish, 5 his house shall perish, 6

47. his name 7 shall not exist in the whole land for ever. 8

See, as for the servant who hearkens to his lord,

50. it shall be well with his city, it shall be well with his house,

51. his name shall exist for ever.

52. Thou art the Sun-god who rises over me,

53. and a brazen wall 9 which is reared for me( !) 10

54. and because of the mighty power 11 of the king my lord

56. I am tranquil. 12

I Breasted, Anc. Rec., m, § 265.

II Op. cit., h, § 1033.

3 Accad. ina a$ranisu stands unquestionably for in ist-f; again the Egyptian phrase is common while
the Accadian is recherche. No similar expression is known in Hebrew or North Canaanite.

4 Instead of correct uballil (uballat), which our scribe would have written ibalit. as in line 9, he uses the
verb which occurs in line 10, by a polar association of ideas familiar to all writers.

5 The sequence of tenses (preterite in the protasis, stative in the apodosis) is possible in Accadian, though
rare in all periods. The form of the statives in line 50 ( sulmu ) is foreign to both Accadian and Canaanite,
and belongs to the artificial language of the Syrian cuneiform scribes.

6 Cf. ‘his house shall not exist’ in Egyptian curse formulae of the seventh century (Holler, in Sitzungsb.
Berlin 47 [1910], 945), which presumably reflect older usage, as ordinarily in the Saite period. There do
not seem to be any close parallels from curse formulae in western Asia.

7 This use of sumu in the exact sense of Egn. m appears to be foreign to both Accadian and Hebrew-
Canaanite. Of course, there are related uses there, but the connotation is always different (reputation in
life, offspring, etc.).

8 Cf. ‘his name shall not exist among the living for ever' (nn un rn f mm ‘ nhw n (It), in an Egyptian curse
formula of the Saite period (Holler in op. cit., 946). 'In the whole land’ is naturally a direct translation of
to t s ( r ) dr-f.

9 This expression, of pure Egyptian origin, has been fully discussed by Alt in his admirable paper Hie
murus aheneus esto in ZD2IO 11 (1932), 33—18.

10 The text has sa izqupu (tsl) ana sdsu, ‘which they have raised for him’, but there can be no doubt that
we have here one of the confusions between the first and third person which are so common in these letters.

11 Cf. n. 1 on p. 197 above.

12 The scribe was at a loss for the Accadian equivalent, so he employed two Canaanite verbs, both pre-
ceded by the sign for a foreign word, and doubtless both supplied to him by Abimilki, who either dictated
most of the text or told the scribe what to say, leaving details to his skill. The second word, ba-ti-i-ti, stands
for baiihti, ‘I am confident’, as pointed out by Ebeling.

200

W. F. ALBRIGHT

The best parallel which the writer can find comes, it is interesting to note, from the
generation immediately after the period of the Ahimilki letters. In a hymn to Amun
which clearly alludes to the Aten heresy, 1 we read:

O Amun, thou brazen rampart('?)! 2 . . .

The sun of the one who knows thee not, 0 Amun, sets.

As for the one who knows thee, he rises (sic icbn).

The whole earth is in light.

He who puts thee entirely into his heart, 0 Amun,

Behold, his sun rises.

Curses and blessings from the New Kingdom are found, e.g., in the hieratic inscription
of Amenophis son of Paapis, dating in its present form from the Twenty-first Dynasty, 3 but
presumably based in part on an original from the reign of Amenophis III. The parallels
cited above, though all later than our period, undoubtedly reflect formulae which were
already familiar.

Throughout the Ahimilki correspondence there are words and expressions which betray
their Egyptian origin. We have already called attention to the use of suniu (found four
times) and srlju (found ten times, and only in these letters) in the pure Egyptian sense of rn
and tnc. Since sum u occurs only seven times in all the other Canaanite letters, and never
in the meaning here found, while schu is otherwise known only from cuneiform vocabularies,
the peculiar use of these words is most significant. The strange expression saknatani ina
rub is i (LA, No. 14'd: 47 f.) is evidently a direct translation of a Late-Egvptian (mk) dvk icim
mh-lb, thou hast made me a commissioner’. 4 The even more curious word-order in the

1 See Erman in ZAS 42 (190.-,), 10(1-9, and Literutur, 381-3.

1 he text clearly oilers Mil n b'u, ' brazen gate’ (British Museum : Inscr. in the Hier. and Bern. Character,

l ..i r i .i . . H « ..... -TLi n n r-i

for PJ

Lin

at some stage in

PI. xxvi, line 7), but we may safely suppose that a scribe wrote PJ
the transmission of the poem.

J See Muller, Sitzumjsb. Berlin 47 (1910), 932 IT.

4 Emce ttl<> Egyptian equivalent of Accad. rabi.su, Canaanite soken (BA, No. 236: 9; Thureau-Dangin in
Her. d Axxyr. 19, 94, line 09) has not hitherto been recognized, some discussion is necessary. We have
the cuneiform transcription <>t this Egyptian term in two passages in EA . In a letter of Burraburiash of
Babylon to Amenophis IV the former complains that his caravans have been twice robbed, the second time
by "‘h‘a-ma-hu[-u\ \.,d]kin mdtika £a mat ki-?n (EA, No. 7 : 70-7), 'Pamahu, a governor of thy land, of a land
under (thy) military power . Pamahu may be either a proper name or a misunderstood Egyptian title, but
since Ranke does not list any Late-Kgn. name which could be identified with it, the latter alternative becomes
quite possible. It is made certain by EA, No. 102: 74. in a letter from Egypt to Amurru where the Egyptian
court demands the delivery of a number of malefactors, including a certain Mania (or rather, his family.
Since ho seems to have escaped), who is accused of deeds belonging apparently to the category of Use majeste’.
Mania is called the ■""Upa-ma-hn-a, that is, the pamaha- official. Since the latter is nominative, not accusa-
tive, while pamaha in the Babylonian letter is nominative, we may prefer the Egyptian writing pamaha,
to the possibly Ba bylonized pamahu (but see below). Mania himself bears an Egyptian name, possibly
identical with Mn-ni-e, the name of another, much more distinguished official in the foreign service. The
d'tlerence in the ending, however, suggests that Mania represents Late-Egn. 31 ny (mn.jj, Kanke, Personen-
lKtmm. 1.71. No. 4), whereas Main is Mnhr (for. cit.. Nos. o, fi).

The Babylonian term mknu naturally corresponds to ‘Amarnah rdbi.su and Canaanite soken, which also
appears in the Ahiram inscription (r. 1100 me.) in the sense of ‘prefect, governor’. One of the ‘Amarnah
rdbimti is probably known from contemporary Egyptian inscriptions : see Spiegelberg, Der Eabis Maia der
Bl-Amarna-Tafeln in emer dyyptischen Inschnfl in Zeits.f. Assyr. 30, 299 f. In his own inscription, how-
ever. Maya does not bear any title which c ould be equated either with rdbim or with the transcribed pamaha ■
upirt: nwt m Inst is hardly an equivalent. .Search through the titularies of New Kingdom foreign officials

THE EGYPTIAN CORRESPONDENCE OF ABIMILKI 201

expression sa ittasi amata m (155: 43) is only explicable to the writer as an attempt to repro-
duce an Egyptian ud-mdw literally (amiitu = mdir, ‘word’); lines 43-4 then mean ‘And
what has been commanded from (= hy) the mouth of the king’.

The morphology of the Abimilki letters is very interesting. The scribe avoids some of
the ubiquitous errors of his Canaanite confreres, found in all letters written by Canaanite
scribes. For example, in the ten letters of this group there is not a single case of imperfects
beginning with y as in Canaanite, though they are scattered by the hundred through the
tablets composed by Canaanite scribes. Our scribe shows numerous traces of having been
influenced by the language spoken at Tyre, in which the letters that he wrote were dictated,
so his abstention from this particular type of error shows that he reacted deliberately against
it as a vulgarism. He does not confuse tenses or verbal endings more than Canaanite scribes,
who were very helpless in these respects owing to the fact that there was a radical difference
between the corresponding phenomena in Accadian and Canaanite. However, many of his
mistakes in using verbs are precisely in points where Accadian and Canaanite agree, and
where the Canaanite scribes show remarkable accuracy. He uses singular for plural (e.g.
149: 60), first person for third ( e.g . 149: 42), qal for pi‘d ( e.g . 147: 9-10). transitive for
intransitive (e.g., 147: 11 contrasted with 14S: 42 and 151: 42). A particularly bad mistake
has already been discussed in n. 10 on p. 199. There are a number of flagrant errors in the use
of case-endings, which are easily explicable when made by an Egyptian scribe, since case-
endings had long since vanished in Egyptian. It must be said, however, that Canaanite
scribes also make occasional mistakes in case-endings, which were beginning to become con-
fused in the Canaanite of the fourteenth century n.c. 1

Throughout these ten tablets we find confusion between the voiced and voiceless stops
( mediae and tenues) b-p, g-k, d-t, a confusion practically unknown in the Canaanite letters
(b for p is a question of transcription, since fil was read both bi and pi, l'l being reserved

yields a plausible explanation; pamaha is pi mh-ib ( n nsui, n tib tiu-i, etc.), ‘the plenipotentiary (lit., the one
who fills the heart) of the king’. In the fifteenth century Xehasey, viceroy of Nubia, is the mh-ib n nswt,
mh-ib mnh n rib tiwi, etc. Dehawtei is the mh-ib nsu't hr hist vb(t). The title seems to be much more common
with military officers than with civil officials, who were seldom employed in foreign service.

The vocalization of pi mh-ib demands careful analysis of the evidence. The element mh is evidently an
active participle denoting habitual or professional activity, i.e. an imperfect according to Krman ( Aij .
Gr., §§ 389-90 a) and probably perfective according to Gardiner (Eg. <Jr., $§ 359, 272), though the latter
gives examples of imperfectives with this meaning (§ 357). One clear vocalized case has survived
into Coptic, ciu.it for iqdi(w), regarded by Erman as imperfect and by Gardiner as perfective. Fortu-
nately iqdi(iv), ‘mason, builder’, is also derived from a biconsonantal verb, so we may vocalize them simi-
larly, *idqaddi(w) and *idmahdi(tc). The plural nunc stands for *iq<idi<'ir. For ib, ‘heart’, we have an
indication in the name of the city Athribis, Coptic pn he : wopu bi and Assyrian IJatharrln (seventh
century), Arab. Atrib (there was no e in classical Arabic), for original Hl-tt-hr()-ib(). The long vowel of the
penult proves that the last element in the name was not hry-ib, as commonly supposed, but hr-ib;/ (so
already !('&., in, 137, lines 24 ff.). Prof. Gunn has also pointed out that the name of the decan hr(i/)-ih>i-
nil appears in Greek as pgomu (Brugsch, Thesaurus, 148), i by corresponding to r , with the loss of b ot w hieh
examples were collected by Sethe in ZAS 50, SO ff. If ihy became fbe, the original pronunciation may be
assumed to have been *ube, and that of ib. *iub, going back to *lubb ■ *libb (just as in Arabic. \\ here common
Semitic llbb has also become lubb through the influence of the following labial), l’l mh-ib may then have been
pronounced *p(di) ’ urndhd-' u(b ) or the like. Though we have suggested above that cuneiform prnnnhd was
more correct than pamahu it may be that both are attempts to reproduce a word sounding something like
*pdmdhd'u. The loss of final b in pronunciation is on a par with that of final b in Pareanmhu - Pi-r<-m-hb
(cf. Ranke, Keilschr. Mat. zur altag. Vokalisation, 16, n. I). the name of a personality whom the writer hopes
to discuss elsewhere.

1 Cf. Vocalization, pp. 18 f. ; J. Pal. Or. Soc. 14. 110 f.

D d

202

W. F. ALBRIGHT

for ua, ice, etc.). 1 Since we have exactly the same confusion (though in proportionately
greater abundance) in the letters written by Human and Hittite scribes, it follows that our
letters might on this ground alone be assigned to Hurrian writers. But the overwhelm-
ing Egyptian colouring which we have been describing, combined with the total lack of the
Humanisms and Hurrian glosses which characterize all letters from central and northern
Syria, are sufficient to demonstrate the error involved in such a deduction. Moreover, our
phenomenon is characteristic of nearly all the Egyptian letters found at ‘Amarnah and
Bogazkoy ; cf. especially LA. Nos. 14, 1)9, 102, and Rev. d'Assyr. 19, 100 f.

By far the best study of Egyptian consonantal sounds is found in Worrell’s recent work,
Coptic Sounds (1932), with which the writer’s review (Language 10, 220-4) may be compared ;
Czermak’s Die Laute der iigijptischen Sprache (1931-4) is practically unusable, since even
the material on which he bases his speculations is uncritically collected. While the inter-
pretation of this complex mass of data is difficult, the solution appears to be that Egn. b,
d, g were half-voiced, while p, t, k were voiceless. It is also possible that, as the writer
formerly believed. 2 b, d, g were voiced while p, t, k were half-voiced, though this view
seems to offer more difficulty than the other. In any case, as convincingly shown by tran-
scriptions from Canaanite into Egyptian and the reverse, the values of the stops had
become quite different in nuance: Egn. d is used for Semitic d and t, while t is used ford
and t\ Heb. t is used for Egn. d. while t = Egn. t.

In the course of our study of the Abiinilki letters we have made numerous observa-
tions on the interpretation of the text which do not properly belong to this paper;
since, however, several of them are important for the understanding of the letters,
we shall discuss them in a footnote. 3 In conclusion we wish to thank Professor Gunn

1 Another striking difference between the letters from Tyre and those from all other Canaanite cities is
that our scribe always writes amCitii. 'word’, with m, whereas all other Canaanite scribes write awatu (with
«'), as in Old Aecadian audtum and Canaanite (Cgaritic) hid. Contemporary Mesopotamian scribes WTite
amCitu , which was usually employed by Egyptian cuneiformists.

3 Cf. Language 10, 222.

3 Our new interpretations of the following passages do not include material already presented and
discussed in this paper, hut are .supplementary. U'e give the cuneiform text of each passage in connected
form.

( 1 ) . All difficult passages in letter 147 have been treated above except lines 16-24: ie annu Spur ardu ana
bfltfu i7 enfmia ifntf m\dr] Aipri ilana/a '"fa tarri -<a igafad ana urdUu 19 « sfhu tabu i a itta.fi M istu pi Karri
bfhya 21 ana aril if a u iidhir ffhufii --lam gaidd anifl{\) fipri sum beliya 23 ld isdhir sehu izukir 2, amat abbiya

"’behold the servant has written to his lord ''that(l) he has heard the auspicious messenger 18 of the king
who comes to his servant, '"and (that he has received) the sweet breath which went forth 20 from the mouth
ot the king my lord "'to his servant, whose (') breath is feeble ""before the coming of the messenger of the
king my lord '-"(whereas now) he will not be feeble of breath but will remember 2J the words of my fathers
(quoted ill the following lines)’. For the meaning of lehfru ( not sahdru or zamdru) and iehu see nn. 6, 7, p. 198;
other divergences from Kmidtzon's translation have been indicated, where important, by exclamation
marks. We have already called attention to the confusion between the first and third persons.

(2) . 14, H: 34-40: 3 'emima r -ipuf nukiirtu"‘ M Id ittfr 21 mdmita **idnu LC-[OI]R sanu 3 °sa isha[t] mat sarri
*"iar dl Sulfma ^ 'Though (the king of Sidon) has made war (against me) he has not returned the oath of
peace (i.r.. he is still nominally at peace). 1 here is no one else; it is the king of Sidon who attacks the land
of the king’. Kn final is used in ail the Canaanite letters in AVI as the equivalent of Heb. kl, all of whose
values it shares; one of the writer's students is preparing a thesis on the use of enuma in EA. Ittfr is used in
its normal sense : LV-CI R is regularly used in the sense of 'man. person’ in the Abimilki letters, but occurs
nowhere else; sunn fan a, since confusion in sibilants is not uncommon in these tablets (cf. same for
same, 147: 13).

(3'. IT. 1 : 11-17: "a a da par tupprr hamutaf.) l 'ana sarri beliya a Id 12 itter amdta m ana idsi u anaku rabis
tarn bfhya r, i; andku ia ubal amain 1 " u tdbu a nnd-ma l min a 17 ana iarri bfhya = ‘And I sent a tablet quickly(l)

THE EGYPTIAN CORRESPONDENCE OF ABIMILKI

203

for helpful adtice and several corrections, and Mr. A. Sachs for aid in the preparation
of this paper . 1

to the king my lord, but he has not returned any word to me. I am the governor (commissioner) oi the king
my lord, and am I one who brings good news, but withholds (!) evil (news) from the king my lord V At the
end of 11 the text has u-mu-fa, which is unquestionably a mistake for hamuta , presumable influenced bv the
writing of ii-mu, day . In 16 and-ma is naturally amT-ma. from nd'u, ‘withhold’. It is possible, but not
likely, that lines 15—1 7 should be translated as a statement rather than as a rhetorical question. Since,
however, these letters are full of bad news for Pharaoh, our interpretation is probable correct.

(4) . 149: 74-5: [i]8tu satti-gati nukurt[u "‘ ] [i]na muhhiya = ‘since last year (!) there is hostility to me’
(?.e. I am at war). In line 27 sa-an-ti-ga-ti-ma also means ‘last year’, i.e. since * last vear I have desired
to see the face of the king my lord . Knudtzon left the expression satti-gati or Aanti-gati untranslated, and
Ebeling ( Verbum d. El- A mama-Briefe, 78 ; EA, p. 1249) tried to explain it as a misunderstanding of i I U-KA A'",
an awkward Amarnah orthography for sutti, ‘year’, which he took without justification as standing for imt
satti annxti, in this year . However, the expression is naturally identical with Old Babylonian 8ndiltiq<la w ,

last year , istu saddaqdi m , ‘since last year (cf. Lngnad, Babyl. Briefe, 383) which became Aaddagdi A sad-
dagis in the late Assyrian dialect (Ylvisacker, Znr babyl . u. assyr. Gramm., 07-9), and appears as ' eAtupid in
Jewish Aramaic, as pointed out by Pick in OLZ 1909, 165. All these corruptions go back ultimately to
satta" 1 qadimta’", ‘last year , by a series of successive dissimilations and assimilations, an interpretation which
was disputed at first by Landsberger (ZD MG 69, 514), but later accepted by him (OLZ, 1923, 74). Our
interpretation is confirmed by a unique occurrence ot the word in the contemporary Xuzian documents,
to which Dr. C. H. Gordon has called my attention; in the Publications of the Baghdad School, Vol. v, Xo.
546, line 7 we find (8a) sattaqti correlated with 8a satti anniti, ‘of this year'.

(5) . 151: 55—63: So u bit (!) if/m dl l garit 56 ikul iidtu 111 at i-/ [If n ^ikul a miAi(l)Au iuini i 'u ami! id nut man
matHatti ianu^ Etagama pa wire (!) eo «? Qid«i u *'A:ira nukurtn" 1 «-itti Xamyairaza c, (ipuAit) - ‘and the house
of the king of Ugarit fire has devoured; half of it it has devoured and half not (!). And the men of the army
of the land of the Hittites are not (in Syria). Etagama prince of Kadcsh and Azira are fighting w itli Xamya-
waza’. That bit, not qar, should be read in line 55 was seen later by Knudtzon ( EA , p- 1597), and Ebeling
pointed out the correct translation of line 57 (ibid., p. 1253). This is probably the destruction in which the
alphabetic cuneiform tablets of Ras esh-.Shamrah came to grief (c. 1365 b.c.). Line 59 has been misunder-
stood by all; it certainly does not mean ‘Etagama is (has just become) prince of Kadcsh', as generally
interpreted. The Abimilki letter in question is probably considerably later than Etagama' s accession. In
line 63 the scribe has written nukurtu" 1 , ‘warfare’, again, whereas lie undoubtedly meant to write A push,
‘they have made’.

1 The following important points have been noted since the completion of the paper. Mr. A. Sachs
calls attention to the use of the masculine and feminine determinatives together before names of women
in certain Middle-Assyrian juristic texts (fourteenth century B.c.), a but which bears on the writing of
the name Maya-ati (p. 191). Of even more direct importance is his observation that the tablets from Katna
in Syria (Virolleaud, Syria IX, 311 tf.) containing the inventory of the temple treasure of the goddess
Belitekalli (Xinegal), and dating from before 1370 B.c.. write all female names with both personal and
feminine determinatives; e.g., "'-/Semunni, '"fBizzallu" 1 . etc. For the disappearance of the final n in 'dten,
etc. (p. 192) Scharft's discussion in Der historische Absrhnitt der Lehre fur Konig Merikari (Munich, 1936),
p. 22, is of interest, since he makes it probable that the n of mtn had disappeared by the fifteenth century
B.c., i.e. a century before the ‘Amarnah Tablets. Prof. Gunn calls attention to Clere. Compte.i Bendas du
Groupe Linguistique <T Etudes Cham itn-Sem itiques 2. 60 tf.. on the loss of n in the pronominal suffixes An
and tn, beginning in the Middle Kingdom. — -E'er the double origin of the e-vowel discussed in n. 2. p. 196,
see now W. Vycichl in Mitt, deutsch. Inst. Kairo (i (1936). 171 if., on his remarkable discoveries at Zeniyah,
which prove that the writer was correct in separating Coptic e in put (Rtc. Trav. 46, 67) and iiiifc from
the e which was originally u.

( 204 )

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

By E. P. WEGENER

Of the documents printed below, which I had an opportunity of studying during a four
weeks' stay in Oxford in the month of August 1930, the first belongs to the Roman Catholic
College at Heythrop, Oxon., the others are recent acquisitions of the Bodleian Library.

I wish to express my sincerest thanks to Mr. E. Lobel for his permission to publish the
documents and for verifying a few readings in Nos. I and IV, to Dr. H. I. Bell and Mr.
T. C. Skeat for kindly discussing with me some difficult problems and for many profitable
suggestions, and last but not least to Mr. C. H. Roberts, who not only encouraged me to
undertake the study of them, but also undertook to verify readings and alterations made
after I left Oxford and kindly charged himself with the difficult task of correcting my
English.

A Loan of Money in the Oxyrhynchite Nome
Pap. of Heythrop College. 12\11 cm. , a.d. 131.

It is in commemoration of one of the greatest English papyrologists, the late Professor
A. S. Hunt, who himself, as Mr. Lobel told me, studied this document with the intention
of publishing it, that I place this text at the head of my article. Unfortunately his tran-
script was not to be found, so that I could make no use of it, but if my publication, which
can by no means compete with what Professor Hunt's would have been, is a tolerable one,
I owe it in part to the provisional transcript of the papyrus made by Mr. Roberts and,
as far as the notes are concerned, to the use of the Grenfell and Hunt Memorial Library,
now systematically arranged and accessible in the Ashmolean Museum.

To the right of the last lines of the papyrus the beginnings of some lines of a second
column are visible, apparently in the same very small and difficult handwriting; hence our
document most probably formed part of a ro/ro? uvyKoXXrjcnpLos of the grapheion at Talao
in the Oxyrhynchite nome, of which it was the 240th woAA^pa. Among the many contracts
of loans published up to the present time, the closest parallel to our document, as far as
I know, is P. I lor. HI [Herm. \.n. 103] ; the text printed below, however, differs sufficiently
in form and contains new points (discussed in the notes) of sufficient interest to justify its
publication. In the present deed of loan we may distinguish two parts. The first (11. 2-8
and 20 ff.) is what we may call the real contract, dated November 20, a.d. 131, through
which Panouphis, son of Dieuches, borrows from Horus, son of Horus. a further sum of
210 silver drachmae: the other part consists of a resume of a former loan of 408 silver
drachmae dating from the month of August a.d. 129. which had not yet been repaid (11. 8-
20), with details about the mortgage (rf. notes on 11. 8 and 9). At line 22, where one might
expect stipulations about the repayment of the total sum of 018 drachmae, the document
breaks off.

-/a

Etovs] tKKai&eKarov AvroKparopos Kalaapos Tpaiavov
b 18piaro]0 pL-qvos Niov W/3 aor'o' v kS iv kwl-
pp TaXajqji rrji Karat ro-apxla$ rov 'O^vpvyxdrov).

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

205

5 ’Edaveicrejy T Qpos " Qpov tov ' HpaxXrjov prjTpos Neef>ep<JovT(os)

IJa]yov(f>€L Aievyovs tov IJavov<f>ios prjTpos Tedevros
IJepcrrj ] jrjs eTTiyovijs ap<f>OTepoi rwv aird rrjs Trpoxipeinrjs koj-
p rjs TaX]a<xu, ev dyvia, yu >pls ojv dXXaiv eSavei aev avrati
Kad' eVepjov Savetov did tov ovtov yp[a]<j>[e]lov toil prjvl ZJe/iaoTpji
10 tov Teaa]apeaxaiSexaTov eTovs 'A&piavov Kaloapos tov Kvplov
dpyvplo]v hpaypwv TeTpaxocrlwv oktoh hr dotfsaXela rrepl
■rrjv aujr^v TaXatln ex tov K6vouv[o]s xal tojv dXXcuv xXrjpivv
xaTOixijxdjv dpovprjs puds rjpiaovs, 'rjvrrep xaTaxeipeyrjv ev drj-
pocrlcoi] xaroiKOW ttjv oXrjv play rjpiau rrj Se <f>vaei tea-
15 to. TTj]y pev dpovpav plav yepoapireXov \ttjs; 8 e dpovprjs rjplcrovs
....]. St’ ov dvrjvexxev 6 IJavovc/ns rrpos tov T Qpov
did T~\paTreC,r)s yeipoypdjtov tojl avrati TeGoapeoxaibeKaTiw)

L pr]v]l ’Eireieji idrjXd>6ri, Trjs §e oXrjs apovprjs pias rjploovs
/car]oyj)v dneypatparo 6 'Qpos els to tojv i y KTrjoeajv fitfjXio-
20 <f>vX\a[Kio^v , xal vyv dXXas apyvplov bpaypds Siaxoalas hexa,
raj enl to au]r[o] a[p]yvplov S[pa]ypa? e^axoala s hexa ox tool

] • • - [

1. Instead of p it is not impossible to read e, but less likely; after this letter there is a gap in
the papyrus, so that there may have been one letter more. 3. 1. xwprj. 5. The w of r Qpos is written
twice, perhaps in consequence of a splitting of the pen. 7. 1. Trpoxeipevrjs. 11. 1. oxrtd: so too 21.
12—13. 1. xXrjpov xaroixixou. 16. 1. dvrjveyxev.

Translation

The sixteenth year of the Emperor Caesar Traianus Hadrianus, 24th day of the month Neos
Sebastos, in the village Talao in the lower toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite (nomc). Horus son of
Horus, son of Heracleus, his mother being Nephersous, has lent to Panouphis son of Dieuches, son
of Panouphis, his mother being Tetheus, Persian of the Epigone, both inhabitants of the aforesaid
village Talao, in the street — apart from the other four hundred and eight silver drachmae, which
he lent to him in respect of another loan drawn up through the said record-oilier in the month
Sebastos of the fourteenth year of Hadrianus Caesar the lord upon the security of (his) one and a
half arourae near the said Talao in the catoecic holding of Conon and the others, which, the whole
one and a half, is registered in the archives of the catoeci, and which is by its nature, with regard to
the one aroura, barren vineland, but to the half aroura . . ., as was stated by the contract, which
Panouphis issued to Horus through the bank in the said fourteenth year in the month Epeiph,
and Horus registered his mortgage on the whole one and a half arourae at the property registration-
office — now again two hundred and ten other silver drachmae, and the total of six hundred and
eighteen silver drachmae [Panouphis has to repay to the creditor . . .]

Notes

1. On the archives of the grapheia see Boak in P. Mich, ii, Introd., 2.

4. For the village of TaXadt cj., e.cp, P. Oxv. 12S5, 131.

5. The name Nejtepaovs is not to be found in Preisigke. Xamniburh. lmt names such as
Nejepaovxis (or -yiy) and Ne<f>epao'>ovs are recorded there.

7. On the Persians of the Epigone see Modona in Art/. 13, 472 ft’., Boak, P. Mich, ii, 22,
and the works referred to by them; for loans made to them cj. the list of Pringsheim,
Z. Sav. 44 (1924), 419 ff.

8. ev dy via : see Meyer, Juristische Pap., note on 24, 3 and p. NX.

206

E. P. WEGENER

coi’ aAAcor eSaveccrev ktA. This mode of reference to a former loan is not in itself
unusual and may he compared with the parallel expression x w p' l * a-AAcuv dm SfGAei ktA.,
which occurs in several deeds of loan after the execution-clause; cf. P. Osl. 39 [Theadelphia,
A.n. 146], 21, n. The position of these words, however, at the beginning of the document,
introducing a resume with details about the mortgage of the former loan, is remarkable
and without parallel; the reason is most probably that the present loan is secured by the
same mortgage : cf. P. Flor. 81 ( npocrt Saee iut v — - — aAAa? a pyvpiov Etfiaarov copicrparo?

KtfaAalov Spaypas' rrevraKooias ) line 6 naaas tn (1. ef> ) VTTodrjKT] ais npovnedero airruti

Kad' tripas crvvypa<j>ds Saveicoc kt A . , and the next note.

9. Sid rov avrov yp[o\<j>[t\Lov i.e. the same record-office as that in w Inch the present loan
was drawn up : cf. von Woess, Unters. iiber das Urkunden wesen, 55.

The unusual word-order run p.rjvl Etfiaorwi instead of rwi Etflaardn firjVL may be due to a
real iv terrain p.rjvl Etfiaoruji in the original contract.

The most obvious grammatical construction of this part of the document is, when we
compare P. Oxy. 506 [a.d. 143], 50 ff. p[p iX]arrovp.ivov rod avrov SeSa vtiKoros ev rfj
npdiei [div aAAtoc d]</>ei[Aei] ai>rd> — • — Kad ' erepov 8d[veiov yeyov]6s Bid rod av[ro]v p.vrjfxoveiov

r[w ] evemidri prjvl 'Adpiavoi irrl vnodr^Krj rah npoKeipivais oeiriKats [apovpas Se']/ca

riaoapai fj[pt]aei dpyvpiov raXavrov evos Kal dpaypiov efaKocncvv ktA., to include err
aarfraAtla ktA. (1. 11) in the relative clause yuiph a> v aXAajv (11. 8 ft’.), i.e. in the month
Se bast os of the fourteenth year (August— September a.d. 129) Panouphis had borrowed on
mortgage from Horns 408 silver drachmae. This explanation seems, however, to be in
contradiction with 1. 18, where it is stated that the details about the mortgage (11. 13-16)
were described in a contract issued to Horus in the month Epeiph of the said fourteenth
year (June-July a . d . 130), i.e. ten months after the deed of loan. The suggestion made to
me by Dr. Hell, to take eV do^aXela as a separate clause and to suppose that the loan of
488 drachmae, which Horus had given to Panouphis in the month Sebastos apparently
without security, was ten months later secured by a separate deed of mortgage, is perhaps
the right one. hut makes it difficult to explain Sid r]pani£rjs xtipoypdcf>ov in 1. 17 (cf. note
nd loc.). I am therefore inclined to think that in 11. 17-18 the words are misplaced and that
eB-rjAdidr] (1. 18) might to have come after yeipoypa^ov (1. 17) and that the date (11. 17-18)
belongs to dneypaiparo in 1. 19 (ij. note ad Joe.).

11. After in' do<f>a Asia 1 we might insert rrji or even rrjs vnapxovcrqs avrw, but it is not
necessary; if.. c.</., P. Yars. 10. i. If. and P. Oxy. 2134, 14, where, however, there is the
additional phrase ano ran' vnapyovoan’ poi (in P. Yars. 10 Schubart also, Gnomon, XII (1936),
427, thinks the insertion of rdiv necessary).

12. That a piece of land of only one and a half arourae was situated in several holdings is
unlikely and without parallel; consequently /cAppoic [Karoi/ojiaoi' must be a mistake of the
scribe for kX i)pov kotoikikou occasioned by ctAAcye. We may even suppress rwv before aXXwv ;
<;/.. P. Oxy. 270. 24 eY rov \lAtidi6pou Kal dAAojv (sc. /cAppou), P. Oxy. 633 e/c rov
YocctvSpoe Kal dXXiov KXijpov.

13-14. Owing to the unusual badness of the handwriting the last three words of 1. 13
and the first one of 1. 14 are extremely difficult to read and are still very doubtful; it is,
however, not possible to read after Kara a pin to correspond with Si in 1. 14, so a suggestion
like Kara pec aA Ape (or tt)c pec) ei St)! ac (1. elbiav) kotoLkwv (for KaroiKiKrjV or yp?
KaroiKiKTjs ) (for which if., c.ij.. Stud. 20. 120, 10) dpovpa X ISitunKijs eiSe'a?, must be rejected
on palaeographieal grounds. Further, KaroiKan' seems to me to suit the sense better (see
below), whereas KaroiKiKorv (or Karo^ipoic) is impossible.

1 For the tax to tie paid on mortgaging eatoecic land cf. P. land, vn, 137.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

207

The construction of the relative clause with the accusative -gvnep as object of the im-
personal i8gXd>dg (1. 18) is abnormal, but intelligible. The verb KaraKelodai, which is used
in the sense of lodging or registering a deed in the archives (e.g., to xeipoypaifov Kvpiov eoroj
<1 >; iv 8gpooLu) (apxelui) Kara.KeLp.evov (or KaraKexoipiapevov) ; cf. Jors, Z. Sac. 34 (1913), 112,
P. Oxy. 1257 [3rd. c. a.d.], 11 to Kar dv8pa to iv hgpooloi KaraKelpevov). suggests at first sight
that in ao(f>a\eia (1. 11) should be the antecedent of rjvnep, but the attributive adjunct rgv
oXrjv plav -rjpiov (1. 14) proves decisively that the antecedent is dpovprp (1. 13). Consequently
we are justified in holding that the relative clause contains particulars concerning the
mortgaged land of II arourae, as was stated (iSgXt 86g) in the contract. In the most
explicit deeds of loan on mortgage we find the following statements about the mortgaged
land:

1. The category to which the land belongs, e.g.:

P. Oxy. 506 [a.d. 143], 23 ff. to)v vnapxoVTOiV avrals i£ toov nepl rrjv aiirrjv IJeXa eK
rod AtouXiovs Kal IJroXepaLOV Tlepaov ImnKov uX-gpov rplrov pepovs.

P. Oxy. 2134 [J^A.D. 170], 14 ff. ini vnodgier] KaroiKiKps it) [o]p#[o]yan'toi> dpovpdw

reaadptov dno tu>v vnapxovoidv pot nepl rgv avT-gv xvcnv ev ' EpponoXelrr) yrjs ev d<f>eoei
eK rov TJavaavLov KXgpov ktX.

2. The kind of cultivation, e.g.:

P. Oxy. 506, 25 to nplv dpneXiKov KTgparos vvvel 8e xepoapne\[ou] .

P. Oxy. 2134, 14 KaroiKiK-qs oirofyopov anopipov .

3. The adjacent areas, e.g., P. Oxy. 2134, 17 ff.

Of these particulars we find here the first in 11 . 11 (nepl) — 13 (pm ? gploovs) and the second
in 11. 14 (tji 8e <f>voei) — 16 (beginning ; see below), so the rather enigmatic words KaraKeipevgv
iv SgpomwL KaroLKovv replace by a reference to a former contract what in other docu-
ments is expressed in some such phrases as 13GU 1158 [Alexandria, 9 b.c.], 11 die al yeirviai
§ia -rfj(s) o(vv)xaipq(oea>s) BrjXovvrai, P. Plor. 81, 9 ini r at? oroafi]; yeiTi/[iai]s. This
implies that the words refer to the registration of the land in an archive, where the tenants
of the plots of land were designated. Of the two offices of Homan Egypt the jSqSAtotbj/o? tuiv
iyKT-goewv did not record such details, but the fiifiXiodgKg 8gpoatcov Xoycov was the land-
registration office, where detailed information about the plots was kept for fiscal purposes ;
cj. von Woess, op. cit., 77, 302, Flore, Sulla fiifiXiodriKq tow iyKrgoeuw in Acg. 8, 88,
Deleage, Les Cadastres antiques in Et. Pap. 2, 139—45. Therefore the word S gpooiov refers
to the cadaster; cf. the reference for tenants to the hgpouia fiifi, Xla in BGl 94. 1. 8, von
Woess, ibid., Deleage, op. cit., 144. And the addition kotolklov proves for tin* first time,
as far as I know, that the cadaster of catoeeie land formed part of the general cadaster, as
suggested doubtfully by von Woess, op. cit.. 91.

tt) 8e <f>vaei: this use of the word f>v<ns has not been found till now, but we may com-
pare P. Tebt. 288 [a.D. 226], 4 ff. Kal dvaypaipaodai ndaav -rgv ionappevgv yfjv ev te nvpgi Kal
oXXols y[eveo]i Kal to [6vo]para tow Kara <f>vi nv ye yeojpygK^or^cov Srjpocnwv yewpycdv Kai
»cArjp[o]uyaje.

15. x^paapneXov : tf. Schnebel. Hie Eandicirtschajt, 1 1 ff.

16. The lacuna at the beginning of the line presumably contained an indication of the
nature of the half-aroura; it may have been either vineyard or arable land.

dvgveyKev: for ava^epeiv in the sense of issuing a contract cf. P. Ilamb. 62 [a.d. 123],
4, n.

17. S id rjpanelgs x el P°yp°- r f >ov: ^ le reading rpaneCgs is pretty certain and the restora-
tion of 8i a is justified by P. Oxy. 104 [a.d. 96], 20-22 nepl twv 6<f>eiXopiviov vn epov

208

E. P. WEGENER

tui avTai [d]i'8pt ’Arpfj /car’ dcrfidXeiav Sia TpaneQgs evoiKiopov Trjs olxlas Kal ad[J]i)j

apyvpiov 8pa)(p.ujv e^aKoolaiv ( cf . 11. 29—30). On the supposition that 11. 11—18 refer to a
separate mortgage (cf. note on 1. 9) these words are unintelligible, for even if we suppose
that the bank had the function of a mere record-office (cf. Meyer, Jur. Pap., 96), although
this would be a rarity at this date (cf. von Woess, op. cit., 314, n. 1, Flore, op. tit.,
58), it is not possible to call such a deed a handwritten contract. No more is it possible to
suppose that the loan of Sebastos a.d. 129 ought to have been repaid in Epeiph a.d. 130 and
that Panouphis, instead of repaying, ceded the one and a half arourae to Horus through the
bank, for 1. 21 proves that the sum was still due to the creditor, and, moreover, such a deed is
called Si aypafrq (cf., e.g., P. Lond. in, pp. 166 ff., No. 1164 k). And the suggestion that there
might have been a second loan in Epeiph through a x e Lpdypaf>ov followed by a Siaypafrg
t panels is disproved by 11. 9-11 and 21. Therefore the most probable explanation, although
not satisfactory, seems to he that the date is misplaced (cf. note on 1. 9) and that the word
Xetpoypacfoi’ is improperly used. The words Sid Tpane^gs yet poypdf>ov indicate an unselb-
standige Siaypacfig. On such a biaypafr) the bank did not make payment before the contract
written in the record-office was produced, and the contract, in which the mortgage was
described, the St aypafrq, and the v-rroypafrj formed one single document ; cf. von Woess, op.
cit., 30S-15 and, e.g., P. Flor. 1 = Meyer, op. cit., No. 68. It is therefore possible that in
the present case the contract of loan drawn up through the record-office in Sebastos a.d. 129
was followed at the same date by a 8iaypa<j>g t panics and by reason of that is referred to
as a contract issued to Horus through the bank.

1S-20. In these lines we find for the first time the quite interesting statement that the
creditor has registered his mortgage at the property registration-office, as was prescribed
in the edict of Mettius Eufus a.d. S9; see P. Oxy. 237, viii, 31 xeXevuj ovv ndvras rod?
KTTjTopas evros pgvcdv ei; anoypdfiaaOaL tt/v Id lav K-rijcnv els rl]V evKTgoeujv fjifiXLoOrjKgv Kal rovs
have lotus as eav extocn urrodr/Kas Kal rovs aXXovs ooa eav eya/cri Si/caia, and cf. the edict of
Tiberius Julius Alexander in a.d. 69 (OGIS, 669, 21 ff.) and the entry of the mortgage on
the Scdarpiopa of the creditor in P. Oxy. 274, S ff. It is not certain whether the registration
was made in Epeiph, but this date would suit here very well (cf. nn. on 11. 9 and 17), for
we know that the dnoypafrj was very often made much later than prescribed; cf. Flore, op.
cit., 65, Deleage, op. cit., 145, and also P. Osl. 40 [a.d. 150], 50, with the introduction of the
editor, i£6vro]s aoi Sia a eavrov dno tov vvv ottotc eav alpfj /caraoyeA to avro 8ia rrjs [tuiv
evKTTjoeaiv ^Xiod-gK-gs, P. Oxy. 2134, 24 ff. cGfd] tov vvv (koX) (may be omitted) oVoVav jiovXg
e'getvai aoi rp? vTrodrjKrjs KaToxfjv noLgcraodai Kal tuiv avToiv dpovp[a>]v KaToxfjv 7rot{^}ef(70[at]
Sid tov tuiv evKTTjoeuiv tov ’EppoTroXeiTov fliBXiofvXaKLOV pg irpoohegdevTi napovolas [po]v
pgSe uvvemypacfifjs, and P. Oxy. 506, 49.

For KaToxg see Flore, op. cit., 60; cf. also Roberts, Two Papyri from Oxurhiinchus , in
JEA 20, 26, n. on 11. 42-3.

For dTToypa<fg see Flore, op. cit., 64-8.

els TO t<7jv e y .KTgoeuiv Xiof>vXd K Lov proves the existence of the fiifiXi oBgKg P/XTyoetov
at Oxyrliynchos for a.d. 130; cf. Roberts, op. cit., p. 23, n. on 1. 1.

21. One might restore ylv(eTai) ini rd aiird. but it seems more probable to me, as no
interest is mentioned either in 1. 11 or in this line, that both the former loan and this one
were ifnXd SaVeia ( cf..e.g ., P. Hamb. 14, 14), on account of which the word KefidXaiov is omitted,
and that in this and the next lines the day of payment was stated ; we may even insert a xal
before or a 8e after rd?, and the beginning of the next line may have been dnoSoTui 6 TTarodfis
toil SeSaveiKOTt ; cf. P. Flor. SI, 9. stipulation of the payment of the last loan, and for a
single loan, e.g., P. Oxy. 2134, 18.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

209

A Loan of Money in the Arsinoite Nome

MS. Gr. Class e 129 (P). 19-3 X 6-8 cm. a.d. 387.

The top of this document, containing the date and one line of the address, is lost, also
the left side, comprising about 13-16 letters, of the remaining lines. As one of the parties
was an inhabitant of the village of Philadelpheia, the provenance of the papyrus is most
probably the Arsinoite nome. For the date see note on 1. 9.

] Avptj[XL

air] 6 Ka>/j,rj[s] 0fA[a8eA<^etay

tou ’Apou’olrov i»o/x]o[u] yaipeiv. Auyy [aipto
icr)(7]Kevai Kal Se8ae]e[t]adat napa aov els ISlav pov
5 Kal dvayKaiav ypcia]c Sia yet pos i£ olkov napa-
Xpfjpa apyvpiojv PejdaoTojv voplapanos
TaXavra oySoiy/coi/rJa ema, / (raA.) nC, ai rep ena-
vayKes dnoScdoco raj] aoj A oycp prjvl Meaop-q A
tov eveoTCOTOS /c]aj Kal cy Kal S Kal jSj dinmep-
10 Oercos avev ndcrrfls dvTtXoylas, tov 8e xpovov
evoTavTOS Kal r]rjs dnoddoetus p'q yevopevqs
eKTicra) cot tov vnep]neadvros xpovov tov avvq-
Orj tokov, yivopevrf\ s crot Trjs npd£ea>s e/c re epov
Kal €K toiv VTrapx]ovTcov pot, TravTaxfj nav-
15 tolo.iv vavTcav npJaaaovTi [aot] KaOdnep e/c 81/07?.
to ypappaTLov Kvpiojv earco Kal evvopov ini
vnoypacfifjs tov vnep\ epov ypdSovros Kal ine-
pcorrjdels cvpoX6y]rjoa. (2nd H.) Aiip-qXios 'Povcfcos Aov-
ytvov 6 npoKelp]evps SeSaveLopai /cat rjpldpr]-
20 pa t napa aov ra too] Kecf>aXalov avv tokols rdXav-a
SySorjKovTa eirra], a /cat drroSdiaoj Tjj npodeo-
pla, cvs npoKeiTai] . Aiipr/Xtos ’ A<f>po8elacos ’AXXcp-
vlov xrnoypa<f]evs eypatpa vnep auTov
aypappaTov ddtoj^Oels vno tov StSaa/cctAou.

Translation

[Aurelius Eufus, son of Longiuus to . . .], greeting. I acknowledge that I have borrowed from
you for my own pressing need from hand to hand out of the house directly eighty -seven talents of
the Imperial silver coinage, say 87 tab, which sum I am bound to repay to your account on the
30th of the month Mesore of the current 21st, 13th, 4th, and 2nd year without delay or excuses.
And if the time has arrived and the repayment has not been made, I will forfeit to you the usual
interest for the excess time, for which you are to have the right of execution upon me and all my
property everywhere of all sorts, proceeding as if in accordance with a legal decision. Let the
contract be valid and legal with the subscription of him who is writing on my behalf, et interrogatus
spopondi. (2nd H.) I, Aurelius Rufus, son of Longinus, the afore-named, have borrowed and
received from you the eighty-seven talents of the sum with interest, which I will repay on the
appointed day, as aforesaid. I, Aurelius Aphrodeisios, son of Allonius, the subscriber, have written
for him, because he cannot write, at the request of the ‘teacher’.

e e

210

E. P. WEGENEE

Notes

1-2. Av P t)[ At may be the gentilicium of the addressee, whose name is not mentioned in
the following lines, or of the debtor, in which case we may restore Avprj[Aios 'Povfros |
Aovyivov a 77 ]d (or rcov (IttJo; . but there is nothing to show which altemati\ e is preferable.

3. There is no reason to suppose that the column either extended to the right or pro-
jected to the left, so there is no room for rfs 'HpaxAelSov peptSos rod 'Apaivoirov.

cnryxlojpa). The a and v were written much larger than the rest of the document, and the
y is very doubtful, but SpoAoyd can certainly not be read. The verb ovyx<upe Tv is generally
used only in the Alexandrian avyxd)prjais-deeds, but the greeting proves that the present
text cannot belong to that class of documents; cf. Meyer, Jur. Pap., pp. 92-3. The use of
the verb here as a synonym of opoAoyd) corroborates the opinion of von Woess, Unters.
iiber das Urkundenwesen, 315-16, that the avyyw ipijox?- deed CP It 156 is not an Alexandrian
deed; he compares the non-technical use of the verb in P. Oxy. 273, 10, and P. Ryl.
174,21.

4. For the supplement loxpxevai xal Sedan] eftjadai cf., e.g., P. Cairo Masp. 67162
[a.d. 568], 12.

6-7. For the depreciated value of money at this date cf. P. Osl. 41 [a.d. 331], note on
1. 11, and Mickwitz, Geld und Wirtschaft, 127 sqq.

8. t<2] ad> Aoycp is not to be found in other loans, as far as I know, but the meaning is
clear; cf., e.g., 6 rijs rroAews Aoyos (CPHerm. 119 R, vii, 21 == Meyer, op. cit., no. 38) or
d Aoyo? r rjs dexarrpojrelas (P. Oxy. 1257, 19). 1

9. tov eveorcvTos x]a) xal ly xal 8 xal jSj : this is the only date occurring in the document,
but it is possible to find the year by comparing documents in which the same proportional
difference between the years occurs; for the references to these I am indebted to Dr. Bell.
The difference of eight years (x a and i y) occurs also in P. Osl. 44, 13 (erovs) 1 9 xal evarov
xal a) ’Emlcf) A (July 24, A.D. 325) and P. Osl. 41, 14 TvfJt rod eve] arwros erovs xs (erovs)
is (e-roe?) tj (erovs) (December 31, a.d. 331); cf. note of the editor on 44, 14. It is found
again together with a difference of nine years ( ly and 8) in PSI SOS, 6 x6\ id$ taj j8j Afe^etp i?
(February, a.d. 335), the 29th year of Constantinus, the 19th of Constantinus II, the 11th of
Constantins, and the 2nd of Constans, as stated by the editor in his introduction ; a document
with the complete subsequent differences of eight, nine, and two years is not known. The
difference of two years between the last three years of PSI 805 and the first three years of this
document proves that the date of our text is a.d. 337 and that the years mentioned are the
21st of Constantinus II Caesar (accession March 1, a.d. 317), the 13th of Constantius Caesar
(accession November 8, a.d. 324), the 4th of Constans Caesar (accession December 25,
a.d. 333), and the 2nd of Dalmatius Caesar (accession September 18, a.d. 335; cf. F.
Clinton, Fasti Barnaul, sub anno 335). This dating by regnal years of Caesars alone illustrates
very clearly the fact that after the death of Constantinus Magnus on May 22, a.d. 337, there
was no Augustus until the accession of Constantinus II with his brothers Constantius and
Constans on September 9, a.d. 337 ; cf. BE iv, 1027.

It is not stated in the existing part of the document when Rufus borrowed the sum
which he had to repay on the 30th Mesore (August 23, a.d. 337), but by the regnal years
mentioned here we know that the terminus post quern for the issuing of this contract is the
26th Pauni (May 22, a.d. 337) ; it was therefore a short-term loan repayable in three months
at most ; cf. P. ( )sl. 41, 13, where the term is one month only.

10-11. rov Se xp° vov [ evaravros ] xrA.\ cf. A [ever, .Jur. Pap., No. 67 [Alex. b.c. 9], 12

1 For stipulations concerning the repayment of loans in general see Weber, Unters. zum gralco-agyptischen
Obligationenrecht, 123-9.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

211

eav Sc tov xpo(vov) evoTavTo(s) 6 ’DA os pi] 077081810 Tag tov dpyv(plov) (dpaypas) ^ r and note.
Instead of ivaravros we might also supply Sia yevopevov as in P. Cairo Masp. 071(17,
12 [vi a.d.], or 8ie\9ovTos as in P. Oxy. 485 [a.d. 178], 27 Trjs Se npodeoplas SteXdovcrrjs.

12—18. IktLouj ktA . : cf. P. Osl. 41, 15 ff. el Sc [py, eKrelria) not] tov vuepneocvTOg

ypovov [ ] St afiopov eKaoTov ra[XdvTov tov pylvog eKiloTov with note on 1. 10,

Berger, Strafklauseln, 118 ff.

tov ovvT]9rj tokov: cf. BGU. 302, 13 cm Tip owydei toko>; perhaps we may restore in
P. Osl., ibid, to ovvrjdeg] 8ia<f>opov or to KaOrjKov] didfopov.

14-15. TTav[Tolu>v TrdvTow : cf. SB 5146 [a.d. 193], Meyer, Jur. Part., No. 30, 22, n. = P.
Hamb. 2 [a.d. 59].

15. TrpdaoovTL (cot) Kadavep ck St/crjy: cf., c.y., P. Amli. 46 [113 b.c.] and Meyer, op. cit..
No. 30, 23 rrpdcroovTi Kvplatg, where Kvphos, not (as Meyer suggests in his note) the whole
expression, is synonymous with Kadavep Ik S Uys.

16-17. For the sanction-clause in general see Meyer, op. cit., No. 35, ii, 13, n. ; ewopov
is unusual, but we may compare P. Grenf. n, 75 [a.d. 305], 13 rj dod>[d]Xeia [^et po]ypa<f>os
[iy]Se if' {nroypafrfjg tov viroyp[a]<f>ovTOS KVpla eoTco Kai fiefiala tog e\v\vopog coy ev 8rjpoolw
Ka.Ta.Keifj.evr], also P. Grenf. i. 60, 51 [a.d. 581].

18. One might suggest avveyoipyoa instead of dipoXoyyoa in accordance with 1. 3, but it
is more probable that the fixed stipulation-clause was used.

19-20. Tjpldfjppat: cf., e.g., P. Grenf. II, 72, 6 opoXoyui i]pi6pfjo9ai rrapa trod.

20. avv tokocs. We learn here in the subscription that the sum was lent out on interest,
a fact mention of which in the contract itself (II. 0-7) is omitted ; cf. P. Osl. 41, 10, n.

21-2. T?j TTpoOeopla] is not very common in the subscription, but perhaps we may restore
it in P. Osl. 38, 18 Kai dvoScnoo} Trj 77 po[ 6 eopla dig 7 rpd/c(etTat)] instead of the editors Ty
TTpo [yeylpapftevr]) KaOdjg 7rpo/<(tTat)] ; cf. P. Oxy. 1041 [a.d. 381], 25 k[cu tovtos ooi
d77o8cuff]cu ev Trj \irpo6eo]pla oj[y 77p]d[K€iTai] .

24. d^ia)]0et? U 770 tov SiSaoKaXov. The doubtless notarial function of the SiSdaKoXog in
this document is a good corroboration of Boat, Early Byzantine Papyri, in Et. Pap. 3,
No. 8, ii, 20, AvpyXiog 'Ilpcodyg StSdovcaAos Trap’ epoi eTeXecrdy, another Arsinoite document,
to which Dr. Bell kindly called my attention. Aurelius Aphrodeisios was most probably
a clerk of the record-office.

Ill

Engagement on Oath to appear before the Prefect s Court addressed to the

Logistes of the Arsinoite Nome

Ms. Gr. Class d 143 (P). 15-8x21-5 cm. ±a.d. 324-5.

This document, together with the texts published here as Nos. II and \ -IX, belongs to
a group of papyri presented to the Bodleian Library by Dr. W . D. Hogarth, May 11, 1935.
It consists of two pieces of papyrus, which, when the document was mounted, were placed
one below the other. The upper piece contains the ends of the lines of a first column and
the text printed below. Col. ii, the lower piece the ends of 11. 9-14 of Col. ii and C ols. iii and iv.
each in a different handwriting. Cols, iii and iv were actually published as No. i9 in I . Grenf.
ii, each being a declaration of surety, while Col. i also, in which the word opoXoyw occurs,
may be a declaration similar either to Col. ii or to Cols, iii and iv. The document forms pait
of a Topog crvyKoXXyoLpos from the office of the logistes of the Arsinoite Home, containing a
series of declarations of sureties and of engagements to appear in court addressed to him,

212

E. P. WEGENER

.uni elucidates very well the juridical competence of the logistes, of which up till now we
have had only scanty evidence. On the verso is a letter in a handwriting of a later date
than the recto, addressed by a person, one of whose names is Eeprqvalos, to the AoJyicrrjJ Kal
(kSikw Ka l eSdxTopL Kal ino-rmp ’Apocvolrov. The occasion of the letter may have been
the negligence of these magistrates (1. 4. ocfxi Xevras togovtov, dAA’ elSdis vpow Tay[), which
threatened to lead to a trial (Iva avv vplv dveXBw at the end of the letter).

In the part of the document printed below Aurelius Eudaemon declares on oath to the
logistes that he will appear before the prefect’s court to contest an action brought against
him by a certain Aurelia for the recovery of a debt owed by him to her late father Aurelius
t’haeremon, the existence of which he denies.

Col. ii 1

OuaAeJpifoj EcutS. JAfoytorij] ’ApGLVo[eLTOv

Trapd AvprjXiov Ev8atp[ovos rtoe] f$ovXevG<ivTcoy[

fiovXeVTOu rrjs AeovTOTroXeLTtuv voXecvs. ’Em dStsrei pe Ay[p-qXia .... Xaiprj-

povos fiovXevroy AeoVTonoXecTuiv 8ia tov ac[S]po? AvprjXiov 'Att[ tov

•> Kal AioGKopov x[ £ d\poypa<f>lay TrapaOepevr] jfj /ue[yaAo] 7 r[pe 7 r]eia tov Kvplov pov [tou
diajoT^pordrou eVapyou [rjryj A[i]yvirTov 'IovXl[o]y ’/pfuJAiavov (Lore ra opoX[oyov-
p]evws avrfj orfreiXopeva [a] 7rg8o9rjvai avTjj [/c]at [S]_ta r[o]5 [a]i/rij[s
ai'Spoi pufioK tvdvvws eTTrjvey Key yeipoypacfiov, ovre ya[p] IotIv pov
ypappdriov ovre vvoGTjplojGLS ouSeWre epe xPV'Alv) €yfi[i’] Trap’ Av[pr]Xlov
HI Xaipijpovos, em twv {mopvripd.To>v Kajedeprjv aify] avTTj epoL eTnjvfejy’/farp
to pdf vtt’ epov yeypappevov ojj rrXaoTgv e feat . Nar[d] t[o] aKoXovdov eKe-
Xevaas avTo a<f>[payt.oas (?) rrpos to KaT\anep<t>dijvai -npos rp[v r/ye^povlav
ey'yvaoBai dp<f>[oTepovs koto, yjeipoypai/uav e[o]eoda i virey[dvvovs /ca]t els to
yyepoviKou Si[Ka<Trr)pioe d7rai"njoei]y. 'OpoXoycu p/u[ev]? [rrjv twv 8 eo 7 ro]Tai[v
1") rjpwv AvTOKpg[Topcvv EefiaoTtdv ttjv evdavlav pi[ou mir/ae-

aOai ev tu> 7jyep\oviKtp Suracrrrjpup, ajjap Iva ov[ordajjs Trjs Blktjs Xeyco
TrXaoTov <: ivai to ypappaTiov. El Se pi) -njv ] iv<f>av[lav pov rron'juojpai, ottotov
em^rrjdw, eioyoy eoopai tu> thug op] yog Kal jug \rrepl tovtov kivSvvw
Kal eTrepoiTTjdels copoXoyyjoa ].[

1. 1. ’ApairoiTov. 3. I. AeoiTOTToXiTujv: so too in 1. 1. € 7 ret. 15. 1. ep<j>avlav.

Translation

To A alcrius Sotax, logistes of (the) Arsinoite (nonie), from Aurelius Eudaemon, ex-senator [of

Arsitioe, now ('.')] senator of Leontopolis. Seeing that Aurelia daughter of Chaeremon, senator

of Leontopohs, wrongs me through her liushand Aurelius Ap alias Dioscorus, setting before

the majesty of my lord the most distinguished prefect of Egypt, Julius Julianus, an affidavit to get
payment of the acknowledged debt owed to her, and has presumptuously produced a deed of hand
through her husband- for there exists neither a deed in mv hand nor a subscription that I ever
have received a loan from Aurelius Chaeremon— I have placed on record that she has produced
against me what was not written by me and is consequently a forgery. Conformably with this,
you. having sealed the document to be sent to the prefecture, ordered both of us to pledge ourselves
by affidavit to be liable and ready to appear before the prefect’s court. I acknowledge, swearing
bv the fortune of our masters the Emperors Augusti, that I will appear in the prefect’s court, but

1 I wir.li to emphasize that the restoration and interpretation of 11. 9-13 is the joint work of Dr. Bell,
Mr. Skeat. and the authoress, as the result of a thorough discussion by letter on the difficulties. For verifying
doubtful readings I am greatly indebted to Mr. Roberts.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

213

in order to say, when the action is brought in, that the deed is forged. And if I do not appear when
wanted, I shall be liable to the divine oath and its consequences, et interrogatus spopondi.

Notes

1. This line is restored on the analogy of Col. iv, 1 = Grenf. ir, 70. ii, 1, where ZwtS.
XoyLcnjj must be read instead of Grenfell s KaTaXoylory. That the space between the words
is as indicated is proved by a blank in the papyrus before ’Apowo[eiTov.

For the function of logistes see Oertel, Die Liturgie , 349 f., and the forthcoming thesis
of the authoress on the local senates of Egypt, Chapter VII. The line of the verso of this
document quoted in the introduction is remarkable, as we have no parallel instance of these
four magistrates acting together. Documents addressed to the logistes and another magis-
trate are P. Oxv. 1426 [a.D. 332], 1. 3, C&Xaovlw ’Eppeia Xoyicrry Kai AvprfXUp 'AyiXXloji'i
eK&lhccp Kai IJjoXep.lw ypa(ppaTel) ' OifvfpvyxLrov) (is ail abbreviation of cfaKropi or tVoVr^
possible instead of ypg(ppaTfl) ?), and PS I 2S5 [a.D. 294], 1. 1, ] . . . Ao[yi](rn) Kai efaKropi
' Ofvpvyyflrov yaipeiv. For the logistes and endm-gs (elpypngs) we may perhaps compare
P. Harr. 67, 11. 3 and 15 [a.d. 342],

Other declarations on oath addressed to a logistes are: engagement to appear before
the prefect’s court, P. Oxy. 87 = Chrest.. i, 446 [a.d. 342] ; acknowledgement of being
surety, P. Grenf. ii, 79, P. Harr. 67 : cf. also P. Oxy. 83 = Chrest., i, 430 [a.d. 327], declara-
tion on oath of an egg-dealer. For declarations of appearance in general, see fur the Homan
period Heidi, Der Eid im romisch-agyptisclien Drovincialrccht, i, 110, for the Hyzantine
period Seidl, op. cit., ii, 88 f.

2. After Ev8aipLovos there is no room for a patronymic, so twv is the most satisfactory
supplement ; the lacuna at the end of the line is less easy to restore. In the lacuna one would
expect vlov tov 8 elvos (cf., e.g. . P. Oxy. 1415, 5), as a mere patronymic in the genitive is
unusual after a title; but such a supplement creates more difficulties than it solves. In the
first place, we should not then be told of which city Eudaemon was an ex-senator, nor would
there be any explanation of the fact that the son was no longer senator — for neither the
aorist participle of fiov Xevw nor of any other verb with the meaning ‘ discharge a magist racy ’
is ever used as ‘having entered on’, as far as I know— while his father was still entitled
senator. Eudaemon could not have been removed from tin' senate either by the census,
which would have been in contradiction with the pa trio potestas, while his father was still
senator, or as a penalty, for in that case he would not be authorized to call himself ex-
senator; moreover, a declaration on oath, such as the present one, was accepted only from
respectable people, cf. Heidi, op. cit., ii, 90, Wenger in 1 1 are. Lu mbro-so. 327. Put as a. patro-
nymic may be omitted in the address (cf.. e.g.. P. Oxy. 900 [ a.d. 3221), I would propose the
restoration napd AvpgXiov Eii8alp[ovos twv] fjovXcvodvTojy [ttj? 'ApoivoeiTwv TroAeai? vvvl |
fdovXevTov rijs AfovTorroXeiTcuv -noXews. Dr. lb'll and Mr. Skeat suggest [cYfldSe for tv-avOa)
Kai (to) vvv]. Thus restored the line is an interesting addition to our knowledge of the func-
tion of bouleutae. for we learn that Eudaemon on removal from Arsinoe to Leontopolis had
lost his rights as bouleutes at Arsinoe, while fulfilling the same function at Leontopolis ; cf..
e.g., P. Oxy. 2106 [early fourth cent.], 17-20.

The name Leontopolis is known to us as another name of Alexandria from P. Oxy. 1660
[fourth cent, a.d.], 2, et? tt)v 'AXf.fdr8pa.av grot /1[ eoj’TorroAir (see note of the editors), and
as the capital of the Leontopolite nome (cf. P. Oxy. 1380 [early second cent,]. 58, n.). It is,
however, improbable that either of these two cities is referred to in this document. The
fact that the present declaration is addressed to the logistes of the Arsinoite nome. while in
the address it is not stated that Eudaemon was only a temporary resident in that nome, and

214

E. P. WEGENER

the fact that the father of the accuser was also senator of Leontopolis — unfortunately the
domicile of her husband is not stated, but the omission may indicate that he, too, was an
inhabitant of Leontopolis — seem to me to indicate that the Leontopolis in question is a
hitherto unknown city in the Arsinoite nome. We may compare such Arsinoite names as
Arjrovs 770 A 19 and NelXov ttoXls, villages in the division of Heracleides, and ’AttoXXojuos noXis
and ’ AfpoSlrgs ~dAij, villages in the division of Polemon; see P. Tebt. n, pp. 356 ff.
Leontopolis was, however, not a village but most probably a new city 1 founded about
a.d. 307, when with the institution of the pagi the nomos had lost its administrative
importance; cf. Boak, The Date of the Establishment of the Office of Praepositus Pagi in
Egypt in Mel. Maspero 1934. We may suppose it to have been populated by citizens of
Arsinoe, including a group of senators to compose the [iovXij of the new city; this may
explain the plural tojv fjovXevadvrtov.

3-8. These lines refer to the vnopvgpa sent by the accuser Aurelia .... to the prefect,
when Aurelius Eudaemon had failed to repay the loan which he owed, or was alleged to
owe, to her father Chaeremon. This postulatio, handed to the prefect not by Aurelia herself
but by her husband (11. 4 and 7), who was her representative (6 SienearaXpevos), contained

(a) a statement of the claims she had against Eudaemon for repayment of the loan (11. 6-7),

(b) a demand to delegate the logistes to conduct the pre-judicial inquiry (cf. notes on 11. 10-
11 and 11. 11-14), (c) an affidavit that her allegations were true (1. 0 ). In presence of the
representative alone, and not, as yet, of the defendant, the case was treated by the prefect ;
the deed, on which the claims of Aurelia were based, was produced by her representative and
examined. After that the litis denuntiatio follows. See Steinwerter, Studien zum romischen
Versdumn isrerfahrcn . 113 ff. (cf. Archie 7, p. 58), Jbrs in Z. Sav. 39, 65-9 ; 40, 11-12 (cf. also
36, 231-3, 268, 288-301), Meyer, Jur. Pap., pp. 282-3, Weber, Enters, zum grako-dg.
Obligationcnrecht, 171.

3. The reading ini (1. i-rrel) dSinel I owe to Mr. Roberts. The more usual commencement
is everv X e or enel ivervye 6 Selva.

Of the name of the father of Aurelia only the ending is preserved, but Xaiprgiovos may
safely be restored, for otherwise the occurrence of this name in 11. 9-10 can hardly be ex-
plained. Most probably Chaeremon was no longer alive and therefore the action was brought
against Eudaemon by his daughter, who was his heiress.

4. The last two letters An were read by Air. Roberts, who judged my own reading

Ovn[i/jgp.io S ('?) impossible ; instead of An it is possible to read Aya, but this is less probable”
as he wrote to me. It is impossible to determine whether Diosc'orus is an alternative name
of Aurelius Ap himself or of his father.

x(cff}oy P a6iay napadegiv-g : for the Roman period see Jbrs, op. cit. 36, 300 (cf. 40,
90), who doubts if it was possible for the accuser to issue an affidavit in his dwelling-place
to be handed over in the court by his representative ; for the Byzantine period we have here
at least one example; cf. SeidI, op. cit.. 11 , 114. On the meaning of X eipoypa<f>la cf. Seidl,
op. cit., 56 ff.

/xe[yaAo]77[pe7r]etq : the title, as well as that of peyaXonpeniaraTos, is rare at this period
and is unknown for the prefect ; see I’reisigke, Wb., s.c. and Hornickel, Ehren- und Rang-
pradihate. s.i . It is. how e\ er. impossible to read (fiXavdpconela, a point which Air. Roberts
verified for me : peyaXeigi is also impossible, since the ending -eta is quite certain.
Air. Roberts thinks the tt fairly certain and states that the word was a little cramped; I
myself had read aA instead of n. for which the initial space seemed too large.

1 U e may compare P. Oxy. 888, 8, u liich proves that at the end of the third centurv the small Oasis was
joined to the Oxyrhynehite nome; cf. Wilcken. P. U'Urzb., p. 57, n. 4.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI 215

6. 8 laJoTj/xordrou : the usual appellation of the prefect from a.d. 270 to 334 ; cf. Eeinmutli,
The Prefect of Egypt, 10.

Owing to the occurrence of the name of the prefect in this line it is possible to give
the document an approximate date. The prefect Julius Julianus, whose name occurs here
for the first time, as far as I know, in the papyri, was the uncle of the Emperor Julian the
Apostate; he had been praefedus praetorio under Licinius from 310 to 324, and was most
probably prefect of Egypt from 324 to 328 ; cf. Cantarelli, La Serie dei Prefetti, ii, pp. 21 ff.
Therefore, the Augusti mentioned in the oath (11. 14-15) must be Licinius and Constantinus.
When Licinius died in September 18, a.d. 324, Constantine became sole emperor; so the
date of the document may be not long after September 324, although an oath to the
Emperors occurs as late as a.d. 326 in P. Amh. 138; cf. Seidl, op. cit., ii, p. 6.

8. pufjoKivSwios is explained by ovre yap earlv yov kt A.

eTryveyKey xeipoypacf>ov: cf., e.g., BGU 378 [a.d. 147], 19 = Chrest., n, 60, Jors, op. cit.
34, 143-51 ; 36, 290-6, Meyer, op. cit., p. 108, P. Osl. 18 [a.d. 162], 1. 7.

9. ypap.pa.Tiov: i.e. a yetpoypa^oi' in the strict sense of the word written by Eudaemon,
while vnooppuDOLs refers to a x ei poypafov written by a third party, but subscribed by
Eudaemon; cf. Meyer, ibid.

Xprj(oiv) eyet[v]; the only possibility of getting any sense out of this line is to suppose
an omission on the part of the scribe, for xpyvaadai cannot be read, as Mr. Roberts confirmed.
He wrote: ‘ XP V e i s quite certain (the x of course being doubtful). After e it looks like m
to me. There might be room for im[<f>epet.v], with {nrocngpuLcrLs as object — if it would give
any sense.’ For the restoration proposed in the text, we may, however, compare 1. 7;
see note on 1. 3.

10- 11. The litis denuntiatio was handed over to Eudaemon through the logistes (cf.
Steinwenter, Yersduvinisverfahren, 114-16), and within the fixed term both the accuser and
defendant appeared before the logistes (cf. Steinwenter, op. cit., 116, Meyer, op. cit., p. 283).
During this pre-judicial inquiry the deed of hand may have been produced again by Aurelia
(cf. 1. 12, note) and examined. Eudaemon, however, states that it is a forgery and refuses to
pay (i.e., avrlppyois on record of the logistes; cf. for the Roman period Jors, op. cit. 39,
58-9).

10. cm twv vTTopvTjpaTcov: cf. P. Lond. 2565 (JEA 21, 224 ff.), iv. 95 and note.

KajeOeprjv: cf., e.g., P. Lips. 35 [a.d. ^375], 16 Kal ~a>v paprvpwv Kajadepevcuv cV

vrropvrjpam.

iTryvIejy Kayo: the reading of the ending of the word is very doubtful; moreover, the
middle form is unusual. Mr. Roberts reads emjccy/fe c.yc and certainly not -koto ; un-
fortunately we have no idea at all what the word is.

11. TrAaoTov : cf. P. Oxy. 237 [a.d. 186], viii, 14 and Taubensclilag, Strafrccht, 91-2.

11- 14. The logistes was only competent for the pre-judicial inquiry (StdAucn?); when the
parties failed to come to an agreement, he had to refer them to the prefect ; cf. the works
referred to in note on 11. 3-8, and for SidAucns cf. also P. Berk Moller No. 1.

12. avro refers most probably to the disputed x eL P°yp a 4 >ov > which was to be produced
again in the trial before the prefect, and therefore to be sent to him. The restoration of
the first lacuna is very tentative ; as no exact parallel is known, it seemed the best course to
follow the preserved text as closely as possible and not to assume any omission, ortho-
graphical mistake, or word-forms not yet known in the papyri. One might join auro? <j>[ ,
but then it would he impossible to get a satisfactory restoration. The only verb, or word,
beginning with of, known from papyri, is ofpaypciv ; as other words are impossible in this
context, we propose the restoration printed in the text. An alternative to it might be

216

E. P. WEGENER

of[payiadr,vai Kal KaT]an€fj.(f>8fjvai, but this must be rejected, because we should then have
to insert Kal at the end of the line.

o<f>[payicras: for this ‘act of sealing’ I have not been able to find an exact parallel, but
although they are not the same, we may perhaps compare the words of the strategus in
P. Hamb. 29 [reign of Domitianus], 23 Traprjvyet]Xa Kal ra, SeXXas eafpdyi[oa ] ; cf. introduction
of the editor. There is a possible corroboration of the word in the first line of the verso of
the present document, where some letters which I have been unable to read are followed
by eaf 'E-rrelS ly, where the contraction may be expanded into iaf(pdyiaa) or iofipaylodr,).

Kar] aTrepfdrjvai : cf. P. Oxy. 1115 [a.D. 284], 18, (2nd H.) Avpr,Xlos PiXtapyos 6 Kal ’Qplwv
orpa(-rqyos) ’Ofup[ti]yy(dVoa) eayov rip aiOtvTLKTjV du o X i jP ovptfxovovoav -it pos to -npoTCTay-
pevov dvrlypa((f>op) r,v Kal Kard-rrepipa (Ls eKeXevodr,. This parallel gives some support to
our supposition that the logistes had to send the deed to the prefect.

13. iyyvdada i dpf[oTepovs : since the accuser and defendant had not come to an agree-
ment, they had to deposit in the office of the logistes an affidavit that they would appear in
the prefect’s court ; cf. Steinwenter, op. tit., 86, also Jors, op. cit. 36, 297. An example of a
X^poypafla of both parties is P. Oxy. 260 [a.d. 59]= C’hrest., n. 74; cf. Wenger, Bechtshist.
Papyrusstudien ,61-70. Unfortunately in the present document the traces of the first column
are too slight to show whether it was the affidavit of the accuser Aurelia. An example of
the oath by an accuser of the Byzantine period is afforded by P. Oxy. 1456 [a.d. 284-6]
addressed to the strategus ; cf. Seidl., op. cit., 88, and see also my note on 1. 1.

Kara x]eipoypa<f>iav: perhaps hid xeipoypaflas would have been more usual.

v7T€v[dwov S : for the use of this word in declarations of sureties cf., e.g., Col. iii = Grenf.
H, J9, i, 9 imevdvvos eoopai] tols irpos avrov [£r,]rovp<ivois ; see also P. Osl. 18 [a.D. 162], 4
Kal yap el dvS pofdvos [e>«Ao ? Xrjpfelp, ov Set top tt arepa avrov imevdvvov

14. dnaPT'Q(Tei]y: cf., e.g., Preis. 4 [a.d. 320], 20, dvravrpodrojoav [eV]i ™ ijytfponKov
oiKaoTTjpiov ; here and in 1. 15 {-noi-goeodaC) the future infinitive seemed more suitable to me
than the often used aorist infinitive ; cf. Zoeodai in 1. 13.

14 ff. These lines contain what is really the essence of the document, the affidavit of
Uudaemon that he will appear before the prefect’s court. It is, however, not a mere emnrne-
rnent to appear, but at the same time a written confirmation of his dvrlpprjms (11. 16 S.,°cf.
note on 11. 10-11). As the authoress is not competent to decide regarding questions of law,
it remains for experts in this field to give their opinion as to whether such a confirmation
was required Cf. Tors op cit, 39, 56-69, P. Oxy. 1881 [a.d. 427] with introduction,
Webei, op. at., /I--, Tvith the articles referred to in his note, Seidl, op. cit, n 88-9
• * rA - : these tW ° lines could confidently be restored from Col. iii, 5 and

" o o/ r, "I IV- 11 ; CJ ' ? 61 , d1, ° p - dt ’ 6 - The date of the document being

± L note) it is remarkable that the Caesars mentioned in the other documents

are omitted here.

16. Tor this and the next lines, of which only a few letters are preserved, I have given
a restoration which may render the sense of the passage, although I am aware that it is
very tentative.

, r ^ SIk7 P ktX - : for this restoration cf. P. Oxy. 237 [a.d. 186] viii 13 ff

" S “ ? ? ^r KijS ^ “™ v ep ls Kal pi, napavTiKa dpvpodpevos dfelXeiv,

rovr eariv, pr, rrapavriKa rrXaara d ral rd ypdppara dndiv Kal Ka[rr,]yopija el p y pdf as el are

TTXaoTcopypapparoP yghiovpyias r, nepiypafdjs ivKaXelv lm X eipf,. Instead of Xeyio we may
suggest afrobeiKwo ) ; cj. P. Grenf. ii, 78, 26.

. , 17 ' V f Jj ’ oVoW P - 0x y- 1190 [ A - D - 211-12] 15, ipfavhs d>v,

oTTorav €Tnt,r,Trj0oj) would be too short. rr

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

217

18. evoxos eaopai ktA. : cf. Seidl, op. cit ., n, 185. The r of t& is more like a y, but y
does not lend itself to any possible restoration.

19. After (hpoXoyqaa the subscription may have followed.

Sale of Land in the Hermopolite Nome 1

Pap. Bodl. Uncatal. 25-2x29-7 cm. Time of Justinian.

Of this deed of sale, written in a beautiful Byzantine hand, about a third is preserved.
At the top the date and address are missing, at the bottom the Pefiauxicns clause and the
subscription. For parallel documents see the list in Seidl, Der Eid, ii, 116 and cf., e.g.,
P. Berl. 16046 in Aeg. 15, 274, sale of a slave a.d. 300 (?), and Pap. Soc. It. in Aeg. 15, 224,
No. 9, sale of the third part of a house, a.d. 430.

. . . Kal a]yayi<[r)s] /cat iracrgs Trepiyp[afrp /card -njvSe t]t)v pppA[o]y[tav /jouArycrei
avdai p€T(i> Kal apeTavor'jTOj Kal ddoAoj npoaipeoei fdcBalop gyvabygaa op9fj Siavoia apa Se
/cat eVopyppeyo? 9eov rravroKparopa Kal rqv eygefiaav Kal vt/CTj[v rod] beanorov rjpa)[v
<p\[aovlov ’Id]vcrTiviavov rod alwvlov Avyovarou AuroKpdropo; TTCTcpa/cfeVat crqpepov croc Tap

5 davp.aauxn6.Top BiKTopi tw ajvovplvop {e’/c7re7roi7]/cevai /cat e/c/ceytopp/ceW /c[at } e/c-

KexaiprjKeva t /cat €/C 7 T€ 7 roM]/cevat /cat ayrtSeSco/ceyat TrXrjpc<7T[a]TW rravTi hegirojaas
yopipai biKaiap Kal KaXfj marfct rr]dcrrj itjovcrta /cat alawlg KaToxf] Kaja 7 ray ddos KVpio-rqTOS
KaTa T-fjV Se rfjV anXf/v i[yy]pa<f>ov agfa Xeiav airo to v vvv em Toy act /cat e£f}s eaopevov
dsnavTa ypovov Ta StacL povTO. p oi /cat 7T€pi€X9ovqTa^ etc tpe otto St/catou avTiKaTaXXayrjs . •
10 T-apa to 5 ev8oKip.cma.TOV BiKTOpos too (hvovpevov dppara Se/ca Stpotpoy cnro'ptfpa

avt/Spa are At)? yr)? /cat pi) wro/ceipeva TeXeopaoi to ovvoXov dm dpovprjs rjploews (o)tto-

ptpr;? yi?? ^ 5 , , ,

avt/Spov koto. Kowwvlav 'AXt}tos /cat 0e7cAa? opoyvrjolaiv pov aSeA <f>u>v as Ta vnoXoma
dppaTa etKoert pta TptW ctj ovpirXrjpwaiv Try avTrjs ripiapovprp Sia/ceipeva vno Try
vapa<f)v\a.Kr]v tu>v a-rro Kwprjs ’Evcrev tov a throe 'EppovnoXiTOV vopov yenoves avrfjs
Tjpiapovprjs votov Trjs pta? dpovp-q ? /3oppa y/JSta rojy avdpunrwv AcovtIov ain]XiwT[ov
yrjdta 'AAijToy At/3dy r) Sijpocna oSo? 7 } ofot ay oiox yelroves irdvTp iravroOev TiprjS Trjs ~
izpos aXXr'jXovs arvpTTef>tov7]pevr]s Kal avvapeaaarjs Kal (rvvbobaorjs peT a£i) epoy /c[a]t pop
crvpfxova xpvoov vopurpaaov deanoTtKoy SoKipov ev Tplrov napa /ceparta o/ctco

traces of one other line.

11. 1. oltcXovs. 12. 1. avvdpov. 13. 1. fr. 15. Perhaps (to ynoAotnoy) ttJ? pta? apovp-qs-
18. 1. vopurpaTLOV SeorroTtKov boKipov evos TpiTov.

Translation

[I acknowledge without . . .] and compulsion and fraud of any kind on this acknowledgement
of my oira free will, with irrevocable and infallible decision, reliable conscientiousness, and m my
right senses, and at the same time swearing by God Almighty and the piety and the victory of our
master Flavius Iustinianus, the eternal Augustus Imperator, that I have sold to-day to you the
most marvellous Victor, the purchaser, surrendered, alienated, and exchanged with every fullest
legal right of ownership, good faith, every authority, and eternal claim, in accordance with every
kind of proprietary rights in virtue of this single written deed from this moment for ever and tor

1 In regard to the publication of this document I am particularly indebted to Mr. Lobel, who kindly
prepared the papyrus for me to work on.

218

E. P. WEGENER

all the coming future time the ten and two-thirds ‘ammata’, seed-land, unwatered, which I possess
and which have been transferred to me by right of exchange by the most honoured Victor, the
purchaser, belonging to untaxed land and not liable to taxes at all, consisting of a half aroura of
unwatered seed-land, in partnership with my full brothers Hales and Thecla in regard to the twenty-
one and one-third ‘ammata’ forming the rest of the said half-aroura, being under the custody of
the inhabitants of the village Enseu of the said Hermoupolite nome, the areas adjacent of the
said half-aroura being on the south the remaining part (?) of the one aroura, on the north the plots
of the coloni of Leontius, on the east the plots of Hales, on the west the public road, or 'whatever
may be the adjacent areas anywhere in any direction, at the price, on which we have come to an
agreement together, agreed and determined in accordance with the agreement between you and
me, of one and one-third imperial solidi at full value of gold minus eight siliquae. . . .

Notes

1 . Kal a] ray* [ 779 ] may have been preceded by opoXoydj Sty a iravros So Aon /cat <f>6f5ov xal jdlas
kcll aTraTTfs ; cj., e.g., Archil ' 3, pp. 415 ff. (sale of a slave [a.d. vi]), 11. 8 ff. The word-order
of this clause is not a fixed one ; Sty a ktX. may either precede fiovXrjoei avdaiperw as here,
or follow it as in the text just cited.

Kara -rgvSe t]i)v qp.pA[o]y[tac: these words may seem superfluous here, as the deed is
mentioned again in 1. 8 ; they have, however, a parallel in Archil', ibid., 11. 10-1 1 Sia T[auT]rjs
rgia>v Trjs iyypd<f)OV<l>viaKrjs crvyypa(f>[rj]s , 1. 21 Kara rrjvSe TTjV d.7rXfjv eyypa<f>ov cLvrjv.

2. dpa Se: perhaps dpa may be now restored in Stud, xx, 110 [a.d. v], 2, instead of eri;
cj. Aey. 3, 102, No. 282.

3. e7Top.yyp.evos kt A. : this form of the oath to the Emperor Justinian may be added to the
variants in Seidl, op. cit., 11 , p. 9. For the oath in contracts in general see pp. 114 ff. of the
same work.

4. oppepov : cj., e.g., SB 5112, 21.

0 . davpaaiwrarg ) : for the alternative use of this title with evhoxipdjTaros (1. 10) see
Hornickel, Ehren- und Rangprddikate, 13.

eKTreTToipKevai ktX. : as the same words are repeated in 1. 6, we may suspect a dittography
at the end of the line : there is, however, no room for dvTiSeSwxevai.

0. Ill most deeds of sale we find only Trenpaxevai xal xarayeypacfyrjxevai ; for dvnSeSajxe'vai
I have not been able to find a parallel ; perhaps it means to exchange the land for the price
paid for it.

7. /card TTdv elSos Kopidr-qros: this is the first clear occurrence of this expression in the
papyri, and we may now restore it in Archie, pap. cit., 1. 11, instead of the editor’s /card 7 rdv
elSos Kvpie[y]j [oc] os. For the meaning of xvpiorps cj. P. Cairo Hasp. 67151, 283; the whole
expression may be compared \\ it h SB 51 1 2, 45 /cat Secnroi^eiv /card rrav Secnrorelas dvadxu perov
Sikcuov, although not quite the same.

J. ano Olkolou aVTiKaTaXXayfjs ktX.: the expression ano bixaiov (or Only' a 7 ro) followed
by the form of a deed in the genitive is often used to indicate the legality' of the proprietary
rights ; cj. the note of Aliss A isser on P. Berk 16046, 3, and see also von AVoess, op. cit., p. 290.
For dvTixaraXXayri cj. PSI 34 [a.d. 397], 11 eXdovoas els qe drrd dvn.xaTaXXay\rjs A V ]p V Tplo[v
too ao ] avTov. There is no reason to suppose that the word is used here meta-
phorically foi deed of sale, although it would not be impossible, when we compare dvriSeSai-
xevai in 1. 6 , it is not clear, however, which kind of exchange was referred to; perhaps
it was stated in the letters after dvTixaraXXayrjs, which I was not able to read ; it is not im-
possible that the vendor had exchanged it for another plot, so as to get the one adjacent to
the plots of his brothers.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

219

10. afj.fj.ara : one aroura contained 64 dfj.fj.ara ; cj. Hultsch, Metrologie, p. 38 and § 41, 5,
Segre, Metrologia e circolazione monetaria, 44.

11. areXrjs yys- the adjective dreXys is probably indeclinable here, as Dr. Bell sug-
gested to me ; we should expect areXovs. For the land-taxes cj. G. Rouillard, L' Administra-
tion civile de FEgypte byzantine, 75-9 and 87-92.

12. Kara KOLvajvlav. we must not take these words too literally, for we see in this deed
that one of the brothers can sell his third part.

15. yy Sia ru>v dvdpajrrojv Aeovrlou : the meaning of dvOpaiTToi is here coloni, as Dr. Bell
suggested to me; cj. Preisigke, Wb., s.v., and also Bostowzew, Iiolonat, 224 if.

16—18. rififfs ktX. : in most contracts we find ripiijs rijs npos dXXyXovs avpne<f>wvrjpivrfg
Kal avvapeadarfs fiera^ii ryidjv dpufjoripoiv , e.g., P. Grenf. i, 60, 30, Stud, xx, 110, 12
(without peraipv ktX.), SB 5112, 29-30 (combined with ini PejdaUp Kal dperadergi Xoyip). For
ovp.(f>cuva in this clause I have been unable to find a parallel ; the word as written here can
hardly be right. Either it may be a mistake for aup<f>d)v aiy, to be taken with crvvSojdays,
or we must suppose an omission on the part of the scribe and restore after ovvSojaorfs,

( Kara ra) fieraijv ifxoy k [ a] i gov crupjajva, which may he compared with P. Oxy. 914
[a.D. 486], 8 Kara ra fxeraifi) <jvp.(f>\g>va xpvoov vofiiapdria Svo.

For the coinage in the time of Justinian see Segre, op. cit.. 464-72.

Private Letter concerning a Petition to the Prefect 1
MS. Gr. Class d 147 (P). 17-6x20-1 cm. Late 3rd cent. a.d.

This worm-eaten papyrus apparently contains the letter of a son who writes from
Alexandria to his father. The documen tis written in a not very practised school-hand,
•with many orthographical mistakes and several omissions, of which only one (1. 9) has been
corrected. The last lines and the part written along the right-hand margin are hopelessly
mutilated, but just enough is preserved for the subject of the letter, a matter of some interest ,
to emerge. I have not been able to find any exact parallel to this text.

The father had been injured by some one, and the son was anxious to get news from
him and to hear details about the injury, so that he might he able to deliver a petition to the
prefect on behalf of his father.

] rg> na]rpl

nXeiora yatpeijv. npo 77avr[6s] euyo/re ere v-
yiaiveiv, ey]a > yap aiiro? uyiaa’oj kc to
npo<jKvvrf\fj.a aov noiu> /car’ eKaoryv
5 rffiepav npo]s rg> Kvpla) Uepamdi. yivujcrKiv
ere OiXaj ori iypaijjd era dXXyv imaro-
XifV tiSlv rt neVpaye?, Kal ovk a vri-
ypaifiis fj.pl [ejmcrroAija. irofiev rre-
pl rovrpy, w avro' 's' peplp.{fj}vov nepl aov, ypa-
10 ipov fioi, rt [9] ear iv o[ct]tis i{X)8d>v napa
ere K€ vtjpiv av nenolrfKev , lya bdjaoj
dya<j)6( pio)v rg> [rjy]epovi Ka[t yjpaipov

1 Owing to lack of time I was unable to revise my first transcription of this document ; therefore I owe
more readings to Mr. Roberts, who also kindly checked my own readings, than I can state in the notes.
I am also indebted to him for the dating.

220

E. P. WEGENER

piot rj TTpocrfjXdes rq> eV[t]orpa-
TTjyqj, aAAe? yap (o) ima\a\Tpa.'n]-
15 yos aodevel [. -]a[.]o[. .]tro[. .] aot Kal

o’ Iit{ 1 )tiX aurqj rrpoa[eX\d[etv /c]e (?) o' pev
yap crvvTToSi rrjv p\_. . .]ra[v] t[o]u v-
t(e)os [.Jetptapt . av SeA[. ,]to epav-

tco go j . [.]aA[. i\jeap . [. . . .Jcttjctoj

20 8[. . .]ctp[.]t[ ]aCTr[.]

•[ ]Sptct[.]

]«*•[

Along the right-hand margin

]v/?oA[. . . .]ca> ws av Svraoe poi 7rap[e]^eCT[0at
rravra pot (?)] rrapaayov, otSa yap, on drTOdrjplas as d(jna[
25 ]av pt[.] . 77oAAa eptord) ere, aAAa . [

] rrapa [ctoC] irpos epi rtva ei8fj[s
] . ev 8e ' CTj^CTe He parr ta tt)[

] • a [ ]? ■ aya pe[

]oj evfje . [

30 ]Va . [

2. 1. evyopai. 3. 1. Kai, SO too 11, 16. 4. 1. Kad’ . 5. 1. PapamSt, ytyvdjoKetv. 6. 1. aot, id. 11.
7. 1. Ihelv. 8. 1. avreypai/ias, alrovpev (or perhaps alrw pep (?)). 9. 1. epeplpvaiv. 13. 1. el.

16. 1. aot inerei A’. 23. 1. Svvaaat.

Translation

11. 1-16 ... his father best greetings. First of all I pray that you may be in good health, and
I make obeisance for you every day before the lord Sarapis. I want you to know that I wrote to
you another letter (being anxious) to know how you are, and you did not write a letter to me in
reply. I beg you, write to me on that matter, concerning which I myself was anxious about you,
who it is who came to you and maltreated you presumptuously, that I may give a petition to the
prefect. And write to me whether you applied to the epistrategus, . . . for the epistrategus is not
able to ... for you and ordered you to apply to him .. .

Notes

2-5. For these formulas see Exler, The Form of the Ancient Greek Letter, 107-8. (Since
Exler’s book was not accessible, I owe this reference to the article of Keyes in Cl Phil 80
(1935), 143.)

5. For LepdmSt instead of ZapdmSt cf. llayser, Gramm., i, 56-7.

0-S. For failure to answer letters cf. Winter, Life and Letters, 83-4.

7 ■ e 18 lv may be a confusion of toe A and elSevat; the latter was certainly meant, and is
an infinith e of purpose after ypafio, as Air. Roberts, who read the second i, suggested to me.

11. vpptv. for iiPjpis = personal injury in general cf. Taubenschlag, Strafrecht, 81-4.
tya S ajaco . after tra the 1 > erb Sojctco cannot be future, but is necessarily the conjunctive

of the veak aorist eSoicra ; cf. the modern Greek m Scoctoj (Pernot, Gramm, du Grec moderne, i,
177).

12. For the restoration dyaf>6{pio)v cf. Bror Olsson, Papyrusbriefe, No. 17 (= P. Oxy.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

221

294) [A.D. 22], 10 14 o ep[o?] oikos ijpaverjTat ev ove Troirjovs ypafias poi dvrifiojinj [a] o'

7 repl rovTCuv eiva Kalycb avros emS a> aeacfiopioe roj rjyepoei with note. For the different
kinds of petitions sent to the prefect see Reimnuth, The Prefect, 87-9. Unfortunately it
was unnecessary for the writer of this letter to mention the name of the prefect, which
would have enabled us to date the document more exactly.

18-16. These lines clearly illustrate how well the Greeks of Egypt knew the juridical

incompetence of the Roman magistrates, for they confirm what is known to us, that peti-
tions might be sent to the epistrategus, as to the strategus and other local magistrates, hut
that his competence was only that of an arbitrator ; he could try to achieve an agreement
between the parties, but they were not obliged to obey, and for a final decision he had to
refer them to the prefect; cf. Martin, Les Epistrateges, 160-1, also Taubenschlag, op. cit.,

88-4.

14. aAAej: I thought that v was possible instead of s, but Mr. Roberts writes that the ?
is certain. The meaning of the word is obscure ; either it may be a mistake for aX Xws, as
Mr. Roberts suggested to me — a mistake for dAAa seems hardly possible — or the writer has
omitted some letters; perhaps he intended to write dAA'd. irpoorj\d)es (6) yap eVur{<r)-
Tparrjyos, i-e. ‘I ask you to write to me whether you applied to the epistrategus; but
(I am sure) you have applied (to him. Write now details about the injury to you, that I, as
your representative, may hand over a petition to the prefect), for the epistrategus is not
able to administer justice for you and has ordered you to apply (to the prefect, who alone
is competent to make a final decision) ’ ; this restoration is, however, rather tentative.

16. a eTrdjTiX ' : this reading is doubtful; Mr. Roberts would read oe (e)yer iA\ but
admittedly there is not much space for e. The subject of the verb is most probably 6
hnarpaTrjyos (1. 14) ; the first person eWretAa seems less likely to me.

aura): i.e. TO) -gyepoei.

npog{eX\d[eiv : cf., e.g., P. Osl. 62 [a.D. Ill], 6 r] g> Xgp.irpoTg.Tcp rjyepoei v[po]arj\6ge. irp[o]oe-
Se£gro to it pay (pa) € hr cue dieovoeodai Tip Kar[a]irX6cp.

o pee refers most probably to the prefect.

17. ovra-oSi: the reading of the S I owe to Air. Roberts, who suggests as a possibility
eueiroSi — epirodUCei ; overran = ovpnoiel cannot be read.

Trje p[. . .]ra[v] : perhaps -rge p[epL]ra[e] = rge peplSa. This and the next line may
refer to the fact that the son, the writer of the letter, was allowed to act as representative
of his father in the prefect’s court ; cf. 11. 11-12.

21. ]8p«x[.] : perhaps AXe^de]dpia[e] .

22. After this line the writer may have gone on for some lines before turning his sheet,
as is indicated by a lacuna at the beginning of the fines along the margin.

23. ]efioX[: perhaps (7u]i^oA[a — ovpfioXa ; if this is right, it suggests that the injury con-
sisted of illegal claims to sums already paid, perhaps a loan ; the writer may have asked
his father for the receipts in order to show them to the prefect.

24. doira[ may be some form of the verb dorr dlo par.

25. 77oAAa ipujTU) oe: these words refer probably not to personal requests, such as occur
so often in letters, but to requests for documents and details about the petition to the
prefect.

26. Perhaps eae lovra) rrapa [aou] irpos ipe nea ccSrjfy ‘if you know any one going from
you to me’; cf., e.g., P. Columb. Inv. 318 (Cl. Phil. 80 (1985), 143), 18 eae Tiea evp-grac

KaTafjat [T£ ^ eoera .

28. ]o .aya: perhaps p,]orayd('?), the single deeds or receipts.

31. This fine may contain the end of the letter, eppwodal oe ev]^[opac.

222

E. P. WEGENER

Order for Payment to Thracian Horsemen
MS. Gr. Class cl 146 (P). 18-5x10 cm. Early 1st cent, b.c . 1

At the top of the papyrus the greater part of the right-hand side is lost, but at the left
side the upper margin proves that erovs is the first word of the document ; at the bottom
a line is drawn under the last line and at its left side.

"Etovs [

€LK[oarov

A lovucrlan jd[ao( lAlko)')] j\ paTreLiTT] .

Imrodpai^LV els Xola^

5 ot/jdiviov dpyvplov Stcr^tAta?

Ikcltov ivevqKovra evvia.

Kai x<iAkov rdAavra exardv
reocrapaxovra (Spa^pdj) StcrviAtas'
evaxoolas TrevTrjKovra,

10 j apy v Bpe,6, y -3 p/i X. B-pv

Translation

The 2-year ... To Dionysius the royal banker. (Pay) to the Thracian horsemen for wages for
the month Choiak two thousand one hundred and ninety-nine silver (drachmae) and one hundred
and forty talents two thousand nine hundred and fifty drachmae copper coinage, say 2199 silver
(drachmae) 140 talents 2950 drachmae copper coinage.

Notes

1-2. One letter of the word irons projects to the left, as compared with the other lines.
After erovs there is a considerable space, so we may restore bevrepov or rerdprov /<ai] eqc[o<rrou
followed by the month, perhaps p.rp’1 Xolny A. If ei '.kootov is right the document belongs to
the latter part of the reign of Ptolemy Soter II.

3. This line can safely be restored as proposed in the text, for we know that a request
for payment was sent to the royal banker by the ypap.parevs ; cf. Lesquier, Les Institutions
militaires, p. 102. A royal banker of the name Dionysius is known to us from P. Amh. 31
and 54 [Hermontliis b.c. 112] ; it is not impossible that it is the same banker, in which case
the provenance of the present document would be the Thebaid.

4. 'Innodpai^v: this is the first time, as far as I know, that this compound name to
denote the Thracian horsemen has occurred in a papyrus. It refutes the statement of
Lesquier, op. at., 90 and 178, that the hipparehies with gentile names disappear in the first
half of the second century; here at least we have one example to the contrary.

5. 6,/jwmov. for wages paid to soldiers cf. P. Tebt. lift, 722 and 723[b.c. 137] with introduc-
tion; \\ ilcken, I PZ, No. 14. 26, note with references.

\ 11

Land-survey

MS. Gr. Class f 107 (P). 13-2x 9-3 cm. Early 3rd cent. a.d.

Two entries of a land-survey are preserved on this small scrap of papyrus; the first is
broken oft at the top and the right-hand side of both is missing. The provenance of the
document is probably the Delta (cf. note on 1. 2); where it was found is unknown, but it

1 For the dating I am indebted to .Mr. Roberts.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

223

can hardly have been in the Delta ; most probably an official took his archives with him on
removal from the Delta, or else it was brought to some other part of Egypt by papyrus-
dealers in ancient times. The document, however, has no writing on the verso. The present
land-survey differs from those hitherto known {cf. Deleage, Les Cadastres antiques, 115 ff.),
wTiich may justify its publication. It contains two entries of unwatered land; the first
hand, a cursive script comparable with Schubart, Tab. 34 [a.d. 216], has written the data
of the entries, a second hand, of the chancery style, c/.Schubart, Tab. 35 [a.d. 209], adds the
result of the errioKeipis of each parcel entered in the name of the village. Between the two
entries there is a blank of 3-6 cm. and at the bottom is a blank of 3 cm., so that the document
most probably formed part of a ropos ovyKoXA-qaipos of the land-survey of the village of
Perkoinis (or perhaps of the vopos); there was a space of 3-D cm. between the different entries.

Xi loay{opepr]) af>p{ayls)

2nd H. ’E-TTLaKeijjis IJ[cpKoiv€ios
( dpovpai ) Svo aft poyov
blank

1st H. 0 ocf>p{ayi8os) Aiftos £xdp{cvai) i8uoTiK{rjs) y{rjs) op{o uos) af$p{o)(ov ) {dpovpai) y[_
5 yi{roves) vor(ov) norlarpta) pc9 ’ (rjv) 17 i$fjs 1 a <fp{ayis) @ [op(pa) kcu a.7n]A(id)TOV )

At /36s £m{i<eipeva) i8(d<f>ri)

2nd H. ’ErrlaKeifns IJ€pKOi[vews {dpovpai)

1. 1. eioayopevr] . 5. 1. yc'noves.

Translation

. . . the next entered parcel. (2nd H.) Land-survey of Perkoinis, two arourae of unwatered land.
(1st. H.) Of the ninth parcel at the West side of private land also three unwatered arourae [ ],

the areas adjacent being on the south a water-channel, after which is the next tenth parcel, on
the north [and the east . . .] on the west the adjoining landed properties. (2nd H.) Land-survey of
Perkoinis [three arourae unwatered land].

Notes

1. For the abbreviation ioay{op£vi]) cf. Stud. 17, pp. 9 ff., Un Document administrate du
nome Mendes, 11. 346 and 501 rj ££{fjs) eioay{opevrj) Kol^rj).

<j<j>p{ayl s): in the other document of the Delta, the carbonized papyrus cited above, the
word koltt] is used instead of oef>payls ; cf. the note of the editor, p. 30. After of p( ay is) the
line is blank.

2. n\epKoivea>s is here restored from 1. 7. A village of the name Perkoinis occurs in a
carbonized papyrus of Thmuis, P. Byl. 216, 158, in the nrepiradub toparchy.

4. 9 is very doubtful.

{dpovpai) y. the y is very doubtful ; it may be also 1 or rfpei? ; after y at least eleven to
twelve letters are lost, and what may have followed is not clear — perhaps a reference to the
number of the folio of the entry.

5. TTOTiiTTpfa) : cf. Kalen, Bert. Leihgabe 13, 8, n.

ped’ (t?v): for this abbreviation cf. P. Oxy. 918 ii. 4, n., xi, 6.

17 efrjs I ofp{ayls) : no sign of abbreviation is visible after the 1, nor is there a stroke above
it, but the number 10 seems more likely to me than the unmarked abbreviation for luayopirg.

j8[op(pa) ktA. : after d^A^co-roe) we expect the adjacent area, perhaps abbreviated ; the
restoration as proposed gives the smallest number of missing letters required by 1.2.

6. em{Kei[ieva): for the meaning see P. Tebt. 50, 6 [11 b.c.].

£8{d<t>-r]): cf. P. Oxy. 918, ii, 12 and xi, 7 ; after this word the line is blank.

224

E. P. WEGENER

7. At the end of this line there is hardly room for (apovpai) rpeis dfipoyov ; perhaps
£pp(oxov).

VIII

Custom-receipt for a Camel

MS. Gr. Class g 74 (P). 6-4x7*5 cm. a.d. 156.

The present receipt may be added to the four Kamelsymbole treated by Fiesel in his article
Geleitszolle im griechisch-romischen Agypten (Xachr. Gottingen, 1925), pp. 94-5. It is issued
by the same farmer Castor as P. Rain. 42 [a.d. 153-4] and P. Lond. 318 [a.d. 156-7], the
only difference being that this document is not in the form of a letter and is issued by the
farmer himself, not through one of his officials.

Kaariup puad(coTr]d) ep-ypocflvXaKlas ) <c(c n) 77apoS(tou)

TIpoaoi(-nLTOu) k(cu) A[t]t]ott(oXitov) §t.ayeyp(ap.p.evas) rrapa
’ Avyaxfiog O.TTO N-gaov imep ovy.{fS6Xov)

Kap.rj\(ov) ivos Spayf'paj) if j ?.

5 Z. iB ’ Avrioyivov Kalaapos
tov Kvpioy IJavvi ks.

Translation

I, Castor, farmer of the desert-guard tax and the transit-tax of the Prosopite and Letopolite
nomes, have received through the bank from Anchophis inhabitant of Soknopaiu-Nesos in receipt
of the tax on one camel six drachmae, say 6 drachmae. The nineteenth year of the Emperor
Antoninus the lord, Payni 26.

Notes

1. eprjp.o<f>(v\aKias) = (pyporeXoivlas cf. note 1. 4.

rrapodiov is a transit custom-duty of 3 per cent. = 2 drachmae per camel paid each time
on passing the custom-house of a vopos; cf. Fiesel, ibid., and P. Lond. n, p. 87.

2. In the parallel documents tve find before Siayeyplappivas) the verb i\° = eyo> ; cf.,
e.g., P. Lond. ii, No. 330, p. 88, which is of the same form as our document; the word is,
however, in a lacuna.

3. crupfioXov ; cf. the references cited above.

4. Spaylpd?) this is the tax paid for the whole distance from the Prosopite via the
Letopolite to the Arsinoite nome, i.e. for each nome two drachmae per camel; cf. Fiesel,
ibid.

Receipt for Wheat

MS. Gr. Class g 75 (P). 6-2x5-5cm. a.d. v/vi.

The provenience and the date (only the indiction year is mentioned) are both unknown.
It is probably a receipt for the annona, on which see G. Rouillard, L’ Administration civile de
I'Bgypte byzantine, 121 ff.

Meaopy 6 alrov

S' Iv’dii ktIovos) 'Aypovios

8l(XK(«Jv) O.TTO(f>( ) dp(Td^T]v)

puav ypucroi rpl-
5 tov SvoSeKaTov
I a [ To R

4. 1. -ijpujv.

SOME OXFORD PAPYRI

225

Translation

The ninth of Mesore. Delivered by Ammonius the deacon for the wheat of the fourth indiction
one and a half and a third and a twelfth artabae, say 1| |

Notes

3. For the abbreviation Sid/c(W) cj. Kalen, Berl. Leihgabe, 4 verso, ix, 16, n.

The abbreviation a7ro</>( ) is unknown; most probably it is am^Upei.), but as in Berl.
Leihg. 4 we find Sid/r(o>v) 0e(aSeA</>etas), it may be the abbreviation of the name of the
village occurring in Stud, x, 247 [a.d. vii/viii], 3 'Arro6[

6. To = ; cf. P. Lond. 1760, 2, 3. A = jb is new ; tlie sign is nearly the same as that

for wpov aprdfjrj.

(226)

NOTES ON THE BAHREN, NUWEMISAH, AND EL-A‘REG
OASES IN THE LIBYAN DESERT

By ANTHONY DE COSSON
With Plates xxi-xxiv

It has been suggested that a short article on the uninhabited oases of Bahrein Nuwemisah,
and El-A‘reg, situated in the Libyan Desert, south-east of Slwah, might lie of interest.

No book devoted to these oases exists, although El-A‘reg and Bahren are mentioned by
Bohlfs, Steindorff, Bates, and Belgrave. 1 The Light Car Patrols ‘blazed’ motor trails to
them in 1916-17, and the Egyptian Desert Survey know them well, but recent expeditions
into the Libyan Desert such as those of Major Bagnold and Mr. Kennedy Shaw were
interested in the country farther south. Our own visit to Bahren, Nuwemisah, and Sitrah
was made in October 19:34, 2 and we were followed in the spring and summer of 1935 by an
entomological expedition sent to Slwah and the neighbourhood by the Armstrong College,
Newcastle-on-Tyne.

Bahren. El-A’reg, Watlyah, Nuwemisah. and Sitrah do not rightly belong to the Slwah
depression, but are named the ‘Areg Group’ in the latest 1 : 500.000 Map of Egypt, Sheet 4,
Cairo. 1935.

Bahren

Bahren. the central oasis of the three, is 75 miles south-east of Slwah and 140 miles
west of El-Baharlyah Oasis. As it did not lie directly on the trade-route from El-Baharlyah
to Slwah. which ran through Sitrah, Watlyah, and El-A‘reg, it was isolated and seldom
visited by European travellers. Piohlfs and Jordan on their return journey from Slwah
in 1374, and Steindorff and Grttnau in 1900, passed north of it along the trade-route and
missed seeing Bahren.

The two salt lakes of Bahren are of great beauty, tvith a bulwark of somewhat decaying
date-palms and tamarisk cones lighting against the encroachment of the Great Sand Sea
from the south, while on the north the escarpment of the Gebel Bahren rises to about 150
metres above the lakes, which themselves are below sea-level and were no doubt once of
greater area and joined together.

Scooped out of a soft stratum in the escarpment above the western lake is a large group
of caves of ancient origin (PI. xxi). 3 In the harder stratum, west of these caves, are the
square-cut tombs of a later epoch, possibly Ptolemaic. 4

The caves are all on one level, whereas the tombs are in two or more tiers. The burials
in all have been desecrated by the Bedouin, and in front of most of them lie hard red sand-
stone slabs which obviously had been used to seal up the entrances. 5 Where this red sand-
stone came from is still to lie ascertained.

1 G. Rohlfs, Drei Monnte in tier Libyschen Waste, Cassel, 1875; G. Steindorff, Durch die Libysche Waste,
Leipzig. 1904; Orie Bates, The Eastern Libyans, London. 1914; Belgrave. Siua, 1923.

- III. Ldn. Sews, March 30, 1935, pp. 530-1.

3 See Bates, op. cit.. 108, fur a reference to Libyan troglodytes.

1 There are similar tombs at Slwah (Gebel el-Motah), Girbah, and El-A‘re".

J Rohlfs, op. cit., 194, remarked similar slabs for closing tomb entrances at El-A‘reg.

227

NOTES ON OASES IN THE LIBYAN DESERT

The caves show signs of comparatively recent occupation by the date-harvesters, but
near one of them we picked up a very fine neolithic scraping implement (PI. xxiii, 3). and in
an isolated cave on the south-east of the escarpment we found some fragments of ancient
pottery. 1

The tombs were perhaps of a later people occupying Bahren as an outpost on the ancient
trade-route, but in our short visit we were unable to discover vestiges of any buildings.

The Gebel Bahren scarp is fairly rich in fossil sea-shells.

XuWEMISAII

Although Xuw emisah is only 13 miles east of Bahren nothing is known about it. and it
was not shown on any map, as far as I can ascertain, until 1932. There are two small
salt lakes, with sand-dunes on the south and a low sandstone escarpment to the north. In
this escarpment there are a large number of caves (PI. xxii). Many are choked w ith sand
and they need careful exploration. The period of occupation may perhaps be estimated
when I mention that near by we found a fine Hint, apparently palaeolithic, and in the debris
fallen from one of the caves we discovered a small earthenware pot of late date (PI xxiii

Ten miles east of Nuwemisah is the depression of tut rah, which contains the largest lake
in the group, lying 1G metres below sea-level. This lake shows signs of lm\ ing" receded
considerably in comparatively recent times. 2 3 North of it is a line high escarpment with fossil
sea-shells, but there were no signs of caves or tombs in the cliffs.

All these lakes have a fringe of sand-encumbered date-palms and tamarisks on the south
side, deep green in colour in contrast with the blue of the water and the white sand of the
dunes. The water appears to be shallow and brackish, and there is a pervading atmos-
phere of unhealth}’ decay. Camps should be selected as high up as convenient on the
gebel to the north, to avoid the pest of (lies and mosquitoes which infest the lakes.

El-A‘reg

El- A reg lies twenty miles north-west of Bahren. on tin' old caravan-route from El-
Bahariyah to Siwah along which passed the early European travellers CailliamF and
Letorzec in 1819 and Pacho 4 in 182G. When the great German explorers Hohlfs and
Jordan visited El-A'reg in February 1874 they noted the paintings on the walls of the rock-

1 Miss Cf. Caton Thompson, who has kindly examined these sherds, informs me that tlicir very wind-
worn condition makes determination difficult, but. that she is confident that none of them are prehistoric ;
the pieces of which the method of making can be identified are wheel-made. Two impressed sherds resemble
in ware sherds, undated but probably Nubian, that she has found in Khurcah Oasis.

This is confirmed by Cailliaud, who writes (p. 140). ‘Kourcmni [his guide] m'assura avoir entendu dire
que le lac que nous avons vu la veille s'etendait autrefois jusqu'ici . . .’ — that is as far as Hut I vet Timata
which is the 'Timata Sebcha’ of Jordan's map, at the east end of the Sitrah depression.

3 Cailliaud, Voyage a Me roe. Paris. ]S2(i. Vol. I, pp. 134-9. I agree with Rohlts' identification ot C.ul-
liaud s El Aray with El-A'reg and his PI Bahreyn with Sitrah. Cailliaud’ s desi ription of his route bears
this out.

* Pacho, Relation d' uu voyage dans la Mannarique el la Cyre unique. Paris. ]S27. On his return from
Cyrenaica and Siwah (according to the map published with this rare book). Pacho passed through llaradjeh
or ‘Baharen’, ‘Setra’, ‘Temetalr, etc. Unfortunately there is no description of these places in the text,
as the book was never finished on account of Pacho’ s last illness. M. Henri Miinier, the Secretary of the Koval
Geographical Society of Egypt, tells me that Pacho" s oricinal manuscript and notes of his journey no longer
exist.

•228

ANTHONY DE COSSON

iiii)ibr)f)

tombs there and concluded from the scattered bones and mummy-cloths that the tombs
had been rifled. But the most important discovery made by Rohlfs was the foundations of
a circular temple with a floor paved with marble slabs. 1 The positions of the now vanished
columns, twelve in number, were identified, but as no subsequent traveller noted this
interesting relic it is presumed that it has been buried by blown sand.

The next explorer to visit El-A‘reg was Mr. Wilfred Jennings-Bramly in October 1896, 2

and he counted, in two groups, no less than thirty-six
tombs cut in the cliff at the side of the depression. He
copied the paintings and. as only one has been repro-
duced before, I take this opportunity to publish, with his
permission, Mr. Jennings-Bramly 's drawings (Pis. xxiii
4-7, xxiv, 1-4). 3

Steindorff dates the paintings of Nut (PI. xxiv, 2) and
of Anubis and Osiris (PI. xxiv, 1) as late as the second
century a.d. On the wall of one of these late tombs some
desert artist has painted a primitive man wielding his
stone hatchet (PI. xxiii, 4), which Rolilfs mistook for a
cross. This artist was carrying on the art of the earlier
rock-painters of the Libyan desert, examples of whose
work are now well known. 4

Fig. 1.

A. Painted on wall of tomb at El-
A'reg.

b. Incised on fragment of marble
at Burg el-‘Arab.

\\ hen the late Professor Sayce saw Mr. Jennings-
Bramly's drawings he agreed that the curious vertical characters in PI. xxiii, 5 might be
writing— some form of Libyan script, presumably. In Fig. 1 I have reproduced this writing
fiom El- A reg (A) together with a similar inscription (B) incised on a fragment of marble
recently found on Mr. Jennings-Bramly’s land at Burg el-' Arab, near Alexandria. These
inscriptions may prove interesting to palaeographers.

The figure in PI. xxiii, 5 is the same as Bohlfs rather poor plate 14, 5 and it was the
subject of one of Steindorff s fine photographs, 6 which confirms the accuracv of Bramly’s
drawing.

L nfortunately we were not able to visit El-A'reg in 1934, but travellers who know it
say that it is the most beautiful oasis of the group, 7 and Mr. Jennings-Bramly tells me that
he would not be surprised if there were other tombs existing there unopened'.

1 Rohlfs, op. cit.. 194-5.

- Jennings- Brandy. .4 Journey to Sited in September and October 1396, in Geographical Journal 10 (1897),
597-008.

J The drawings shown PI. xxiii, 4, 5, 7, and the design on the block, PI. xxiii, 6, are red. The two figures,
PI. xxiv, 1 , have black outlines and details (except the collar of Osiris, which is green), and are filled in with

yellow. The figure of Nut, PI. xxiv, 2. is yellow, except the marks on each side of the O-sign on her head,
and the four curved marks on her wig, which are green. The cornice, PI. xxiv, 4, has black uraei on a red
ground.

4 Sec, among other works, W. B. Kennedy Shaw. An Expedition in the Southern Libyan Desert, in
Geographical Journals, 7, No. 3 (March 1930). 195. and an article in Antiquity of June 1936 by the same
author. Also de Almasy, llecentes explorations dans le d,sert libyque 1932-1936, Cairo 1936.

5 Rohlfs, op. cit.. 195.

I Steindorff. op. cit., PI. 92 and p. 123. Steindorff was at El-A'reg on January 10, 1900.

' E.g., Wilfrid Seawen Blunt, My Diaries, London, 1919, pp. 321-5. The late' Mr. Blunt, on his journey
from El-Bahariyah to Slwah, stayed at Sitrah and passed through Bahren and El-ATeg in February 1897.
He makes no mention of the caves and tombs, but he was struck by the beautv of these oases, which he
found totally uninhabited.

Plate XXIII

1 2 3

1, 2, Implement and pot from Nuwemisah 3, Implement from Bahren.

( The scale is m tinhes)

From tombs at El-A‘reg. 4, -5, Drawings and inscription (.') from Tomb 12B.
6, Stone block in right-hand corner of Tomb 6 A, ", Drawing from Tomb 13B.

OASES IN THE LIBYAN DESERT.

C J

Plate XXIV

P - v

/ '•

Tomb 16B at El-A‘reg, 1, Paintings of Anuhis and Osiris. 2, Painting of Nut. at
3, External view of the tomb. 4, Detail (cornice of uraei) at © on No. 3

x on No. 3.

OASES IN THE LIBYAN DESERT.

NOTES ON OASES IN THE LIBYAN DESERT

•229

Although these oases are now uninhabited they are visited occasionally by a few Bedouin
from the coastal belt, who come to pick the dates from the tax-free palms or to graze their
camels on the argul thorn. At Bahren in October 1934 we found a solitary tent belonging
to two men who were collecting dates and making palm-iibre ropes, and with them were a
woman and two children, all of the Sammalus tribe, from the coast nearly two hundred miles
away. At Xuwemisah water-hole two men. both looking ill with malaria, were grazing
their camels, while at Sitrah we could see nobody at all.

Have we at Bahren and Xuwemisah the cave-dwellings of an early neolithic people
driven in to settle by these lakes when the process of desiccation was nearing completion'? 1

And have we at Bahren and El-A'reg Libyan fastnesses which later became outposts of
Greek or Roman occupation on the ancient trade-route between Middle Egypt and the
West ?

These and many other questions will be answered when a competent archaeological and
anthropological expedition examines these interesting and little-known oases.

The season for exploration would be between October and February. Even in October
we experienced high temperatures of 35° C’., whereas in December and January it some-
times freezes at night. 2 After February the season of bad sandstorms begins.

Mosquitoes and flies stop their torment at night, but the openings in tents should be
netted to enable one to work inside by day. Somewhat brackish water suitable for washing
is to be found fairly close to the sites, but good drinking-water and supplies can be obtained
from Siwah or Mirsa Matruh, provided suitable transport is available: not less than two
cars should always travel together, however.

Probably Bedouin labourers, although brought from the coast, would be cheap, and they
would obtain their drinking-water from the local wells; also, in their case, camel transport
would be more economical and would have the additional advantage of being useful for
general purposes in cases of emergency such as break-down of the mechanical transport
owing to abnormal rain in December or January.

Apart from its heavy petrol consumption, the 193G Ford V 8 ‘pick-up model, equipped
with 7.50 balloon wheels, is the best car for desert work. A light canvas movable hood
should be provided instead of the standard fixture. The following additions are recom-
mended also: an oil-bath air filter, a water economizer. 3 a supplementary petrol tank to feed
into the standard tank, and a strong hydraulic jack, in addition to the standard equipment
and spare wheels, springs, and parts. Ac. Finally, rope-ladders should be carried for getting
across soft sand such as exists at Karet el-Hememat.

In conclusion I may mention that the railway from Alexandria terminates now at Mirsa
Matruh, and that there are a post office, a wireless station, and a landing-ground at Siwah.

1 See K. S. Sandford and W. J. Arkell. First Report of the Prehistoric Purvey Expedition. University of
Chicago Press, 1928, pp. 7. 24. ‘Upper Paleolithic times work a great change in hey pt . In the first place,
the copious rainfall of earlier times ceased and the country gradually became a desert. I ntil this epoch
Man had wandered where he listed over the plains and plateaus, but now he was forced to keep closer and
closer to the Kile and to certain of the Oases.'

2 Cailliaud, op. cit., I, 137, and Steindorff. op. cit., 134.

3 Bagnold, Libyan Sands, London, 1935, p. 83, also in Geographical Journal. July 1931. p. 29 : September
1933, pp. 230-3. Major Bagnold gives some very useful hints to desert motorists. Michael H. Mason in
The Paradise of Fools (London, 1936), publishes in his Appendix I even fuller information on ‘The Use
and Care of Cars’ by \V. B. Kennedy Shaw and R. K. Harding-Kewman.

(230)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT (1936)

Edited by A. M. Blackman

The work is divided as follows :

§ 1. Archaeology. G. A. Wainwright.

§ 2. Art and Architecture. X. de G. Davies.

§ 3. Conservation. A. M. Blackman.

§ 4. Demotic Studies. S. B. K. Glanvtlle.

§ 5. Excavations and Explorations. L. P. Kirwan.
§ 6. Foreign Relations. I. E. S. Edwards.

§ 7. Geography and Topography. A. M. Blackman.
§ 8. History. H. W. F airman.

§ 9. Law. S. R. K. Glanville.

§ 10. Literature. R. O. Faulkner.

§ 11. Palaeography. A. M. Blackman.

§ 12. Personal Xotices. A. M. Blackman.

§ 13. Philology. A. M. Blackman.

§ 14. Publications of Texts. M. F. L. Macadam.

§ 15. Religion and Magic. A. \Y. Shorter.

§ 16. Science, Mathematics, &c. R. \Y. Sloley.

Supplement to ‘List of Abbreviations used in References to Periodicals, etc.’,

pp. 142-4 above. 1

Alte Or. = Der Alte Orient.

An. Or. = Analecta Orientalia.

Antiq. — Antiquity.

Arch. f. Or. = Archil' fur Orientforschvng.

Arch. Orient. = Archiv Orientalni.

Bibl. Aeg. = Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca.

Bull. Inst. d'£g. — Bulletin de VInstitut d'Egypte.
Eg. Bel. — Egyptian Beligion.

Flies. Inst.fr. = Fouilles de VInstitut frant^ais.

■I M EOS = Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and
Oriental Society.

MV AG = Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-aegypti-
schen Gesellschaft.

Mem. Inst. d’Eg. = Memoires de VInstitut d'Egypte.
PEFQS = Palestine Exploration Fund's Quarterly
Statement.

The Editor of this Bibliography would be very grateful if scholars would facilitate the work of compilation
by kindly sending to him at The Institute of Archaeology, 11 Abercromby Square, Liverpool 7, offprints of
their articles, and. so far as is possible, copies of their books. He also wishes to take this opportunity of
offering his sincere thanks to those colleagues who have co-operated with him in this undertaking and who.

1 Considerations of space have necessitated compression of the text of this Bibliography bv abbreviation of
many frequently recurring words. It. is hoped that the abbreviations will be self-explanatory, but to avoid anv
possible obscurity a Ibt of them is given here: anc. — ancient, ancien, -s, -ne(s); Antiq. Dept. -- Antiquities
Department (Service des Antiquites) ; archaeol. = archaeolog-y. -ical ; art(s). = article(s) ; BM = British Museum;
comm., -s. eommentar-v , -ies; dcm. - demotic; Eg. — Egypt, -ian; Eg. - Egvpte; eg. : egvptien, -s, -ne(s);
et. = ctude(s) ; fragm(m). = fragment(s) : Gk. = Greek ; hierogl. = hieroglyph(ie) ; hist. = histor-y.'-ical ; illust(s). =
illustration(s) ; inscr(r). = inseription(s) ; Inst. = Institute; Iust.fr. = Institut. fran<;ais; MFA = Museum of Fine
Arts (Boston); M.K. = Middle Kingdom; MMA = Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York) ; mus. o= museum,
musee(s); n(n). = note(s); X.K. = New Kingdom ; not., -d„ -s. = notice, -d, -s; O.K. = Old Kingdom : ostr(r).
= ostrac-on, -a ; Ptol. = Ptolemaic : publ.. -d„ -n(s)„ -s. = publi-sh, -shed, -cation(s), -shes ; ref(s). = reference(s) ;
re ' -d., -s. re\ ieu , -ed, -s; transcr. = transcription ; transl., -s., -d. - - translat-ion, -ions, -ed. — Editor, J EA .

ARCHAEOLOGY 231

in so doing, have sacrificed much time that they might otherwise have devoted to publishing the results of
their own researches.

The date 1936 is omitted in the ease of books, periodicals, etc., published in that year.

1. Archaeology

Two more works have appeared in the Excavations at Saqqara series; Firth and Qyibell, The Step
Pyramid, with plans by J.-P. Laver, and Laver, La Pyramided, degres: L’ architecture. In the first Qltbell
has done what he could before his own death with the material of Firth who had already died. Laver's
work has the advantage of being the results of his own study and observation, which he has worked up with
many refs, to the pertinent literature. A few random points may be mentioned here. He begins with an
account of the evolution of the royal tomb and a classification of those of Dyn. 3. The Step ‘Pyramid’
differs essentially both from a mastabah and from a pyramid. In the great well Laver distinguishes the
timbering of Djeser s time, that of a ceiling to protect the O.-K. plunderers from the fall of stones, and that
of the Saite workmen. Three different woods turn out to have been used in the astonishing coffin of 6-plv
wood found in the pyramid. The temenos wall at Sakkarah is panelled like the sides of the Nakadah masta-
bah, and also turns out to be exactly ten times as large. Laver points out cases where the craftsmen had
profited by experience in the new art of building in stone, and before the end of their work were already
using improved techniques. The author goes very thoroughly into the question of the use of paint, and
finds that the parts of stone buildings derived from wooden originals were painted with red ochre. Like
Firth and Qvibell before him Laver also exercises his ingenuity on the purpose of the Southern Tomb.

JEA 22 : 1 f., \\ ijngaarden, Objects of T uSankhamun in the Rijksmits. . . . Leiden ; 46 ft’., \V. B. K. Shaw
reports what seem to be burials of predyn. age from the depths of the S. Libyan desirt; 141 ff., Lvcas
discusses Glazed II are in Eg., India, and Mesopotamia. He goes into all the relevant evidence in fullest
detail; points out that it is utterly mistaken to speak of Eg. ‘glazed pottery" ; discusses the origin of glazing
in Eg., and gives dates for the appearance of the different kinds of glazes, etc. 108 f., Seligman revs.
Sandford, Palaeolithic Man and the Nile Valley in Upper ami Middle Eg.-. 110 ff., Wainwright revs.
Mackay, The Indus Civilization ; 216 ff., Brvnton revs. Winlock. The Treasure of El Ldhun ; 220 f., M. S.
Drower revs. Bryns, Der Obelisk u. seine Basis auf d. Hippodrom zu Konstantinopel ; 221. A. X. Dakin revs.
Walters Art Gallery. Handbook, and M. F. L. Macadam revs. Les antiquites eg. du Mus. de Vienne (Isere).

Petrie has publd. another vol. of his catalogue of the University College collection. This time it is Shaltis,
containing photos, of 056 figurines dating from Dyns. 12-30. He gives analyses of the formulae, hand-copies
of the inscrr., lists of the names and titles of the owners, and a series of refs, by which one can build up a
complete description of any specimen. This last is in tabular form, which, after a little study, is much easier
to follow than lengthy descriptions appended to each example. As always his own collection is illustrated
by such comparative material from elsewhere as has come under his notice. Rev. by Cafart in Chron.
d' Eg. 11, 438 ff.

A sale of Eg. antiquities was held at the Hotel Drouot, Paris, on March 25 and 26.

Bull. MMA 31 includes the following: 115 f., C. R. C. on the restoration of Senebtiais bead collar;
192 f., H. E. Winlock, The Hist, of Glass: an Exhibition of specimens in the Mils, beginning with Eg. of
the 15th cent. b.c. ; 221 ff., M. S. Dimand, -4 Gift of Syrian Ivories, showing the mixture of Eg. and other
motifs usual in this art. The ivories presumably date to the 13th or 12th cent. b.c. 274 ff., H. E. Winlock.
A Discovery of Eg. Jewelry by X-ray on the 11th- Dyn. mummy of Wah from Thebes, now in the Mus.

Bull. MFA 34 includes D. Dunham, Xotes on Some Recent Acquisitions from Tell el Amarna. 22 ff.

III. Ldn. Xeivs: Feb. 29, Sir C. Marston illustrates in colour a bowl from Lachish bearing a 'Sinaitic'
inser. ; Apl. 18, C.Maystre pubis, photos, of the treasure of Amenemmes II from Et-Tud, much of it of Asiatic
origin; Apl. 25, W. B. Emery gives photos, of objects from the tomb of Hemaka at Sakkarah; .Tune 20,

G. Loud shows the bust of a 12th-Dyn. Eg. statue found at Megiddo and mentions others ; Sept. 12. H. Frank-
fort shows a number of pear-shaped mace-heads comparable to. yet differing from, late prcd\ n. and archaic
ones from Eg. ; .Sept. 26, some of the cats from Mr. Langton's collection shown at the EES Exhibition ;
Oct. 3, J. L. Starkey shows sundry Eg. objects from Lachish. and another graffito in the ‘Sinaitic’ script ;
Dec. 5, photos, of a number of masterpieces from the Gulbenkian Collection now on loan at the BM., among
them the famous obsidian head of Amenemmes III originally in the MacGregor Collection; Dec. 26,

H. A. Winkler studies rock drawings from the Eastern Desert and begins a classification of them ; C. Weentz
figures many forerunners of the Christian Mother and Child, mostly from Eg.

232

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

Reisnek, The Development of the Eg. Tomb down to the Accession of Cheops, derives the mastabah from
the predyn. grave mound and the pyramid from the mastabah, though the two latter, at any rate, are quite
different in form. He denies any influence of religion in the choice of the pyramid, though it arose at the
time of the advance of sun-worship. Capart revs, the book in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 421 ff., and rightly asks
whether we shall get a true view of the development until we know something of Lower Eg. Dunham has
a short appreciation of the book in Bull. M FA 34, 61.

ZAS 72: 121 ff., Keimer, Bemerkungen zu altag. Bogen aus Antilopenhornern ; 131 ff., Bosse, Zu-ei Kunst-
werke aus d. dg. Sammlung d. Eremitage ; 135 ff., Stokar, Untersuchung eines Kvrbchens a. einer Schnur d-
Badarikultur auf ihre Bestandteile finds that both are made of the bast of the raphia-palm which to-day no
longer grows so far X.

Journ. Roy. Anthropol. Inst. 66: 65 ff., M. Amer gives a sketch of Ma'adian civilization and its probable
position in Eg. civilization.

Man includes a letter from Petrie on the hist, of the spoon in anc. Eg., No. 291 ; Hornblowef. revs.
Gardiner's Attitude of the Anc. Egyptians to Death and the Dead, Xo. 8 ; Leakey revs. Sandford and Arkell,
Palaeolithic Man and the Xile Valley in X ubia and Upper Eg., Xo. 62.

Bull. Inst.fr. 36: 71 ff., M. Pillet, V Extraction du granit en Eg. a V e'poque pharaonique ; 85 ff., L. Keimer,
Sur quelques representations de cameleon de Vane. Eg.

Antiq. 10: 5 ff., Wainwright, The Coming of Iron, shows that iron was first known through its occurrence
in meteorites. Smelted iron was used in Mesopotamia before 2800 B.C., though then very rare. Since the
publn. of this art. Mallow AN has found another piece of man-made iron of the same age, see Iraq 3, 11, 26 f.
The knowledge of smelted iron certainly came to Eg. from the X., and Eg. was the last country of the Xear
East to enter the Iron Age. 355 ff., Hawkes, Early Iron in Eg., says that the Pyramid piece definitely has
no nickel in it. Similarly, in the 6th-Dyn. piece from Abvdos, no nickel was found in the metallic core, but
there were "minute traces in the outer rust’; these are evidently adventitious. Hawkes corrects the
mistaken report on this in the Antiquaries Journal 7, 193. 175 ff., W. B. K. Shaw, Rock Paintings in the Libyan
Desert, shows that some of these have connexions stretching from Spain to Abyssinia and S. Africa ; those
that he describes probably date to Eg. predyn. times. 261 ff., Bishop, Origin and Early Diffusion of the
Traction-plough, gives some information on Eg. examples; 478, a £50 Prize for an arehaeol. and ethno-
logical essay on Eg. is advertised.

Eg. Rel. 4: 1 ff., Roeder, Das Ichneumon in d. dg. Religion u. Kunst, gives a valuable collection of material,
marred, however, by failure to distinguish between the ichneumon and shrewmouse. Figs. 3-11 are quite
clearly ichneumons, but figs. 13-15 are equally clearly shrewmice. Figs. 12, 16, 17, though not so completely
characteristic, are tolerable versions of shrewmice. A number of the shrewmouse-statuettes have dedications
to ‘ Horns, Lord of Letopolis’ ; the ichneumon on the other hand, was sacred to Atum. 71 f., Scharff revs.
\\ inlock’s two books, The Tomb of Queen Meryet-Amun at Thebes and The Treasure of El Lahun.

Ann. Serv. 36 : Iff., Lucas. The Wood of the 3rd-Dyn. Ply-wood coffin from Saqqara, gives Dr. Chalk’s study
which is now incorporated in Lauer’s La Pyramide d Degres; 77 ff., Chevhier, Plan d' ensemble de Karnak
makes some additions to the older maps; 89 ff., Keimer, Pendeloques en forme d’insectes faisant partie de
colliers eg . ; 158 ff., Chevrier, A ote sur la manipulation des blocs du monument de la reine Hatsepsowet, studies
the method by which the blocks were very simply and efficiently manoeuvred into place ; 161 ff., Steindorff,
Skarabaen mit Xamen von Privatpersonen d. Zeit d. M. u. N. R. aus d. Sammlung S.M. d. Konigs Fuad I;
187 ff., Lockianoff, Une Statue parlante ou oracle du dieu Re-Harmakhis, describes a bust of the god of the
Roman period with a hole at the back of the head leading to an orifice under the right ear; 197 ff., Lucas
and BrUNTON, The Medallion of Dahshur, show that it is painted, not inlaid, and that the cover is rock-
crystal; 201, Brunton, Ramesside Stelae from the Eastern Desert, gives particulars of the provenance of
one now in Cairo and of another now in Munich.

A. \ olten pubis. Borchardt s Statuen und Statuetten v. Kdnigen u. Privatleuten, Teil 5: Xachweise ,
consisting of the fullest possible indices of every sort.

E. Dow in Technical Studies (Fogg Art Museum, Harvard Univ.), 65, 3 ff., pubis, a valuable art., The
Medium of Encaustic Painting. After many experiments the medium used for painting the Fayyum mummy-
portraits is still undetermined, but is pretty clearly beeswax prepared in some such manner as Pliny de-
scribes for the making of Punic wax. As Petrie originally stated, it was applied in a pasty, not liquid, state.

G. G. Simpson has a general account of the horse in relation to man, including naturally some of the
Eg. e\ idence. He also shows a photo, of an 18th-Dyn. statuette of a man riding a horse, and of an ivory
figurine of a galloping horse, both in the MMA. Horses and Hist, in Xatural Hist. (New York) 38, 277 ff.

ARCHAEOLOGY 233

Chron. d Lg. 11 includes the following revs, or mentions of archaeol. works not recorded elsewhere in this
Bibliography :

85 If., E. Mounier-Leclercq gives a useful rev. of Dunbar. Some Nubian Rock Pictures in Sudan
Notes and Records , 1934. Certain classifications can already be made. e.g. into pictures worked with a stone
point, and with a metal one ; those which represent animals long extinct in the area, and those which repre-
sent the surviving fauna ; those w r hich show boats of a predyn. type ; those which give indications of belonging
to the C-group period. 93, H. Ranke, The Origin of the Eg. Tomb Statue, by J. C' apart. Ranke derives these
statues from the Delta, not from the predyn. culture we know so well, although only in Upper Eg. Encyclo-
pedic photogr. de Vart, Fascicules 1-5, by J. Cap art. a useful collection of photos, of little known Eg. antiqui-
ties; 94, A. Hermann, F uhrer durch d. Mus. d. a g. Altertumer zu Kuiro, by O. Koefoed-Petersex ; H. E.
Winlock, The Private Life of the Anc. Egyptians, by O. Koefoed-Petersen ; 90. Lefebvre des Xoettes.
De la marine antique d la marine moderne. by H. de Morant ; 401 if.. R. Coche. Les Figurations rupestres du
Mertoutek (Central Sahara), by Cap art. Comparing these drawings with the painted tomb at Hieraconpolis
Coche thinks of a civilization extending all over the Sahara and lying at the root of the Eg. 410 if.. \V. ( '.
Hayes, Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dyn., by J. C'apart; 415. rev. of Foucart. Le Tonibeau dl Anton -
mos, to which it may be added that this tomb is a terrible example of the destruction that has taken place
during the last hundred years; 425 f.. Cl. Bruns, Der Obelisk u. seine Basis aufd. Hippodrom zu Konstanlt-
nopel, by J. C'apart; this seems to be an exhaustive work on the subject, and Scharff traces its hist, and
translates the inscr. ; 440 f., H. Balcz, Die Gefdssdarstell ungen J. A. R. ; 443 f.. I. Lexova, Anc. Eg. Dunces
(transl. by K. Haltmar, Praha, 1935), by E. Bille-De -Mot; 408 if. and 2 figs, some remarks are added to
M. S. Drower’s art. in Antiq. 9 (1935), on two O.-K. blocks built into the Bab el-Futuh at Cairo; 487,
another attempt to grow mummy wheat has failed; 4S7, C'apart pubis, an Osiris-statuette found at the
depth of a metre in the Belgian Congo.

The Semaine egyptol. was held at Brussels in July 1935 and the following reports of archaeol.
papers then read appear in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 21 if.; 29 f.. Koefoed-Petersen. on L'ouvrage encore imdit de
M. Carl V. Solver sur les bateaux eg.; 31 f„ Mine. Stavsik on Cn Ornement de tite de la Xl/e dyn. i.e. that
of Sit-hathor-yunet from El-Lahun ; 33 f., H. de Morant on Quelques objets d'art tn forme Want dope ; 45 f..
Mile M. Sandman on Scarabees trouves en Chypre; 48 if., S. R. Sherman showed slides of the neighbourhood
of Tell el-‘Amarnah, including the splendid road leading to the quarries. The alabaster proves to have been
obtained at Hatnub by mining in the usual manner, and not by quarrying in the open air as the general
appearance to-day would lead one to suppose.

V Anthropologie 46. 205, partially reproduces Hornblowef.’s valuable evidence that the domestication
of cattle began with the cows and calves, not with the bulls. The semi-tamed cows would be visited sea-
sonally by the wild bulls. Peake and Fleure had already stated the probability of this, and Hornbi.ower
is able to quote evidence from the wild ibex of to-day. His art. appeared m Man. 1935. 1 7 <5. No. 195.
206 ff., R. Vaufrey, Pierres emaillees.

M. Schmidl’s valuable art. Die < Irundlagen d. Xilotenkultur in Mitt. d. anthropol. ties, in II ien 65 (1935).
86 ff., is revd. shortly in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 80 f. The study is naturally largely based on evidence from Eg.

In OLZ 39, 602 ff., F. W. v. Bissing revs, at some length Bruns, Der Obelisk ». seine Basis uuf d.
Hippodrom zu Konstantinopel.

In Tilskueren (Copenhagen), 233 ff., Koefoed-Petersen. Aegypterinden red Toilette t, pubis, pictures of
some toilet-spoons; 434 ff.. Koefoed-Petersen, En Stormnndsgrar fra det Oamle Aegypten. describes the
mastabah of Kaemrohu in the 2s y Carlsberg Glyptotek.

Bull, des Mus. royaux d'art et d'hist. (Brussels). 129 ff.. Spei.eers discusses some Syro-Cappadocian
cylinder-seals now in the Mus., decorated with Eg. motifs, especially one show ing the purification of a man
by Horus and Seth.

Koenigsberger, Die Konstruktion d. dg. Tur, treats in fullest detail the Eg. gateway, door, methods of
hanging, bolting, etc., with illusts. and full bibliography. Rev. by HoLscher in OLZ. 39. 729 f.

H. Brunner, Die Anlagen d. ug. Felsgraber bis z. M. R.. studies at length the disposition of the early
rock-tombs.

Steindorff and Wolf's Die thebanische Gruberirelt, a description of the cemetery, classified according
to date, with a table, pis. and plans, is revd. by Kees in OLZ 39, 680 ff.. and in Chron. d Eg. 11. 414 f.

Bobart, Basketivork throughout the Ages, compiles a good deal of miscellaneous information about
basketry. What he knows of Eg. baskets is to be found on pp. 11-15. Rev. by C'apart in Chron. d'Eg.

II, 441 f.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

R. J. Forbes, Bitumen and Petroleum in Antiquity (Leiden), an excellent collection of information
geological, chemical, and archaeol., though naturally very little from Eg.

L. and J. Heuzey, Hist, du costume dans Vantiquite classique: L’ Orient, is revd. by Contenait in L Anti-
quite classique 5, 234 f.

Museums of the Brooklyn Inst, of Arts and Sciences : Report for the Year 1935 (Brooklyn, N.Y. 1936),
32 If., reports progress and figures acquisitions — mostly from El- Amarnah.

Hull Mus. Publns. No. 190 : Record of Additions includes an account of reproductions of some of Tut<ankh-
amun's furniture; they were made under Weigall’s supervision for the Wembley Exhibition and have
now been presented to the Mus. by Mr. A. L. Reckitt.

University Mus. Bull. (Philadelphia) 6 (May), 118 f. and PI. v. An Eg. Mummy Cloth painted crudely
with aodri and of Roman date ; (Xov. ), 7 if.. Pis. i. ii, Stela of Sisopduyenhab and his Relatives , a 12th-L)yn.
stela from Abvdos.

Walters Art Gallery [Baltimore]; Handbook. The Eg. collection is mentioned on pp. 1-19, which also
include a number of figs. The head and bust on p. 18 is surely neither of O.K. workmanship nor a copy of
such work, but is in the naturalistic style of the Ethiopian period.

The Antiquaries Journal 16: 223 f., G. Childe revs. A. Lucas, Anc. Eg. Materials and Industries.

Lefebyre des Xoettes, De la marine antique a la marine moderne is revd. in Les etudes classiques
(Namur) 5, 176 f., and in Bull. Monumental of the Soc. fr. d'Archeologie 138 f.

J. Heuzey has a good art. in the Gazette des Beaux Arts 16 (Paris), 21 if., Le costume des femmes dans
l' Eg. anc., with 12 figs. He reproduces with real material on living models the folds shown in anc. representa-
tions. Unfortunately most of the examples discussed are Ramesside or later.

BM Quart. 10: 118 f. and fig.. Smith, .4 Glass Figure of Anubis, pubis, a well-made example of the
usual black figures for inlay ; 172 ff.. Shorter shows that the Hathor-capital now in the BM, and originally
from Buhastis. was made by order of Osorkon II from a block of Ramesses II.

Bull, des Mus. de France 8: 51 f., Boreux pubis, a little ivory plaque carved in the ■Amarnah style ; 74 if.,
Boreux gives some description of the re-arrangement of the Eg. galleries of the Louvre with photos. ; 130 f.,
S. Tenand "writes on Lesjardins dans I Eg. antique.

Bull. Inst. d'Eg. 18: 131 if., A. Pochan makes calculations to show that Fourtau’s calculations were
wrong about the quantity of water delivered by the Bahr Yusuf into ‘Lake Moeris’. He considers Miss
Caton Thompson's and Miss Gardner's interpretation of their evidence to be ‘tres aleatoire, voire mani-
festement fausse'. He has some useful suggestions as to the dyke at Minya el-Het, which he believes to
be Ptol.

Berliner Mu-seen: Berichte aus d. Preuss. Kunstsamml. 57 : 46 if., Anthes describes the newly arranged
Predyn., O.K., and M.K. Rooms.

DLZ 57 : 1855 ff., Wilcken revs, at great length Kees’ Agypten. He remarks on the absence of a chapter
on art, and finds the best chapter to be the last, which treats of Eg. science and its relationship to Gk. philo-
sophy. Wilcken rightly says that Eg. thought should be compared with other Oriental thought, not with
Gk., which was of quite different calibre: the one was ‘knowledge’ while the other was ‘science’.

Demel, Einige ag. Portrdtkopfe d. Spat:., in Jahrb. d. Kunsthist. Samml. in Wien, N.F. 10, 1 ff., pubis, a
number of heads of the late period now in Vienna, Berlin, and Turin.

M. Baud, Les Dessins tbauches de la necropole theb. is revd. by M. D. B. in Syria 17, 186.

C.-R. Ac. Inscr. B.-L.: 23 ff.. Cap art explains a predyn. slate as a conWarusah ; 27 ff., Cap art pubis,
a cylinder-seal of Hvksos type showing a donkey playing the harp to a dancing monkey, and collects other
instances of animal musicians in the Near East.

In La Mature (Paris), 518 ff., H. de Morant has a short account of the remarkable growth and the present
condition of the Eg. Collection at Brussels, and of the Fondation Reine Elisabeth, illustrated w T ith 8 figs.
Bull, mensuel de V Union Civique Beige 12, 2, 19 ff. and figs, has an account of Une visite aux collections eg. des
Mus. Royaux dlArt et d'Hist., also with illusts.

Winlock in MM A Studies, 5, 147 ff ., pubis. An Eg. Flower Bowl. This is the one of the three found in the
rubbish of the tomb of Rekhinire< that is now in New York. He shows by convincing photos, the delightful
use that the Egyptians made of it with lotus-flowers.

G. Hermes, Das gezahmte Pferd im alien Orient in Anthropos, 364 ff., gives a good hist, of the horse in the
Near East, including of course Eg. It now proves to be much older than used to be thought. The various
types of chariots are discussed and the differences pointed out between the Eg. and Assyrian bridles.

Westerling has an art. (illustrated with 12 figs.) in Apollo (London), 257 if., entitled Nailsea Glass and

ARCHAEOLOGY

235

its Ancestry. He shows how the combed patterns of the ane. Eg. glass occur again in eighteenth-cent.
English glass, though of course the technique is entirely different.

M. Dcchesne-Guillemtn has a Note sur la provenance asiatique d'un tambour eg. in Archaeol. Mitt, aus
Iran (Berlin) 8, 53 ff. A scene at Nihawand in Persia shows a square object which is probably a tambourine.
This dates to about 2200 B.c., whereas rectangular tambourines are not yet known in Eg. before Dyn. 18.

Rev. d'egyptol. 2: 135 ff. (3 pis. and figs.), Massoulard, Lances fourchues et Peseshkaf; 165ff.,E. Staynik,
Une suggestion au sujet de la couronne de la princesse Sat-Hathor-Yount ; 173 ff., A. Varille, Cn colosse
d’Ameno-phis III dans les carrieres d' Assouan.

The following books and arts, were inaccessible to me: the report on S. R. K. Glanville's lecture
Brick and Stone in Anc. Eg. in JMEOS 20, 11; P. D. Ritchie, An examination of some Predyn. Pottery
Pigments ( Technical Studies, 4 (1935-6), 234 ff.); J. de la Roche’s Concordance entre les techniques
levalloisietines de Berranaghia (Algerie) et des environs du Caire (Eg.), in Bull, de la Soc. prihist. frang. 33,
490 ff. ; M. Schjhdl’s Die Grundlagen d. A ilotenkultur in Mitt. d. anthropol. Cles. in Wien 65, 86 ff. ; and Basic
Elements of Nilotic Civilization in Africa 9, 291 f., a short not. of the last mentioned art.

2. Art and Architecture

A. General

The event of several decades past, in the provision of material for the appreciation of Eg. art, is the
appearance of Anc. Eg. Paintings by Nina M. Davies, with the editorial assistance of A. H. Gardiner,
Univ. of Chicago (Oxford, Yols. i, n, fol., 104 coloured collotype pis., and Vol. Ill, 4to, descriptive text. §50).
The fine pis. are derived largely from Theban tombs of Dyns. 18 and 19. They come in the main from
Gardiner’s collection of Mrs. Davies’s paintings, and as colour reproductions are mostly new. The copies
show meticulous fidelity, though they have had to submit to a second reflection through the medium of
colour-printing. The employment of colour in ane. Eg. can now be studied with little serious disqualification.
In the vol. of text Mrs. Davies, assisted by Gardiner, sets forth briefly the hist, setting, the nature of the
artist’s task, and the means he used to cope with it, his tools and materials, and the deterioration his work
has suffered. She has also given a brief and non-technical description of each pi. (Revd. Times Lit. Supp.,
537.)

Les Dessins ebauches de la Xecropole Theb. (au temps du hoard Emp.), by M. Baud (Mtm. Inst.fr., 63,
1935), is revd. Chron. d'Eg. 11, 90 ff. The same author has arts, on La decoration intcrieure en Eg. anc.

( Annales de VInst. Techn. du Bdtiment for July, August. 61, 67). and on Le Dessin par Ombre portae en
Eg. d’apres le texte de Pline Vane., a paper summed up in Chron. d' Eg. 11. 43 ff. In the latter she points
out that a misconception of Pliny's statement has led to the anc. idea that the Egyptians employed the
device indicated.

Sketches on ostraca (not included in the publn. just cited) by happy chance are provided by J . Vandier
d’Abbadie in Catalogue des Ostraca figures de Deir el Medineh (Documents dcs files. Inst, fr., n), 52 pp., 36
pis. (8 in colour), P.T. 140, which adds a large number of facsimiles of these products of the colony of
artists at Der el-Medinah to those previously publd. by Schaefer. For the first time we have reproductions
of the colour which these skilled men often added to their trial-pieces or to the products of their idler
moments. This first part is confined to animal subjects.

In Die rnenschliche Figur in d. Bundplastik d. Aeg. Spatzeit roll. d. XXII. his:. XXX. Dyn. (Rm. 12)
lv. Bosse surveys the statuary of the periods indicated and gives descriptive and critical nil. on each example.
Unfortunately her personal acquaintance with them is fir from complete, and the book suffers in con-
sequence. In Pt. II the special contribution of each dyn. and the development from one to the other is set
forth in detail and given careful estimation. Finally, the fidelity as portraits and the freedom from tradition
of these statues are discussed. Altogether a useful book of ail excellent type.

H. Schaefer, Das altag. Bildnis. Leipz. agyptol. Stud.. 5. 46 pp.. 45 pis., Rm. i .20. An eminently satis-
factory treatment, by one whose intimacy with the material is probably unsurpassed, of the \ery difficult
problem of portraiture. It penetrates to the fundamental implications of the problem and to the traditions
and motives which govern or modify the production of personal likenesses. Conditional conclusions such as
those to which the author tends can alone lead to approximate truth on the subject. In a few supplementary
pp. the author defines and defends his views on the essential characteristics of pre-Gk. art.

In The Art of Anc. Eg. (Phaidon Press. The English form of a supplement to H. Ranke s transl. of
Breasted’s Hist, of Eg., with 22 pp., 333 photographic and S coloured pis.; 7s. 6d.) we have yet another

286

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

attempt, not markedly differing from its predecessors, to present Eg. art by adequate photos. The illusts.
are often very good indeed, and nearly always on a generous scale. Though the publishers’ claims are hardly
justified, and though the 8 colour-pis. are not a great asset, the wonderful value given silences criticism.
Ranke writes a brief and bright introduction. A rev. in Ckron. d'Eg. 11, 93, points out that Pis. 187, 188
are from the tomb of Mereruka, not of Ti, and that PI. 4 shows, not the entrance of the Great Pyramid,
but its S. face, with a reconstructed tomb in the foreground.

Of great value for students is Encyclop. Photogr. de V Art (Fasc. 1-5, 160 illusts. with short text to each ;
69 frs.). The fine photos, are of certain classes of objects in the Louvre and are of exceptional size, with
magnification of detail. The subjects have, however, not been chosen for purely artistic reasons. The
datings in the descriptive nn. must not be given too implicit credence.

B. Contributions of Restricted Scope

In Une Tite ' amarnienne' en Bois (Mon. Piot. 35, 17 pp., 2 pis.) C. Boreux presents a remarkably
attractive and exceptional acquisition of the Louvre. This separate head may well have adorned the top of
a harp. The author does not feel obliged to defend its genuineness, and indeed, save for the negligent
treatment of the hair and its perfect preservation, there are no obvious reasons for suspicion.

F. \V. v. Bissing pubis, a little figure of special interest from the Florence Mus. in an art. Vber eine
Frauenstatuette d. *4. R. (Aeg. 16, 84 ff.).

D. Dunham in Bull. MFA 34 provides good illusts. and comments in A statuette of Tiro Eg. Queens
(pp. 3 ff.) and in A ~n. on some recent acquisitions from Tell el A mama (pp. 22 ft'.).

A. Strelkov, Portraits du Fayoum (in Russian), I have not seen.

H. Senk in 7. am Wandel d. A usdrucksform in d. Aeg. Kunst (ZAS 72, 71 ff.) draws attention to the degree
in which free or restricted space influences the form given to objects in design. This must be taken into
account in judging deviations from natural or traditional presentations.

In Aeg. Saulenmasse (ZAS 72, 68 ff.) H. Riemann gives reasons why a scheme of proportions of
a papyrus-bud column at Philae should be formulated otherwise than by Borchardt.

Die Thebanische Graberwelt of G. Stein dorff and W. Wolf, Leipz. dgyptol. Stud., 4, 1 (X) pp., 25 pis., Rm. 10,
contains on pp. 59-72 a succinct and well-balanced statement of the conditions and principles governing
the paintings and reliefs in Theban tombs and their characteristics in each of the three main periods repre-
sented there.

C. Reviews of Works Published before 1936
Of F. W. v. Bissing, Aeg. Kunstgeschichte in Arch. f. Or. 11, 169 ff. and Alizraim 2, 95 ff.

Of A. Carlier, Souplesse et Liberte dans . . .les Plans Eg., in Chron. d’Eg. 11, 88.

Of X. de G. Davies. Paintings from the Tomb of liekh-mi-ReP in OLZ 39, 2, 221f. ; J. Sav. 4, 36;
Chron. d’Eg. 11. 412 ff. ; Burlington Mag.. 197 f.

Of E. Senk, Der Proportionskanon, in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 442.

Of E. Suys, Reflexions sur la loi de frontalite, in Museon 49, 142 f.

Of V. Wanscher, Principles of great Art, in Phil. Work. 56, cols. 13 ff. ; Chron. d'Eg. 11, 95.

D. Material Indirectly Published

Some works may be cited which afford in special degree well-illustrated material for the study of Art.
For O.K. reliefs see W. Wreszinski, Atlas zur alt-aeg. Kulturgesch.. m, ed. H. Schaefer, Also, less
important, R. Macrahallah, Le Mastaba d'Idout. For other periods see BM Quart. 11, 32 (a bronze head) ;
W. C. Hayes, Royal sarcophagi of the XVIII Dyn.; C. Maystre, La Tombe de Xebenmat (a typical tomb
of Derel-Medlnah). For architecture see J.-P. Lauer, La Pyramided Degres andH. Steckeweh, Die Fiirsten-
graber v. Qau\ The III. Ldn.Xews provides, as is its wont, admirable illusts. of recent discoveries, from which
the following may be selected: Jan. 18, Nubian bronzes (L. P. Kir wan) ; April 11, Finds at Glzah (S.
Hassan); April 25, lst-Dyn. tomb-furniture (W. Emery); June 20, Finds at Megiddo (C. Loud); July 4,
Sculpture from Armant (Sir R. Mond and O. H. Myers) and ebony statuette, Cairo Mus. ; Oct, 10,
Sculpture from El-‘Amarnah (J. D. S. Pendlebury); Dec. 5, Gulbenkian Collection at the BM.

3. Conservation

In Ann. Sere. 30, 77 ff., H. Cheyrier describes his work of conservation at Karnak during the season
1935-6. The wall S. of the entrance to the vestibule of the Great Hypostyle Hall has been reconstructed. The

CONSERVATION

237

foundations of the two leaning columns, which had been shored up two years ago, were completely renewed.
Pylon III has been cleared, as has also the ground around the Sacred Lake. There has been further excava-
tion of the monument of Amenophis IV, and the temple of Khons has been generally consolidated. Blocks
found E. of the ‘Museum’ have been put in order, and the sculptured and inscribed blocks of Queen Hat-
shepsut, which had been removed to Cairo, were brought back to Karnak and replaced. The ambulatory
round the sanctuary of the boat-shrine has also been repaired.

A. Fakhry’s art. (Ann. Serv. 35 (1935), 35 ff.), entitled Blocs decores provenant du temple de Luxor (suite):
Bas-reliefs d'Akhenaton, is revd. by J. C'apart, C'hron. d'Eg. 11, 415 f., who observes that F. has overlooked
fragmm. of reliefs of Akhenaten built into Pylon X. C’apart also draws attention to n. 3 on p. 41 of F.’s art.
and duly points a moral for the benefit of would-be restorers.

G. Jeqcif.r in his Monument funer. de Pepi II (Fouilles d Saqqdrah): I, Le tombeau royal, Cairo, 36 pp.,
28 pis., records the clearance and subsequent consolidation carried out in the corridors and chambers beneath
the pyramid. During the clearance many inscribed fragmm. were found, and these have been as far as possible
replaced. As a result the Neferkerfa- versions of the Pyr. Texts are not quite so full of lacunae as they were.

D. DrSHAM in Bull. MFA 35, 3 ff., describes the restoration and preservation of the statuettes of Queen
Hetepheres II and her daughter Queen Meres'ankh III, which are now on view in the MFA, Boston.

J.-P. Laver’s Vote sur divers travaux de protection et d'entretien effectues d Saqqarah en 193 d et 1936 (Ann.
Serv. 36, 72) is a modest account of valuable operations. He has made the mastabah of <Ankhmihor acces-
sible to visitors and has protected with a wooden roof the pillared hall in the mastabah of XeferseshemreC
The mastabah of Khentika can also be visited, having been cleared of debris, roofed, and otherwise consoli-
dated, while various inscribed blocks have been replaced in the walls where they belong. L. has done fine
work in the passages and chambers below the great mastabah erected on the massive wall surrounding the
precincts of the Step-Pyramid. They have been made safe from collapse for many years to come and are
now* open to the public. Under L. s supervision electric light has been installed in the Serapeum.

4. Demotic Studies 1

G. Botti, 1 Papiri ierat. e dem. degli scavi ital. di Tebtynis (Communieazione preliminare), in Atti del
IV C’ongresso Internazionale di Papirologia (Milan). 217 ff.. gives a first impression of a large collection of
fragmentary papvri found in the temple of Suchos at lebtunis and dated, mainly by the dem. specimens,
from the 1st cent", b.c. to the 2nd cent. a.d. Most of the dem. fragmm. seem to be parts of a continuous narra-
tive. Others contain passages from a lost romance ; and there are pieces dealing w ith the ecclesiastical affairs
of the temple, part of what is probably the ritual of embalming, medical invocations, and a number of legal
documentary fragmm.

W. F. Edgerton-, A Wooden Tablet from Quie (ZlS 72. 77 ff.). pubis, good photos, and a new translitera-
tion and transl. of the badly-written tablet publd. by Spiegelberg in Demotica, I (Sitzungsb. Munchen.
July 1925, 6. Abh.), 39 ff. The content is an invocation to Osiris-Sokar and Isis to cast a spell on a man, but
the transl. is for the most part very uncertain.

\. H M. Jones, JBS 26. 117 f., revs. Mo YD and Myers. The Bucheum, with valuable comments on the
long series of accounts in dem. on a jar. He shows that the unit of measurement read in these was in all
probability the choenix, not the artaba ; and that the accounts do belong to the Bucheum, the editors
contrary opinion being no longer valid.

C. F. Xims. The Demotic Group for ‘ Small Cattle' ( JEA 22. 51 ff.). shows that this is not to be read
hwt but tp n ’met, which was probably already regarded as one word in Late Eg., and which was the origin

of Coptic t£uih. Ttnooq-e ‘beast(s)’. ^

G. OrT-Gecthyer, Gramm, dem. du pap. magique de Londres et Leyde (Geuthner. Paris. xivk-2o6 pp.),
provides an exhaustive analysis based on the ed. of Griffith and Thompson, whose system of transliteration
he follows verv closely in preference to the so-called historical transliteration. The arrangement of the
grammar follows the lines of Spiegelberg’s. -Middle and Late Eg. sources of dem. forms and their Coptic
descendants are given wherever possible, the primary object of the book being to illustrate the close relation-
ship between Roman (3rd cent.) dem. and Coptic.

1 The inclusion of Demotic Studies in this bibliography is to some extent improper, since most of the
material included under this head will usually pertain to the post -Pharaonic period. However, pre-Christian
texts in the Egyptian language are clearly more fittingly dealt with here than in the 1 apyrologitai
Bibliography. — Editor, JEA.

238

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

X. J. Reich (see also Graeco-Roman Bibl. (Papyrology). p. 97 above, sect. 6, ii (a)), Barter for Annuity
and Perpetual Provision of the Body (Mizraim 3, 9ff.). pubis, the second document (important for the dating
of early Ptol. papyri), from the reign of the young Alexander (Pennsylvania Univ. Mus. 873) in the archive
from Dira‘ abu T-Naga. Op. cit., 26 ff., Terms for Repayment of a Seed-loan, he pubis, a Turin pap. of 107 B.c.,
of which the comm, is to be continued; and op. cit., 31 ff., Witness-Contract-Copies in the Univ. Mus. at
Philadelphia, a description of the external characters of all the documents of this type in the Dira‘ abu
’1-Naga archive, and of others similar to it.

5. Excavations and Explorations

A. Egypt and the Sudan

Kaica (Sudan). The excavations, suspended since 1931, were resumed by the Oxford Lniv. exped.
Xew discoveries included the X.E. corner of the great mud-brick temenos wall of Taharka and a group
of well preserved mud-brick houses ranging in date from the sixth to the fourth cents. B.c. S. of the
Temple of Taharka was another large group of superimposed storehouses and magazines with well marked
levels dating from the Xapatan period to about the fourth cent. a.d. Remains of the temple gardens were
also found, and, running E. and W. below the Temple of Taharka, the foundations of an earlier temple,
possibly that of Amenophis III. See JEA 22, 200 ff. ; AJSL 52, 259 f.

Libyan Desert. W. B. K. Shaw pubis, in JEA 22. 47 ff., an account of the finds made by his expedition
near the Sellmah Oasis in 1935. He concludes that the Wadi Hawa culture, as shown by these finds and
others, is not, as has been supposed, Meroitic, but probably much earlier, possibly predyn. For the rock-paint-
ings found in the Gulf Kebir see W. B. K. Shaw in Antiq. 10, 175 ff. Antiquities and rock drawings found
by P. A. Clayton and the S.W. Desert Survey Exped. in 1930-1 were examined by Bovier-Lapiekke ;
see Bull. Soc. Boy. de Qeogr. d'Eg. 19, 241 ff.

Ed fit. The Inst. fr. report the discovery of a tomb dating from the beginning of Dyn. 6, and of statues and
inscribed objects ; see C'hron. d’Eg. 11, 58.

Gebelen. For a report on the work of the Univ. of Turin at Aphroditopolis in 1935, see Chron. d'Eg. 11, 58.

Et-Tud. The excavations of the Inst. fr. have revealed the existence of a temenos wall of Ptol. date encir-
cling the Temple of Montju. Two periods are recognizable in the temple budding, those of Sesostris I and of
Ptolemy VII. The chief discovery of 1936 was made in the sand of the foundations of the M.K. Temple,
where four bronze caskets were found containing Asiatic tribute deposited in the name of Amenemmes II.
The treasure includes objects of gold, silver, lead, and lapis-lazuli, and two of the largest caskets each con-
tained a cylinder inscribed in cuneiform. The presence of such a treasure may suggest a hitherto unsuspected
expedition by Amenemmes II to a country E. of Egypt. Outside the temenos enclosure was found a Roman
bath building of about the fourth cent. a.d. See Chron. d'Eg. 11, 379 f. ; III. Ldn. News, April 18, 682 f. ;
AJSL 52, 263 f. ; H. de Morant, Recentes Decouverte.s francaises en Eg.: Les temples de Medamoud et Tod,
in La Nature, Nov. 15, 433 ff.

Armant. The Sir R. Mond Exped. of the EES excavated in the town of Armant el-Het. The site of the
Lake of Cleopatra was identified. A pylon of Tuthmosis III was found, preserved to a height of about 2 m.,
along the N. face of which was a procession of negroes headed by a rhinoceros with its dimensions inscribed
below it. The foundations of the great Ptol. temple were also laid bare, and a sondage between the pylons and
the temple floor revealed levels of all periods. Three foundation-deposits of Hatshepsut and one of Dyn. 12
were discovered. A new combed pottery is thought to belong to an intrusive people of the Protodyn.
Period in w hose graves were also a number of agate lunates, set in plaster and hafted to form arrows, similar
to those recently found in the tomb of Hemaka at Sakkarah. See Chron. d'Eg. 11, 390 ; III. Ldn. News, July 4,
860.

Armant ( Bucheum ). Two revs., containing detailed discussions, of The Bucheurn, by Sir R. MoND and
O. H. Myers, have recently appeared, one by A. H. M. Jones in JBS 26, 117 ff. ; one by L. P. Kirwan in
Antiquaries' Journal 17, 92 ff. The same work is revd. by A. M. Blackman in Ann. Arch. Anthr. 23, 57 ff.

Karnak. For the fragm. of a stela found by the Antiq. Dept, during the work of restoration in 1934-5,
and bearing the same text as Carnarvon Tablet I (The Expulsion of the Hyksos), see n. by ('apart in
Chron. d'Eg. 11. 381.

Thebes ( Shekh ‘ Abd el-Kurnah). The MMA Exped. report the discovery of the intact tomb of the
mother and father of Senmut, the architect of the Temple of Der el-Bahri, and chief steward of Hatshepsut.

EXCAVATIONS AND EXPLORATIONS 239

The tomb was cut in the rock face below that of Senmut (No. 71). In the ravine in front of the tomb was
found the mummified body of a horse, wrapped and placed in a large coffin, and probably dating from
Dym 18. Two jars in the tomb are dated to year 7 of Tuthmosis III, while some of the linen and jar
sealings bear the name and titles assumed by Hatshepsut as Pharaoh. See Chron. d'Eg. 11, 381 ff. ; III Ldn.
News, March 21, 490; AJA 40, 551 and Fig. 1.

Thebes (Der el-Medinah). Chron. d Eg. 11, 329 f., gives a summary, with illusts., of the work of the
Inst. fr. during the seasons 1934-6. See also C. Maystre, Tombes de Deir el-Medineh: La Tombe de Neben-
mat (No. 219), Cairo.

Thebes ( Kom el-Hetan). For an account of the documentary evidence leading to the excavations of
1934—5 and for a full account of the architecture of the funerary temple, accompanied bv admirable plans
and reconstruction drawings, see C. Robichon and A. Varille, Le Temple du scribe royal Amenhotep Jils de
Hapou, i (Flies. Inst.fr., 11), Cairo, 1 or a general account of the excavations see Rev. d'egyptol. 2, 177 ff.

Thebes (Medamut). See R. Cotteyielle-Giraudet, Rapport sur les fouilles de Medamoud (1932): Les
reliefs d’Amenophis IV Akhenaton (Flies, lnst.fr., 13), Cairo.

Kift ( Koptos ). A large number of rock-pictures and graffiti from the desert valleys along the Kift-
Kuser road have been examined by H. Winkler, For.sch. u. Fort.schr. 12 (No. 19), 237 f. Also III. Ldn.
News, Dec. 26, 1173.

Abydos. An interesting discussion on a faience rhyton from Abydos, found bv D. Randall-MacIver
and A. C. Mace in 1900, is publd. in ,4.7.4 40, 501 ff. The rhyton, which owes its form and chief decoration
to Cretan pottery, has been since 1900 in the Boston MFA.

Kaw (Antaeopolis). The final vol. of the 1 eroffentlichungen d. Ernst v. Sieglin-Exped. deals mainly with
the architecture of three great tombs of 12th- Dyn. princes of the 10th Upper-Eg. nomc at Raw el-Keblr.
See H. Steckeweh, Die F lirstengraber von Qdw (mit Beitragen von G. Steixdorff). Leipzig. Revd. by
J. Cap art in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 38 ff.

Tell el-'Amamah. Excavations in the Palace by the EES yielded many relief fragmm., trial-pieces and
much unfinished sculpture including a head of Akhenaten. Part of a limestone statue from a sculptor's
studio is inscribed with the name of the Aten, flanked on one side by the name of Akhenaten and on the
other by that of Amenophis III ; this is cited as further proof of a co-regency. JEA 22, 194 11. See Chron.
d'Eg. 11, 383 ii. ; III. Ldn. News, Oct. 10, 620 f.

TUneh el-Gebel ( Hermopolis ). The Eg. Univ. exped. continued the clearance of the temenos enclosure
with its surrounding fence of limestone pillars. On the W. side this fence ran below the denuded foundations
of a Ptol. temple, apparently dedicated to Thoth. Below the existing temple pavement was another earlier
pavement where a fine statue of black granite, about 60 cm. high, was found. At the S. end of the temple
was a large well about 15 m. deep, leading down to a smaller well about 18 m. deep. The surface super-
structure of the well presents many unusual features. See Chron. d'Eg. 11, 393 ff. ; also Chron. d'Eg. 11, 34 ff.,
for a paper read by S. Gabra at the Semaine egyptol. of the Fondation Reine Elisabeth.

Girgah. C. B.achatly reports (in Man 36, 15 f.) two apparently unknown prehist. sites, one at Nag 1 ed-
Der, the other near by at Khor Hardan. The first, a Mousterian site of about 200 in. square, contains flint
implements of the Middle Palaeolithic period. The second, a surface site, is said to contain Capsian imple-
ments (Upper Palaeolithic), mixed with Mousterian.

Fayyum. The work of the Geolog. Survey of Eg. continues and O. H. Little reports that the Pottery B
and A levels are dynastic, not neolithic, as hitherto supposed. In the sandrock of Pottery A level a fossd
human skull and the skull of a camel were found. See Bull. Inst, d' Eg. 17. 201 ff.

Medinet Mddi. The Archaeol. Mission of the Royal Univ. of Milan began the 1936 excavations in the
Temple Area, where it was discovered that a Pharaonic building had been incorporated with the Ptol. temple.
It is thought that the original temple was begun by Amenemmes III and completed by Anienemmcs IV.
Both walls and columns were consolidated by the Ramessides, and a Ptol. sanctuary was later added to the
back of the Pharaonic one, the builder of the former being probably Euergetes II. Of the other monuments
found, one group was reached by an avenue with sides in the form of steps and flanked by sphinxes and
lions. Of the statuary found, one especially tine piece may be of Amenemmes III. See AJSL 53, 56 f . ;
JEA 22, 215. For the earlier excavations see A. Vogliano, Primo rapporto degli scavi condotti dalla Miss.
Archeol. d'Eg. della R. Univ. di Milano nella zona Madinat Mddi (campagno inverno e primavera 1935).
Milan.

Sakkarah. A notable discovery was made by the Antiq. Dept, during the re-examination of the plundered
tomb of Hemaka, vizier of the lst-Dyn. Pharaoh Den (or Wedimu), which had been excavated in 1931.

240

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

There were found in the superstructure 42 intact storage-chambers containing a variety of unique objects.
A fine collection of flint knives was recovered, wooden sickles, an ebony tablet with the name of Djer, and a
collection of curious disks of stone, bronze, wood, and ivory, plain and decorated, whose use is unknown.
See III. Ldn. News. April 25, 722; Chron. d'Eg. 11. 269 f., 370. Two further reports on the excavations at
North Sakkarah have appeared: Firth and Quibell. Excavations at Saqqara: The Step-Pyramid, 2 vols.,
Cairo; Lauer, Fouilles a Saqqarah: La Pyramide a degres, 2 vols.. Cairo.

For a n. on the recent excavations at South Sakkarah, see AJA 40, 556.

Gizah. The Eg. Univ. exped. has discovered a number of important tombs. One, the tomb of Baefkhnum,
son of Kha'efre', contained a statue bearing the name of this prince. Another tomb, that of a woman,
possibly a princess, contained a fine collection of gold ornaments and was intact. A third tomb contained the
mummy of the wife of a noble, Sekhemnefer, attached to the court of K.ha<efre c . See III. Ldn. A ews, Apr. 11,
639; May 2, 765; May 16, S60; Chron. d'Eg. 11, 372 ff.

The same exped. has uncovered near the Sphinx a limestone stela erected by Amenophis II in year 2 of
his reign. A second stela of the same king and a statue of the queen were also found. See III. Ldn. News.
Nov. 21, 921 ; JEA 22, 213 ff. The Harvard-Boston Exped. have found a re-used limestone slab with 10 lines
of inscr. recording the burial of a dog with honours at the command of the king. It is believed to have come
from a mastabah of Dyn. 5 or 6. See Bull. MFA 34. 99 ff. For the first vol. of a series of studies devoted
to the Gizah necropolis, see G. A. Reisner. The Development of the Eg. Tomb down to the accession of Cheops.
Cambridge, Mass. The vol. forms a resume of all the work carried out by foreign archaeologists in Eg. as
far as it concerns the period before Cheops. For a critical rev., see J. Capart in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 422 ff. ;
also D. Dunham in Bull. MFA 34, 61. Two revs, of H. J inker’s Giza II. Bd. II: Die Mastubusd. beginnenden
V. Dyn. auf. d. \V estfnedhof, have appeared. See Chron. d'Eg. 1 1, 88 f. ; B. Groterjahn in WZKM 43, 286 ff.

Ed-Ddkhlah Oasis. See Winlock, Ed Dakhleh Oasis : Journal of a Camel Trip made in 1908 (with an
appendix by L. Bell). The MM A. Dept, of Eg. Art. v. ed. L. Bull, New York. For revs, of this work see
C'apart in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 420 f. ; D. B. Harden in JRS 26, 139 f.

Mwadi. For a summary of the 1935 excavations of the Eg. Univ., see Chron. d'Eg. 11, 54 ff. ; also
JR A I 66. 65 ff.

El-Mai. At this village, near Shibln el-Kom. a member of the Eg. L'niv. staff reports the existence of a
granite pillar bearing an inscr. of Dyn. 19. Eg. Gazette, Sept. 25.

Tanis (San el-Hagar). The excavations of the French Mission continued in the Great Temple. On one
door-jamb the name of Kha'efre' was visible. Four foundation deposits of Siamun were found below' the
ruined gateway of the temenos-wall. To the N. of the temenos, the excavation is in progress of a large
brick building whose date and purpose are as yet unknown. See Syria 17, 200 ff. ; Chron. d’Eg. 11, 385 ff. ;
for an extensive report of the excavations see Ketni 5, 1 ff.

Sardbxt el-Khddim. For the excavations of Harvard Mus. and the Milton Fund, see Starr and Butin,
Excavations and Protosinaitic inscrr. at Serabit el-Khadern (Studies and documents, ed. K. and S. Lake, 6),
London.

Anthedon (Shekh Zuwed). At this site, between Rafa and El-‘ArIsh in N. Sinai, Petrie, excavating
for the Br. Sch. of Eg. Arch., has now identified 12 levels ranging from the first cent. a.d. to about 1200 B.C.
See Syro-Egypt 1, 3 ff. ; PEFQS, Jan., 1.

B. Outside Egypt

Palestine (Megiddo). A broken Eg. statue, with hierogl. inscr.. has been found reused as a building-stone
in a temple; AJSL 42, 267.

Crete (Care of Amnisos). Dr. Marinatos reports many objects of Eg. faience in the lower filling of the
sanctuary, indicating close relations with Eg. ; cf. .1.7.1 40. 525.

Crete (Cave of Trapeza in Lasithi). Pendlebury reports the discovery of an early 12th-Dyn. scarab ; AJA
40, 371.

Greece ( Perachora ). Excavations in the shrine of Hera by the Brit. Sch. of Arch, at Athens have yielded
a large number of scarabs and statuettes of Eg. faience ; see III. Ldn. News, Oct. 17, 689.

Cyprus (Hagia Eirene). Out of a collection of 350 scarabs found recently on a temple site by the Swedish
Exped., a large number were imported scarabs of Eg. manufacture. While most were of the Ramesside and
Saite periods, there were in addition several of the N.K., including one of Amenophis III. See Chron. d'Eg. 1 1 ,
45 f.

Belgian Congo. An extraordinary discovery of a bronze figurine of Osiris in the village of Mulengo is

EXCAVATIONS AND EXPLORATIONS

241

reported by M. Gracwf.t of Brussels. This Eg. figurine is said to have been found at a depth of a metre
below the present ground-surface. See C’hron. d’Eg. 11 , 487 (with illust.).

C. Miscellaneous

The following general arts, are concerned with excavation and exploration in Eg. and the Sudan : S. R. K .
Glanville, Some recent excavations in Eg., in Antiq. 10, 83 ff. ; H. Deherain, Les Resultuts arckeologiques de
l' expedition eg.au Soudan en 1820-1822 (reproduced from J. Sav., July- Aug. 1935, 176 ff.), in Chron. d’Eg. 11,
341 ff.) ; see also M. Pernot in Rev. des deux Mondes 32, 676 ff.

6. Foreign Relations

A. Egypt

E. Brogelmann, Noch einmal: Die Hylcsosfrage, ZDMG 90 (X.F. 15), 441 ff., disputes the Semitic origin
of the Hyksos favoured by Dussaud in Rev. hist. rel. (1934). 113ff., and Montet in Les nouvelles fouilles de
Tanis (1929-32) and sees, with Mironov, Acta Or. 11 (1933), traces of Indian influence.

Fr. Calice, Grundlagen d. aeg.-semit. Wortvergleichung ( Beihefte z. WZKM , H. 1), Wien, 278 pp. A
vocabulary of Eg. words with their Semitic and Hamitic parallels.

J. Capart, UnGrand Personnage palestinien de la cour de Merenptah, Chron. d’Eg. 11, 37 f. A summary
of the lecture delivered at the Semaine egyptol. (Brussels, July 1935), in which a person named Ra'meses-
emperre< who figures on a small relief at Brooklyn is identified with a court official, the son of a foreigner
probably from Transjordania, mentioned on a stela from Abydos.

H. Chevrier, Ann. Serv. 36, 155, reporting on operations at Karnak during 1935-6, announces that
reliefs, dating from Amenophis III, of a procession of prisoners from conquered countries have been found
on blocks forming the pedestal of a colossus.

W. F. Edgerton and J. A. Wilson, Hist. Records of Ramses III, Chicago Univ. Press, translate with
f ull comm, the hist, texts in Medinet Habu. i, ii. dealing with contacts between Eg. and her neighbours.

P. C. Labib, Die Herrschaft d. Hyksos in Ag. u. ihr Sturz. In a short account of the Hyksos rulers and
their monuments the author also deals with the Semitisms which were introduced into Egyptian in the
Hyksos period.

A. Lucas, Ann. Serv. 36, 1 ff., reports on a 3rd-Dyn. ply-wood coffin which was found (1932-3) in fragmm.
in the Step Pyramid. Only one of the four kinds of wood of which it consists was cultivated in Eg. ; the
remainder are probably derived from X. Syria.

C. Maystre, IU. Ldn. News, Apr. 18, 682 f., describes treasure of Asiatic origin found by the Inst. fr.
in four bronze chests under the foundations of the temple of Sesostris I at Tud. (Also described in AJSL
52, 263 f. ; C. Boreux, Chron. d'Eg. 11, 377 ff.; H. de Morant, La Nature, Xov. 15, 433 ff. ; E. Zippert,
Arch. f. Or. 9, 180 ff.)

J. Simons, Palestijnsche Steden op Egyptische Tempelmuren. 'Ex Oriente Lux’, Leiden Rondschrijven 19,
Feb. 15, 2 pp.

Tanis. In the report of the excavations of the L’niv. of Strasbourg some limestone blocks carved with
heads of foreigners and some pottery of Syrian style are described. Chron. d’Eg. 11, 62 (Antiq. Serv. com-
munique, La Liberie, June 5, 1935).

G. A. IV ain weight in Antiq. 10, 37, 5 ff., discusses the occurrence of iron in Eg. and the Xear East and
quotes the instances of iron being sent to Amenophis III and Akhenaten. which are recorded in the Tell
el-‘Amarnah letters.

R. Weill, Expeditions de guerre en Asie sous la Ie dyn. (Chron. d' Eg. 11, 36). A summary of the lecture
delivered in Brussels in July 1935 during the Semaine egyptol.

B. Libya, Xubia, and the Sudan

A. M. Blackman, Some Nn. on the Story of Sinuhe and other Eg. Texts (JEA 22, 35 ff.), suggests that
Imyw Thnw (Sin. R 13-14) means exiled Egyptians who had sought safety among the Libyans when the
throne was seized by Amenemmes I.

R, Cottevieille-Giraudet, L’Ancien Eg. et les langues ufricaines (Rev. anthropol. 46, 56 ff.).

J. Friedrich, Himmelszeichen in ag. u. hethitischen Kriegsberkhten (OLZ 39, 135 ff.), discusses a passage
in a stela of Tuthmosis III, found at Xapata and publd. by G. A. and M. B. Reisner (ZAS 69, 24 ff.), dealing
with his campaign against Mitanni. The passage describes the remarkable appearance of a star, and the

242

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

writer compares this with a similar incident in the Annals of the Hittite king Mursilis II. The art. is revd.
by J. Capart in Chron. d' Eg. 11, 445.

H. Gauthier, Une Eondation pieuse en Nubie (Ann. Sen. 36, 49 ff.), describes two stelae, which show
Pesiur, the viceroy of Nubia, adoring Ramesses II.

L. P. Kir wan, Prelim. Report of the Oxford Univ. Excavations at Kaica 1935-6; JEA 22, 200.

G. Lefebvre, Sur Vorigine de la langue eg. (Chrtm. d’Eg. 11, 266 ff.), believes that Semitic tribes may have
spread over Africa producing what we know as the Hamitic languages by the mixture of their own languages
with the native dialects.

E. Mounier-Leclercq, L’Art prehist. de VAfrique du Ford: Quelques decouverles recentes (Chron. d’Eg. 11,
324 ff.), shows that details on paintings and sculptures from the Central Sahara and elsewhere in N. Africa
agree with those on predyn. vases and palettes, Nubian rock-drawings, and paintings in predyn. tombs at
Hieraconpolis.

M. Schmidt, Die Grundlagen d. Xilotenkultur , in Mitt. d. anthropol. Ges. in Wien 65, 86 ff., considers
that the apparent Eg. influences in Africa are most probably to be ascribed to a common cultural basis
rather than to later contact.

W. B. K. Shaw, Two Burials from the S. Libyan Desert (JEA 22, 47 ff.), found pottery in the first grave
resembling some Badarian ware, and beads of the type of the Second Predyn. Period. In the second grave
were stone axes suggesting that ‘Wadi Hawa’ culture is earlier than Meroitic, since stone axes are not found
at Meroe.

E. Zylharz, Das geschichtlicke Fundament d. hamitischen Sprachen ( Africa 9, 433 ff.). The author traces
the affinities of the Hamitic with the Semitic languages through the medium of anc. Eg.

C. Palestine and Syria

W. F. Albright in Bull. ASOR 63, 8 ff. contributes an art. on The Early Evolution of the Ueb. Alphabet,
in which he discusses many recently-found examples of alphabetic script from Phoenicia and Palestine and
expresses agreement with Gardiner’s view that the Proto-Sinaitic characters were imitations of mis-
understood Eg. hieroglyphs.

Syria in the Third and Fourth Millennia (Antiq. 10, 88 f.) is an extract from Albright's art. in Bull.
ASOR 60 (1935), 3 ff. reporting a paper read by Dunand at the XIXth Internat. Congr. of Orientalists
(Rome, Sept. 1935), in which he stated that skeletons found during excavations in the chalcolithic cemetery
at Byblos (1931-2) bore a resemblance to those of the Badarians.

A. Alt, 1 ulker u. Slaaten Syriens im friihen Altertum ( Alte Or. 34, H. 4), Leipzig, 38 pp. Eg. artists of
the Second Millennium, when representing Syrians, often portray four or more different types, intending no
doubt to indicate the mixed population of that country. The excavations at Byblos and Ugarit have shown
that the coastal region was far more under the influence of Eg. than the central and Eastern parts. The
division of Syria into petty states was probably not the work of the 18th-Dyn. Pharaohs, for it seems to have
existed during Hyksos times, if not earlier.

In A cues aus d. Pharaonenzeit Palastinas (Palastinajahrb. d. deutsch. evangel. Inst. f. Altertumswiss. d.
heil. Landes zu Jerusalem, Berlin), the same author discusses some of the recentlv discovered or reinter-
preted Eg. accounts of the hist, of Palestine under the Pharaohs.

R. Bitin, Some Eg. Hieroglyphs of Sinai and their Relationship to the Hieroglyphs of the Protosinaitic
Semitic Alphabet, Mizraim 2, 52 ff.

M. S. Demand, A Gift of Syrian Ivories (Bull. MM A 31, 11, 221 ff.). Among a group of Syrian ivories
presented to the Mus. by Mrs. G. D. Pratt are a number showing marked Eg. influence.

R. Dussaud, reviewing Le site archeol. de Mishrife-Qatna by Comte du Mesnil du Buisson in Syria 17,
83 ff., does not agree n ith the author s view that Qatna formed the concentration base of ‘the great Mitan-
nian army’ which was to invade Eg. under the name of the Hyksos.

O. Eissfeldt, Philisler und Phonizier ( Alte Or . 34, H. 3), gives many refs, to religious and cultural
influences interchanged by Eg. and Phoenicia in the course of their trading relations.

J. Garstang, Ann. Arch. Anthr. 23, 68 ff., has found in the chalcolithic levels of his excavations at
Jericho two objects of late pred\n. Eg. type, a slate palette and a macehead, which have enabled him to
date the beginning of the bronze age in Pal. as contemporary with Eg. Dyn. 1. The results of the excavation
indicate that the city was overthrown by Amenophis III. (Also reported by R. S. Hardy, AJSL 52, 260;
P. Thomsen, Arch. f. Or. 11, 177.)

A. Gotze, Hethiter, Churriter u. Assyrer, Oslo, contains much information about the ethnic movements

FOREIGN RELATIONS

248

which led to the Hyksos invasion, and deals with conditions in the Near East during the Amama Age. It
also briefly mentions the influence which Eg. exercised over the coast of Syria.

L. Hennequin, Fouilles et champs de fouilles en Palestine et Phenicie: Diet, de la Bible (suppl. fasc. 13 f.,
cols. 318 ff., Figs. 217 ff.), describes relations with Egypt and Eg. objects found in Palestine and Phoenicia.

G. Loud, III. Ldn. News, June 20, 1108 ff., records that fragmm. of four M.K. statues, made of basalt or
diorite, and some Hyksos scarabs were found during the excavations of the Or. Inst, of Chicago at Megiddo.

H. G. May, AJ8L 52, 197 ff., describes a lapisdazuli scaraboid seal found at Megiddo, bearing the name
"IDS 1 ?}? (Elamar) in Phoenician characters and showing Eg. affinities in its motifs.

Sarabit el-Khadim. Chron. d' Eg. 11, 63 f. (Antiq. Serv. communique. La Bourse Eg., July 10, 1935),
reporting on the excavations of Harvard Lniv., states that a large number of small Eg. fragmm. were
found in clearing the temple. Many new rnserr. were discovered and those already known and published
by Peet and Gardiner were collated.

C. F. A. Schaeffer, La 7 me Campagne de fouilles d Ras Schamra (Ugarit). ( Printemps 1935). Rapport
sommaire ( Syria 17, 105 ff.), shows that Mycenean culture gained ground at Ugarit at the time when Eg.
influence declined. Eg. objects found there included fragmm. of M.K. vases and offerings sent to the sanc-
tuaries by 12th-Dvn. kings; the lotus design is a common motif in decoration. Many local gods are repre-
sented in the forms of their Eg. counterparts.

In III. Ldn. Eews, Feb. 22, 30; ff., 348, the same author gives a photo, of a bronze statuette of a god
wearing Eg. dress which was found at Pas esh-Shamra, and of some scarabs belonging to the end of the M.K.

J. L. Starkey, III. Ldn. News, Oct. 3, 573, gives photos, of six amulets, a cylinder seal bearing the
*ankh and a gaming-board containing a set of blue-paste playing-pieces shaped like lialma- and draughts-men
with bone inlay, all either Eg. or showing signs of Eg. influence, from a late Bronze Age tomb at Lachish.

R. F. S. Starr and R. F. Butin, Excavations and Protosinaitic inserr. at Serabit el-Khadem. Report of the
exped. of 1935. Studies and documents, 6, London, 32 pp.

P. Thomsen, Arch. f. Or. 9, 94, reports that during the excavations of the Or. Inst, of Chicago at Megiddo
a bronze base of a statue of Ramesses XI was found, which indicates that the city was at that period still
under Eg. rule.

H. E. W inlock, The Hist, of Glass: An Exhibition (Bull. MM A 31, 10, 192 ff.). In an art. on the hist,
of glass the author remarks that the Eg. method of making glass vessels around a core may have been
derived from Syria.

G. E. Wright, The Chronology of Palestine in the Early Bronze Age (Bull. A SOU 63, 12 ff.), dates 3 phases
of pottery by means of Eg. parallels.

D. The Aegean and Cyprus

C. W. Bishop, The Traction-plough (Antiq. 10, 39, 269), suggests that the slade or sole shown on some of
the later dyn. ploughs is possibly derived from the ‘Sea-Peoples’, because its use was already known in
the Aegean.

F. W. v. Bissing, Die angeblich beschnittenen Aqaiuascha ( ZAS 72, 74 ff.), commenting on the view put
forward by F. Sommer that the Akaiwasha and Akkhiyava were identical, but differed from the Achaeans,
agrees with the identification of the Akaiwasha with the Akkhiyava, but believes that they may also have
been Achaeans.

J. D. S. Pendlebury, III. Ldn. News, Nov. 28, 960 f., describing his discoveries in the Cave of Trapeza
in Crete, includes a photo, of the figure of a monkey, dating from E.M. II, which is made of ivory and
shows Eg. influence.

Mile M. Sandman, Les Scarabees trouves en Chypre (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 45 f.). A summary of the lecture
given at the Semaine egyptol. (Brussels, July 1935) refers to scarabs of the Hyksos, N.K., and Saite periods
which were found at Cyprus.

G. S.arton, Minoan Mathematics ( Isis 24, 375 ff.), makes comparisons with Eg. hieroglyphs.

E. Miscellaneous

J. Cap art, lecturing to the Ac. Inscr. B.-L. (Paris, Jan. 24), described a cylinder-seal which had recently
been acquired by the Mus. Royaux d’Art et d'Hist., Brussels. The object, which dates from the Second
Millennium B.C., shows, among some clearly Eg. motifs, an ass playing on a harp. This motif is also found
on objects from Ur and Tell Halaf, and its occurrence in Eg. may be due to a common origin or may simply
indicate an independent development of the same theme (Arch. f. Or. 11, 279).

•244

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

L. Delaporte, Les Hittites (Bibl. de Synthese hist. V evolution de Vhumanite. Paris, 371 pp., 4 pis., figs.).
The author gives many refs, to relations between the Hitt, and Eg.

M. Duchesne-Guillexhn, Note sur la provenance asiatique dun tambour eg. (Archaeol. Mitt, aus Iran
8, 53 if.), deriving the Eg. tambourine from W. Asia, cites an instance of its appearance on a copper vase,
dating from Dyn. 3 of Ur, found by Herzfeld at Xihawand.

J. Przyluski, La Colonne ionique et le symbolisme oriental (Rev. arch. 7, 3 ff.), discusses the occurrence
of the lotus-flower and winged disk as motifs in Indian art and traces the connecting links in Syria, Mesopo-
tamia, and Iran.

7. Geography and Topography

J. C’erny, Datum d. Todes Ramses' III. u. d. Thronbesteigung Ramses' IV. (ZAS 72, 109 ff.), states (p. 113)
that Sht <Jt, the 'Great Field’, is probably the name of the level ground in front of the entrance to Biban
el-Mulflk.

J. Friedrich, Himtnelszeichen in ag. u. hethitischen Kriegsberichten (OLZ 39, 135 ff.), points out that a
passage in the long inscr. of Tuthmosis, publd. by G. A. and M. B. Reisner in ZAS 69, 24 ff., shows that the
land of Mitanni was rightly located by Hrozny on the left (E.) bank of the Euphrates, between it and the
Khabur.

Shtp-ntriv (Faras) is mentioned on the two stelae from Abu Simbel publd. by H. Gauthier, under the
heading Une Fondation pieuse en Xu hie, in Ann. Serv. 36, 49 ff.

A. H. Gardiner in Xew Light on the Ramesside Tomb-Robberies. JEA 22, 181, suggests that ‘the Island
of Amenope ( P . Leopold II 3, 13) is simply a name of the cultivable lands round Karnak or between Kamak
and Luxor’.

The value of R. Hennig’s Terrae Incognitae, eine Zusammenstellung u. kritische Beicertung d. ivichtigsten
vorkolumbischen Entdeckungsreisen an Hand d. dariiber vorliegenden Originalberichte: Altertum bis Ptolemaus
(Leiden) is adequately expressed, so far as Eg. records of travel are concerned, by J. Cap art in Chron. d’Eg.
11, 399 ff. The work is also revd. by E. \V. Gerster, Phil. Woch. 56, 1088 ff.

Aciording to G. Jequier, Le Monument funer. de Pepi II, Tome I: Le tombeaa royal, 6, < nh-tiwy is a
name for the part of the necropolis where the pyramid of Pepi II is situated.

A 26th-Dyn. stela at Copenhagen (see H. Kees, Die Kopenhagener Schenkungsstele avs d. Zeit d. Apries, in
ZAS 72, 40 f.) mentions two hitherto unnoticed place-names, Pi-grg-bi-nb-ddt and Xr-bw/t. Kees takes the
view that Tbir, capital of the 10th Upper-Eg. nome, is not Abutig but Apollonopolis Parva = Kom Asfaht,
which lies in the X. part of the nome. He points out that Tna.ocEi&.j>T is an exact parallel to ti Wi-tbiu, the
name of the town alone being different. ith X s-bicst he compares iixfiotoi, a town-name occurring in the
Giessener Papyri, documents which are closely connected with the 10th L’pper-Eg. nome.

In his art. Ailupolis in Ag. (PIP, xvn, 1, 590) Kees maintains that Xilopolis (= Copt. Tilodj, Arab.
Dallas) lay in the Heracleopolitan nome between the Xile and the Bahr Yusuf, 13 km. X. of Beni Suwef,
E. of Gebel Abuslr. Brugsch was incorrect in identifying it with Smn-Hr, the capital of the old 21st Upper-
Eg. nome. Xilopolis is also the name of a small town situated probably on the E. or W. bank of Birket Karun.

In P IP, VI, Al, Kees writes on Thirds, Thinites (28211.); Thmuis (294 ff.); Thomu (329); Thonis (330);
and Thou (388 f.). The Eg. name of the capital (site uncertain) of the Thinite nome is Tny, ‘the L'plifted
(Land) . Thmuis, a town of importance in Roman times, is the modem Tmai el-Amdid. Thomu, a Roman
station in the Thebaid, lay on the E. bank of the Kile not far from Akhmim. Thonis is the name of two
localities, the one in the Hermopolite nome and the other, a haven, on the Canopic mouth of the Xile.
Thou is perhaps Saft el-Hinah which is near the entrance to the Wadi et-Tumllat.

P. Moxtet's Ai-aris, Pi-Rnmses, Tanis (Syria 17. 200 ff.) is a short art. supporting, against Weill, his
own and Gardiner’s view that Avaris, Tanis, and Pi-Ra‘messe are one and the same place, and that Sekhet
Atjd (Dja'net) ‘Field of Dja’net’ designates the territory surrounding the city. From this designation the
city later (in Dyn. 21) acquired the name of Dja‘net (= Zoan (So‘an), Tanis).

A. Pochan in his Aote au sujet de la gorge d’lllahun, deversoir discute du lac Maeri.s (Bull. Inst. d’Eg. 18,
131 ff.), sets out to show' that Lake Morris was not an invention of Herodotus, as is often stated nowadavs,
and to refute R. Fourtau’s Le Xil et son action geol.. 2 e partie: Le Fayoum et le lac Mceris (Bull. Inst. d’Eg.
1895), who is shown to have committed among other mistakes a serious error in his mathematical calculations.

H. Ricke in Der Hohe Sand in Heliopolis: Aachtrag (ZAS 72, 79) refers to de Buck's thesis De egyptische
voorst ell ingen betreffende den oerheuvel (Leiden, 1922) and points out that de B. is incorrect in suggesting that
the 'High Sand in Heliopolis’ was still visible in Piankhi’s time.

GEOGRAPHY AND TOPOGRAPHY 245

H. D. Schaedel, Die Listen d. grossen P. Harris: Ihre wirtschaftliche u. politische Ausdeutung (Leipz.
ugyptol. Stud., 6. 73 pp.). On pp. 15 ff. S. sets out to identify and locate the various temples mentioned in the
lists. On pp. 1/ ff. he discusses the geogr. position of the fortress named ‘Town-of-Usermare<-Meriamun-
who-has-repelled-the-Timhu ’ and suggests a reason for its name being changed after the second Lib%-an
Avar.

8. History

V. G. Childe’s *\ ew Light on the Most Anc. East is revd. by V. Christian' in Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. hi Wien
46, 144 f. L’ Orient prehistorique. a French transl. of this work by E. J. Levy, is revd. bv R. L[antier] in
Rev. arch., 6e. ser., 7, 141, and by E. Mounier-Leclercq in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 81 ff.

Borchardt studies the a ears and days on which the kings celebrated their jubilees. Though the evidence
is necessarily incomplete, it seems probable that in the N. K. the later jubilees were celebrated at regular
and fixed intervals after the first celebration in the 30th year, and possiblv on the same dav of the year.
In the case of Amenophis III the ceremonies seem to have lasted 8 months'. Jahre und Taged. Kwnungs-
Juhilaen in ZAS 72, 52 ff. Capart revs. Borchardt, Die Mittel z. zeitlichen Festlegung v. Punkten d. dg.
Gesch.und ihre Anwendung in Chron. d'Eg. ll,434ff. I have not seen Breasted, Origins of Time Measure in
Joum. of Calendar Reform 6, 97 ff.

The new ed. of Breasted s 6 esch. Aeg. is, as far as the actual text goes, a reprint of the first German ed.
A valuable addition is a special supplement on Eg. Art. The 2nd ed. of Breasted’s Anc. Times is revd. by
J. C[apart] in CAroH.rf',% 11,404; S. R. K. G.[lanville] in Antiq. 10, 252 f.; B. Grozny in Arch Orient 8
370 f.

In the Hist. Generate publd. under the direction of G. Glotz. A. Moret is responsible for two admirable
vols. on the anc. hist, of the Near East: Hist, de I'Orient, I: Prehistoire: IVe et I lie millenaires ; II: lie et
Ier millenaires: rivalites de-s Eg., Semites, Indo-Europeens. Vol. i ends with the expulsion of the Hyksos
from Eg., and Vol. n carries the story from the beginning of Dyn. 18 down to the time of Alexander the
Great. Revs, by G. Radet in Rev. et. anc. 38. 353 ff. ; R. M. in Rev. de folklore f ram;. 7. 196.

In J. Capart et G. Contenau, Hist, de I’Or. anc. the first sect. (pp. 5-145). L'Eg. des Phamons, is by
Cap art ; the remainder, L'Asie occidentals anc.. with numerous refs, to Eg., is by Contenau. Certain sections
of the Eg. portion of this work have been reprinted in various journals: the introductory (p. 5 f.) and
concluding portions (p. 142 f.) in Chron. d'Eg. 11. 404 ff. ; Les Sources de Vhist. in Conferences et Theatres 3.
69 ff. ; Ch. xi, La Civilisation eg., in Rev. Cuthol. des idees et des fails, 20 mars, 5 ff. The whole work is revd.
by R. Paetrel in Etudes (Paris), 409 f.

Precis de Vhist. d'Eg. par divers historiens et arche'ologues is revd. by O. Montovecchi in Aeg. 16, 172 ff.
Weigall, Hist, de VEg. anc., is revd. by .J. C[apart] in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 408 ff.

No. 9 in that excellent little series The Corridors of Time by Peake and Flecre is The Laic and the
Prophets, and contains numerous refs, to Eg.

Capart, in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 370, refers to an ebony tablet, found in the tomb of Hemaka, resembling that
of 'Aha but bearing the name of Djer.

A precis of a paper read by R. Weill at the Semaine egyptol. in Brussels in July 1935. and dealing
with Eg. expeditions to nearer Asia during Dyn. 1, is printed in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 36, under the title Expedi-
tions de guerre en Asie sous la Ie dyn.

Scharff, Der hist. Abschnitt d. Lehre f. Konig Merikare in Sitzungsb. Munchen, Heft 8, is an interesting
and valuable paper. The text is transld. with comm, and a sketch is given of the hist, of Eg. during the 1st
Intermediate Period, and the chronology of the period is discussed.

Newberry, On the Parentage of the Intef Kings of the Eleventh Dyn. in ZAS 72, 118 ff.. discusses the
mothers of four rulers of this name. The mother of Intef-<o was Ikwi. Nefru was mother of Intef 1, and a
second Nefru ( = Nefru-kayt ?) was mother of Intef II. Yet a third Nefru, it is suggested, was the sister
and wife of that Intef who was co-regent with Mentjuhotpe III.

E. Brogelman X, Koch einmal: Die Hyksosfrage in ZDMG 90 (X.F. 15). 441 ff., briefly discusses some
points in connexion with the Hyksos.

Anthes, Die hohen Beamten narnens Ptahmose in d. IS. Dyn. in ZAS 72. 60 ff., collects, with a comm.,
the inserr. of some officials of Dyn. 18, all of whom bear the name of Ptahmose. and attempts to arrange
those of the reign of Amenophis III in chron. order.

Edgertojj’s The Thutmosid Succession is revd. by Lexa in Arch. Orient. 8, 144.

III. Ldn. News, Nov. 21. Xeiv Records of a Sporting Pharaoh, with reproduction of a limestone stela

246

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

of yr. 2 of Amenophis II in which the king records a pious visit to the Pyramids and boasts of his athletic
prowess. See also JEA 22, 213.

Var tt.t/ b repubis, some inserr. relative to a colossal statue of Amenophis III from A .swan, and adds some
nn. on an interesting title of that king, ‘Sun of Princes’, which he suggests is that of a deified form of Ameno-
phis III. Un Colosse <T Amenophis III dans les carrieres d’ Assouan in Rev. d’egyptol. 2, 173 ff.

The interest in Tell el-‘Amarnah remains unabated. A transl. of Weigall’s well-known study of Akh e-
naten has been issued in French under the title Le Pharaon Akh-en-Aton et son ipoque (transld. by H. Wild) ;
revd. by J. C[apart] in Cb.ro) i. d’Eg. 11, 408 S. Pendlebury, Summary Report on the Excavations at
Tell el-'Amamah, 1935-6 in JEA 22, 194 ff., announces the discovery of an inscr. suggesting that the
co-regency of Amenophis III and Akhenaten lasted at least 8, and possibly as many as 11 years, with the
result that it is possible for Tut<ankhamun to have been a son of Amenophis III. I have not seen Bristowe,
Naphuria: The hist, of the true Akhnaton.

Pfldger, Haremhab u. d. Amamazeit, pubis, the first portion of his thesis on Haremhab. It deals
only with H.’s career before his accession, without throwing much new fight on his hist. It is a pity it was
not possible to publ. the complete thesis.

It has frequently been stated that between the death of Harnesses III and the accession of Ramesses IV
elapsed an interval due to the necessity of celebrating the accession on the day of the New Moon. Cerny,
Datum d. Todes Ramses' III. u. d. Thronbesteigung Ramses’ IV. in ZAS 72, 10911., produces documents
which prove these ideas to be wrong. Ramesses IV officially ascended the throne on the day of the
death of Ramesses III, without waiting for the day of the New Moon.

Posener’s La Premiere Domination perse en Eg. is a valuable collection of the chief inserr. of the reigns
of Cambyses, Darius I, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes I, with transls., comms., a hist, summary, and good indexes.

Social and economic conditions and organization in Eg. continue to interest students. Dalraines’s Un
Sociahsme d’etat quinze siecles avant J.-C.: L'Egypte econ. sous la XVI lie dyn. pharaonique is revd. by
Lena in Arch. Orient. 8, 143 f. There is much that is useful and suggestive in Dykmans, Hist. econ. et soc.
de Vane. Eg., I: Des Origines aux Thinites ; II: La Vie econ. sous VAnc. Emp. Eg. The first vol. is revd. by
Capart in Chron. d’Eg. 11, 402 f. Pirenne, Hist, des Institutions et du Droit price de Vane. Eg. is revd. by
Dykmans in Rev. des sciences economiques 10, 109 II. (under the title: J. Pirenne et l' evolution juridique de
Vane. Emp. eg.) ; the first two vols. are revd. by E. Stein in Rev. de philol., 3e ser., 10, 43 ff. ; the third vol.
only is revd. by H. D[cesberg] in Rev. Benidictine 48, 88 f. I have not seen Pirenne, La feodalite en Eg.
in Rev. Inst, de Sociologie 16, 15 ff. A. Weber, Kulturgesch. als Kultursoziologie is revd. by Capart in
Chron. d'Eg. 11, 398 f.

Finally, it is not without importance for the study of Eg. hist, to record that Bannister and Plender-
i.f.ith, in Physico-chemical Examination of a Scarab of Tuthmosis IV bearing the Xante of the God Aten,
J EA 22, 3 ff., have established beyond all reasonable doubt the authenticity of the object publd. by Shorter
in JEA 17, 23 ff.

9. Law

I omit those publns. cited in the Graeco-Roman Bibl. (Papyrology) for this year, § 6, Law ( cf . especially
sub-sect, ii (a)) p. 97 above, and those already cited in § 4, ‘Demotic Studies’, above.

J. Cerny , La Constitution d’un avoir conjugal au Nouvel Empire (Chron. d’Eg. 11, 39 ff.), gives a prelimin-
ary reconsideration of the hierat. P. Turin 2021 (cf. JEA 13 (1927), 30 ff.), in the fight of Gardiner’s cor-
rection of ‘one-eighth’ to ‘one-third’, and adduces other evidence for the proportion 2:1 in a man’s division
of his property as between the children of two successive wives. He also cites an ostr. at Oxford as evidence
for (a) a man’s right to protect his married daughter, and (6) the existence of financial arrangements at
marriage similar to those known to have been in use in Dvns. 22-25.

G. Dykmans’ rev. of Pirenne’s Hist, des institutions et du droit price de Vane. Eg. (Rev. des sciences
economiques 10, 109 ff.) has not been accessible to me.

10. Literature

A. M. Blackman has made a number of important new suggestions concerning various passages in well-
known literary texts in Some Nn. on the Story of Sinuhe and other Eg. Texts in JEA 22, 35 ff.

A. de Buck, in a resume, publd. in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 41 ff., of a lecture delivered at the Semaine egyptol.
in Brussels in July 1935, expresses the view that the author of the Instructions of Amenemmes was really

LITERATURE

247

the Akhthoy to whom this work is attributed in P. Ch. Beatty IV, and that King Amenemmes was actually
slain in the revolt described therein.

A. H. Gardiner, The Library of A. Chester Beatty. Description of a Hieratic Papyrus (London, 1931),
is revd. by Sarton in Isis 25, 476 fl. The same author’s Hierat. Pap. BM, m (London, 1935), is revd. at
length by Blackman with valuable additional nn. by Dawson, JEA 22, 103 ff. ; by Bonnet, OLZ 39, 90 ff. ;
Capart, Chron. d’Eg. 11, 75 ff. ; Glanvtlle, Antiq. 10, 369 ff. ; Sarton, Isis 25, 467 ff. ; Vogelsang,
DLZ 57, 738 ff. It is also notd. in AJSL 52, 118 ff.

H. Grapow has written a valuable study of the literary devices and the external disposition of Eg.
documents under the title Sprachliche und schriftliche Fonnung ag. Texts ( Leipz . agyptol. Stud., 7).

G. Lefebvre discusses the discrepancies of the dates in the Story of Wenamun and proposes emendations,
Sur trois dates dans les Mesaventures d'Ounamon (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 97 ff.).

M. Pieper, Das ag. Mdrchen (Morgenland 27, Leipzig, 1935) is revd. by v. Bissing in Phil. If ’och. 56,
755 ff. ; by Roeder in OLZ 39, 18 f. ; and anonymously in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 74.

G. Posener pubis, the literary fragmm. on ostrr. discovered in the excavations of the French Inst, in
the Theban Necropolis in Catalogue des ostrr. hierat. litteraires de Deir el Aledineh (Documents de files.
Inst, fr., tome 1, fasc. 2, Cairo). The texts represented are mostly P. Anast. I and P. Sail. II, but extracts
from Sinuhe, P. Lansing, P. Anast. IV, and the Satire of the Trades also occur.

A. RosenvaSSEr’s work Suevos textos literarios del antiguo Egipto. I: Los textos dramdticos (Circulo de
Historia. Bihliot. de Conferencias y Estudios, I, Buenos Aires) is inaccessible to me.

J. Spiegel, Die Praambel d. Amenemope und d. Zielsetzung d. ag. W eisheitsliteratur (Gliiekstadt, 1935) is
briefly notd. in Chron. d’Eg. 11, 427 f.

E. Scys, La Sagesse d'Ani (An. Or. 11, Rome, 1935) is revd. by Bonnet, OLZ 39, 506 f. ; Capart, Chron.
d'Eg. 11, 71 f. ; Lefort, Museon 49, 142; and Mercer, Eg. Bel. 4, 74 f. The same author's Et. sur le
conte du fellah plaideur (An. Or. 5, Rome, 1933) is revd. by Scharff in Eg. Bel. 4, 73 f. Scys’s lecture to the
Semaine egyptol. in Brussels in 1935, entitled Un probleme de critique litteraire: le conte du Fellah Plaideur,
is summarized in Chron. d’Eg. 11, 36 f.

V. Vikentiev has made a praiseworthy attempt to extract a metrical scheme from The Shipwrecked
Sailor in Bull. Inst. fr. 35, 1 ff., but our knowledge of Eg. accentuation is hardly sufficient for this study to
carry full conviction.

11. Palaeography

R. Butin in his art., Some Eg. Hieroglyphs of Sinai and their Belationship to the Hieroglyphs of the Proto-
simitic Alphabet (Mizraim, 2, 52 ff.), comes to the conclusion that ‘the Eg. hieroglyphs (in the inscrr. of
Sinai) are not so conventionalized as we are led to believe’. Though ‘there is rather a close resemblance
between the Eg. and Semitic hieroglyphs ’ in that region, nevertheless ‘the Semitic engravers exhibit a
certain independence and spontaneity’.

Moller, Hierat. Pal., Erganzungsheft zu Band I u. II, autographiert von A. Przbylla (\ orbe-
merkung von H. Grapow), Leipzig, 2 pp., 15 pis., autogr. The new sources for signs in this useful vol.
comprise the still unpubld. P. Earona and P. Berlin 10482, P. Leningr. 1115, P. Lenmgr. 1116 A, 1116 B
(rt. and vs.), P. Greenfield and P. Gatsesni. A. Hermann in his rev. ( OLZ 39, 682 ff.) regrets that no examples
have been taken from the Ch. Beatty Papyri.

Moller, Hierat. Pal., Ill: Van d. 22. Dyn. bis z. 3. Jahrh. n. Chr. 2.Auflage. Leipzig, 15-f 72 pp..
1 1 pis. This new ed. is the work of H. Grapow, who has added considerably to the list of signs and corrected
certain refs. It has been revd. by A. Hermann, loc. cit.

In his rev. (Chron. d’Eg. 11, 447 f.) of L. Joleaud’s Les Ruminants ceri icomesd' Afrique: Him. Inst. d’Eg..
27, Cairo, 1935, Andre Capart draws attention to J.’s suggestion that the hierogl. designating the god
Min is the stylized form of the head of a stag impaled on the end of a pike.

Sethe’s Das hierogl. Schriftsystem: Ein l ortrag. Leipz. agyptol. Stud., 3 (1935), is revd. by J. Capart
(Chron. d’Eg. 11, 438) and A. Hermann (OLZ 39, 606 f.) The former remarks that ‘le “ pietogramme ”
de la palette de Namier ne me parait plus primitive que les hieroglyphes animes de la tombe de Ouahka a
Qaou ou des soubassements de temples ptolemai’ques ou romains . while the latter suggests that their system
of writing throws light on the character of the Eg. people.

R. Weill in a paper entitled Expeditions de guerre en Asie sous la I e dyn. (reported in Chron. d Eg. 11, 36)
insists on the importance of the plaques of H di-mu', the palette of Namier, and the bas-relief of Smr-ht at
Magharah, for the hist, of the Eg. system of writing.

248

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

12. Personal Notices

In Chron. d'Eg. 11, 21 ff., under the heading Semaine egyptol. du 7 au 13 juillet 1935, appears a list of the
scholars present at this gathering in Brussels together with a programme and an account of the various
meetings.

G. B. Belzoni: M. Battistini has written a short account of this explorer and adventurer entitled
La fama di Giovan Battista Belzoni nel Belgio. Padova, 11 pp.

P. A. A. Boeser. An obituary not. by G. van der Leettw appears in Eg. Bel. 4, 72. See also Chron.
d'Eg. 11, 455. which refers to W. D. van Wijngaarden’s art., Van Heurnius tot Boeser. Drie eeuwen egypto-
logie in Nederland (1620-1935). Mededeelingen en Verhandelingen, N. 2 van ‘Ex Oriente Lux'. Leiden, 1935,
26 pp., 2 pis.

F. Charles-Roex’s Bonaparte Gouvemeur d'Eg., Paris, is revd. by J.-J. Broesson in Les nouvelles
litteraires, Paris, March 14.

Very appreciative accounts of the late J. H. Breasted and his work appear in the following journals:
Bull. Bijl. Libr. 20, 188 f. ; Chron. d'Eg. 11, 458 f. ; JRAS, 179 ff., by W. R. Dawson; Syria 17, 204, by
R. Dessaed ; Klio 29 (N.F. 11), 146, by C. F. Lehmann-Haupt; Arch. f. Or. 11, 99 f., and The New Orient
(The Open Court), 1 ff., by A. T. Olmstead ; ZAS 72, iii-iv, by G. Steindorff; L' Anthropologie 46, 195, by
R. Yaefrey.

F. H. Weissbach writes on the late Sir Ernest Budge in Z.f. Assyriol. N. F. 9, 303 f.

L. Volkman in Goethe u. Ag. ( ZAS 72, 1 ff.) discusses Goethe’s views on Eg. and on her contributions
to western civilization.

\V. R. Dawson’s Charles Wycliffe Goodwin 1817-1878: A Pioneer in Egyptology, London, 1934, is
revd. by M. Pieper in OLZ 39, 13, who speaks with appreciation of Goodwin’s contributions to the study of
Eg. philology.

A long account of the late F. Ll. Griffith’s life and work by W. R. Dawson appears in Rev. d' egyptol. 2,
125 ff. An appreciative obituary not. by Sir F. Kenyon is printed in Mizraim 3, 7 f. ; and one by W. E. Crum
in Proc. Brit. Acad. 20, 16 ff., is referred to in JMEOS 20, 53 f.

A tribute by J. Cerny to F. Lena on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday appears in Arch. Orient. 8,
along with a portrait of this distinguished savant and a list of his publns.

W. D. VAN Wtjnga arden contributes to Chron. d'Eg. 11, 427 ff. an art. (with portrait) entitled .4 V occa-
sion du centenaire de la mort de C. J. C. Reuvens.

In the last-mentioned periodical, pp. 459 ff., there is also a long and appreciative obituary not. on the
late L . Scys (1894-1935) by Fr. G. Lambert, and a French transl. of the obituary not. on J. E. Qeibell
w hich appeared in JEA 21 (1935), 115 f.

13. Philology

W. F. Albright, The Canaanite God Hauron (Horon), in AJSL 53 (1936-7), 1 ff., points out that this
god's name appears on a statue from Tanis and in four passages in P. Mag. Harris, vs. 1 He renders s<r in the
same pap. vs. 1,7, by 'fangs’, s’r, according to him, being a Semitic loanword corresponding to the Arabic

If, ‘front teeth’, ‘incisors’.

Of Albright's important work, The Vocalization of the Eg. Syllabic Orthography (Amer. Or. Ser. vol. v.
New Haven, Conn., 1934), a short not. appears in AJSL 52 (1935-6), 118, and it has been favourably revd.
by B. Coeroyer (Rev. bill. 45, 480 f.), by F. Lexa (Arch. Orient. 8, 142 f.), and at great length, with criticisms
and suggestions, by N. J. Reich (Mizraim 3, 61).

In his rev. (Rev. bibl. 45, 454 ff.) of Ann. Inst. phil. hist. or. 3 (vol. offert a Jean Capart, Brussels,
1935), B. Coeroyer refers to Chassinat’s art. on ^ = mnw-va.se and to Drioton’s on Eg. cryptography.
G. Contenae also revs, the vol. in L' Antiquite Classique 5, 236 ff.

G. A. Barton's Semitic and Hamitic Origins Social and Religious (Philadelphia, 1934) is unfavourably
revd. in Arch. Orient. 8, 141 f., by F. Lexa, who maintains that the author’s material is often of doubtful
value and his conclusions, accordingly, equally dubious. Revd. also by N. J. Reich, Mizraim 2, 91 ff„ who
‘read the book with great interest and profit’.

F. W. v. Bissing, Die angeblich beschnittenen Aqaiuascha (ZlS 72, 74 f.), deals at length with the word
1 See also Coeroyer, Rev. bibl. 45, 451, n. 2, who refers to H. Ranke, Personennamen, 254, n. 1.

PHILOLOGY

249

kmt, and shows that it probably means neither ‘foreskin’ nor ‘uncircumcised’ but ‘cod-piece’. Accordingly
the two texts with which the art. is concerned, in the Medlnet Habu temple, state not that the Akaiwasha
are circumcised but that they did not wear cod-pieces. Bissing contributes to the same journal (p. 79) a n.
entitled Aristeides Rhetor u. d. Name v. Kanopos, explaining why Aristides’ Eg. guide assigned to Canopus
the meaning xpvaovv eS af>os.

A. M. Blackman’s Some Notes on the Story of Sinuhe and other Eg. Texts, in JEA 22, 35 ff., contains a
number of interesting comments and new interpretations. Especially worthy of notice is B.’s elucidation of
the difficult passage Sin. B 163-4= R 188-9.

L. Bokchardt’s Statuen u. Staluetten v. Konigen u. Privatleuten im Museum v. Kairo Nr. 1-1294, Teil 5
(CCG. Berlin, vi-(-145 pp.), contains useful indices of personal names, titles, names of divinities and geogr.
names — the work of a Danish egyptologist, A. Volten.

E. Brogelmann in Noch einmal: Die Hyksosfrage (ZDMG 90 [N.F. 15], 441 ff.), claims on philological
as well as on other grounds that the Hyksos have Indo-European affinities.

H. Brunner’s Das Gesetz d. Polaritat, in ZAS 72, 139, is a short explanation of how n sdm-f, n sdm-n-f
and nn sdm-f gained their meanings in Old and Middle Eg.

B. Bruyere, La Necropole de Deir el-Medineh (Chron.d' Eg. 11, 329 ff.) assigns to the words nb n thn nfr, the
attribute of Amunre< as worshipped in a little shrine at Der el-Medinah, the meaning ‘de la bonne venture.’

A. de Buck, Een merku-aardige passage in de ‘ Coffin-Texts' (Oostersch Genootschap in Nederland: Yerslag
van het achtste Congres gehouden te Leiden op 6-8 Januari [Leiden], 24 ff). The passage in question (no refs,
given) occurs on certain coffins found at el-Bershah, with representations of boats.

L. Bull, Four Eg. Inscribed Statuettes of the M. K., in JAOS 56, 162 ff. A number of useful philological
nn. accompany the transls. of the not uninteresting inscrr.

New Light on the Ramesside Tomb-Robberies by J. Capart, A. H. Gardiner, and B. van de Walle
( JEA 22, 169 ff.) is an important contribution to the hist, of the later Ramesside period. Gardiner's transl.
and accompanying comm., which is full of valuable philological information (see especially the nn. on
wih is, p. 173, the auxil. vb. hpr, the adverbial phrase m dim in dim, p. 175, and the vb. nu-l, ‘collect’,
p. 179,ff), will be much appreciated by students of Late Eg. Reference is made to the document (P. Leopold
II) with which this art. deals in Un Nouveau Document sur la spoliation des tombes royales eg. (Rev. arch.
7, 115ff).

J. Cerny discusses the unusual words gmgm, ‘seek’ ( ?), sd, ‘bore’, and hr-mrh, ‘burial equipment’, in his
Datum d. Todes Ramses’ III. u. d. Thronbesteigung Ramses’ IV. ( ZAS 72, 109 ff.).

R. CoTTEViElLLE-GmAUDET, L’Ancien £g. et les langues africaines (Rev. anthropol. 46, 56 ff.). The writer,
having compared the Eg., Xegro-Afriean, and Bushman-Hottentot languages, takes the view that the Eg.
and Bushman-Hottentot languages are separate descendants of the earlier Capsian language embracing all
Africa, Eg. being later contaminated by Semitic.

B. Couroyer under ‘Egypte’, in Rev. bibl. 45, 150 ff, contests Montets view, expounded in La Stile
de Van 400 retrouvee (Kuni 4 (1935), 191 ff.), that pr, ‘house’, is to be understood after the genetival n in
such combinations as Imn-n-(R^mssw-mry-Imn). He also discusses the epithet let Sth applied to Harnesses II
on an obelisk unearthed by Montet at Tanis.

E. Drioton, Le Cryptogramme de Montou de Medamoud (Rev. d egyptol. 2, 21 ff.). A very ingenious and
interesting explanation of two reliefs from Medamud which express by rebus and acrophony the words
Mnlw-R< nb Wrst kr hry-ib M(>)dw.

M. S. Drower’s Eg. Fragmm. (Antiq. 9. 350 ff and Pis. 8 f.) receives not. in Chron. d Kg. 11, 468 ff.,
where it is pointed out that the words kb hdt. accompanying the representation of a hippopotamus, show that
the fragm. in question comes from a scene like that discussed by H. Kees, Re-Heiligtum d. Konigs Re-
Woser-Re, m, 30.

W. F. Edgerton and J. A. Wilson, Hist. Records of Ramses III. The Texts in ‘Medinet Habu' I and II
transld. with Explan. Nn. (Or. Inst, of the Univ. of Chicago: Studies in Anc. Or. Civilization, 12). Chicago,
xv-f- 159 pp. The numerous philological nn. will prove invaluable to students of Late Eg. Revd. appre-
ciatively by J. Capart in Chron. d’Eg. 11. 416 ff.

Erman’s Neudg. Gr., 1933, is revd. at length and very favourably in Mizraim 3, 53 ff., by N. J. Reich.
who regrets, however, that the hieroglyphs are not transliterated into Roman characters.

R. O. Faulkner’s transl. of part of P. Brernner-Rhind (JEA 22, 121 ff.) is admirable and the accom-
panying comm, contains much interesting philological matter. The art. will be especially acceptable to
those who are working on texts of the Ptol. period.

K k

•250

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

W. Federn, Die Kdnigin Seschseschet ( Orientalia [Rome], N.S. 5, 379 ff.), in which the writer attempts
to show that Sssst is a daughter of Teti and wife of Pepi I, and that she afterwards married Mereruka,
contains some matter of philological interest.

C. II. Firth and J. E. Quibell, The Step Pyramid. With Plans by J.-P. Lauer. Serf, des Antiq. de
l' Eg. Excavations at Saqqara. Cairo, 1935 (cover 1936). I. Text, viii+144 pp., frontisp., figs.; II. vii pp.
110 pis. The somew hat enigmatic group (for which see H. Schaefer, Mitt, deutsch. Inst. Kairo 4, 6 If.),
the difficult hb-sd inserr., and the title are discussed or alluded to in I, 51, 59 f., 72. The graffiti are

dealt with on pp. 78 ff. of the same vol. ; other material of philological interest occurs sporadically on pp. 1 13 ff.

S. Gabra suggests in Les Fouilles de VUniv. Eg. a Tounah el-Gabal ( Chron . d'Eg. 11, 34 ff.) that the short
inscr. there publd. gives ‘la solution longtemps cherchee du probleme dela dualite uj jho*i'h ou Ashmounein ’ ;
but see H. Kees, ZAS 72, 49, n. 5.

A. H. Gardiner, Hierat. Pap. BM, m. A long rev. by A. M. Blackman containing a number of sugges-
tions and comments is followed by a series of illuminating remarks by W. R. Dawson on various passages
in P . Ch. Beatty I 'll, VIII, XII. Revd. also by S. R. K. Glanville, Antiq. 10, 369 ff. ; J. Capart, Chron.
d'Eg. 11, 75 ff. ; H. Bonnet, OLZ, 90 ff. ; G. Sarton, Isis 25, 476 ff. ; F. Vogelsang, DLZ 57, 738 ff. ; see
also AJSL 52 (1935-6), 118 f.

In An. on a Xew Pap. (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 27 f.) Gardiner points out that the group
in P. 11 ilbour (Brooklyn) clearly signifies ‘imposition of tax by’ so and so.

The supplement to Gardiner's Eg. Gr. by that scholar himself and M. Gauthier-Laurent is revd. by
N. J. Reich in Mizraim 3, 57, where R. points out that the identification Pahamndta (a personal name
in the ‘Amarnah letters) = the Eg. Pi-hm-ntr cannot, as Sethe has shown, be maintained.

Two recently found stelae, the subject of H. Gauthier’s Une Fondation pieuse en Xubie, in Ann Serv. 36,
49 ff., present points of philol. interest. How, for instance, is j in ^ ^ j i n ’Imn to be read ? ,

apparently synonymous with flit ‘field’, demands notice, as does T i tjj 1 1 Q Q ‘glebe’.

H. Grapow contributes a long and important art., ZAS 72, 12 ff., entitled Sludien zu d. theban. Kcmigs-
grdbern, the greater part of which is concerned with the enigmatic portions of the Book of 'Amduat' and
with discussions as to the age, structure, and content of this strange compilation and of the abbreviated
version of it.

In ZAS 72, 76 f., Grapow deals with the word hrp in the well-known passage in Anii 4, 2 At, and com-
pares it with hnp in a similar context in the Lament of Taimtiotep. He decides that hrpf in the Anii passage
should be emended to hnp-f.

The appearance of Pt. II of Grapow’s Enters, iiber d. altag. mediz. Papyri, in MV AG (E.V.) 41, 1 ff.,
will be warmly welcomed, not only by Egyptologists, but by all who are interested in the hist, of medicine.
Revd. by M. Meyerhof in OLZ 39, 730 ff. (at length), DLZ 57, 13 f.

Another work by Grapow, Sprachliche u. schriftliche Formung dg. Texte (Leipz. agyptol. Stud., 7 ; 66 pp.,
12 pis.), though dealing mainly w ith the form and style of Eg. literary texts, contains matter of considerable
philological interest.

R. Harris, The Migration of Culture (Two Essays, with Alaps. Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 60 pp.). All
that need be said of these two fantastic essays is contained in J. Capart’s rev. in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 449.

H. Junker, Giza II: Die Mastaba.s d. beginnenden F. Dyn. auf d. 1 Vestfriedhof. Vienna, 1934. This
learned and important record is revd. by B. Groterjahn ( WZKM 43, 286 ft.), who draws special attention
to J. s remarks on the titles si nsu\ sit nsw and rh nsic; also by B. van de Walle (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 88 ff.)
who refers to J.’s interpretation of the phrase imihic hr ntr </.

H. Kees, Die Kopenhagener Schenkungsstele a us ~d. Zeit d. A pries, in ZAS 72, produces evidence that in
Bubastite and Saite inserr. Dht and ts can mean voy.6s and mrapxla respectively. This meaning of Dht is also
found in dem. texts and even survives in Copt, compounds such as tknotiu and tk,\ou)acui. Another
art. by the same author, entitled Statue eines I etters d. theb. Gouverneurs Monthemhet (ZAS 72, 14 ff.),
contains a n. on the priestly title hm ten ‘servant for opening (a god’s shrine)’.

In a long art., Sur Vorigine de la langue eg. (Chron. d’Eg. 11, 266 ff.), G. Lefebvre concludes that Eg.
like other Hamitie languages is a composite one. partly African and partly Semitic. It has perhaps preserved
its independence more than the Berber and C’ushitic dialects, despite strong Semitic influences, and has
retained more traits than they of its African substratum. A brief resume in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 151. ’

F\ Lena, Les Pariicipes indeclinables de la langue anc. eg., I and II (Arch. Orient. 8, 98 ff. and 210 ff.).

PHILOLOGY

251

L. discusses the uses of the active ‘indeclinable participle’ & zm-ic. His disregard for generally accepted con-
clusions is exemplified in his exx. 14a, 14b, and 27. This ‘participle’ is, L. maintains, negatived by i/n and
tm, also by n and nn (in L.E. by bw and bn). He also deals with in. hr, and k/ as employed independently
and with certain verbal forms. He evidently does not regard in as the sdm n-f- form of the verb i (see
Faulkner in JEA 21, 177 ff.). L. has collected a great mass of exx., his transls. of many of which will not
be accepted by most Egyptologists, to whom his views on the active ‘indeclinable participles’ and the
passive ‘indeclinable participle’ will appear fantastic.

C. Maystre, Tombes de Deir el-Medineh: La tombe de Kebenmdt (Xo. 219). Mem. Inst. fr.. 71, Cairo,
viii+43 pp., 9 pis., figs. In addition to the texts a few nn., chiefly on names, are of some philological interest.

du Mesnil du Buisson’s Les noma et signes eg. designant des i-ases ou objets sirnilaires (Baris, 1935) is
briefly revd. by J. Capart ( C'hron . d'Eg. 11, 440 f.), who points out one or two errors and omissions and
indicates how this useful publn. might have been amplified and improved.

R. Mond and 0. H. Myers, The Bucheum, 3 vols., 1934, is revd. by A. M. Blackman (Ann. Arch. Anthr.
23, 57 f.) who refers favourably to Fairman’s philological contributions; also by A. H. M. Jones (JRS 26,
117 f.); by M. S. S. (JMEOS 20, 49 f.); and by X. J. Reich ( Mizraim 2, 88 ff.).

P. Montet, A propos de la statuette de Sanousrit-Ankh (Syria 17, 202 f.), discusses Breasted’s restoration
and rendering of the inserr. on the statuette of SenwosreRonkh found at Ras esh-Shamra. He thinks B.'s
reading m Hmc is attractive, but objects that the word Hirw has not been found in inserr. earlier than
Dyn. 18.

Petrie’s Shabtis (London, 1935) is critically revd. by J. Capart (Chron. d’Eg. 11, 38 f.), who rightly
expresses surprise at P.’s rendering of sht dbt by ‘weaving clothes’ instead of by ‘making bricks’.

According to J. Perenne, Le Sens des mots ‘ rekhit ’ et ‘ pat ' (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 38 f.), rhyt in the predyn.
period denoted the riverine inhabitants of the Delta, incorporated by Menes into his kingdom as a special
class. By Dyn. 5 rhyt had come to mean ‘townsmen’, and by the K.K. ‘(Eg.) subjects’. The earliest meaning
of pd is ‘nobility’, r-p<t being the title borne by the great overlords. In Dyn. 6 r-p<t is again applied to the
feudal barons, p<t designating the aristocratic class immediately beneath them.

G. Posener, La Premiere Domination perse en tig. ( Bibliotheque d' Etude, 11. Cairo, xv— 206 pp., 17 pis.).
This important work, apart from the hierogl. texts and transls., contains admirable nn. dealing with points
of grammar, topogr., etc., personal names, and titles. There are good indices.

H. Ranke's Les Korns propres eg. (Chron. d’Eg. 11, 293 ff.) is an interesting account of the nature and
forms of Eg. personal names. A resume appears on p. 252 of the same vol. under the heading ‘ Comment
s’appelaient les tg. Ranke’s Personennamen is revd. by W. Federn ( WZKM 43, 140) ; by H. O. Lange
(Acta Or. 15, 76); and by Pohl ( Orientalia 5, 302 ff.).

The importance of H. Ricke’s Eine Inventartafel aus Heliopolis im Turiner M us. (Z.iS 71, 111 ff.) is
pointed out in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 424.

C. Robichon and A. Varille’s Le Temple du scribe royal Amenliotep fils de Hapou, I (Files. Inst, fr., 11.
Cairo, v+56 pp., 48 pis., figs.) contains a new transcr., transl. and comm, of the 21st-Dyn. BM Stela 138.
The comm, contains interesting mi. on the word and the compound prep. r-d*r ( cf . A. H.

Gardiner, JEA 9, 18, n. 8).

In Das Ichneumon in d. dg. Religion u. Kunst (Eg. Rel. 4. 1 ff.). G. Roeder refers to the ordinary name for
ichneumon, ol, and to the loanword, hitrw.

In his art. Thoeris (PIP, vi, Al, 303 ff.) A. Rusch devotes a column and a half to discussing the Eg.
name and its various forms in Xeo- Babylonian, Aramaic, Copt., and Gk. This art. is somewhat critically
revd. by J. Capart (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 428 f.). w ho draw s attention to certain oversights.

In C. E. Sander-Hansen's important art., liber einige sprachliche Ausdriicke /. rf. Vergleich in d. Pyra-
midentexten, in Acta Or. 14 (1935-6), 286 ff., he maintains that in clauses of comparison in the Pyr. Texts the
word following ml is defined, while that following m is undefined. He suggests that in clauses of comparison
employing the archaic Is the word to which it is attached is sometimes defined and sometimes undefined.

In Mavep&s -- - ju^iieowoy, an art. by A. Scharff and W. Hengstenberg in ZAS 72, 143 ff., the former
scholar cites two occurrences in hierogl. of the word (<tmy) with meaning herdsman = deni. <rm.
Copt, \ixe.

Sethe, Vbers. u. Komm. zud. altdg. Pyr.-texien,u, Lfg. 1-3. Gluckstadt, 2b8 pp. These first three pts.
of vol. ii deal with Spells 261-306, and are, needless to say, crammed with philological matter of first-rate
importance. An appreciative rev. of vol. I by J. Capart in l hron. d Eg. 11, 65 f., and one b\ de Rick in
OLZ 39, 363 ff.

252

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

Hit, the name for some flying insect not to be found in Wb., occurs in a new magical text on an ostr.
publd. by A. W. Shorter in JEA 22, 165 if.

E. Stavnik (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 31 f.) suggests that in the diadem of the princess Sithathoryunet, which
imitates that of the god Nefertem, the flower surmounted by the double plume is the snw( ? )-plant mentioned
in certain mythological texts (see esp. Naville, Rev. Eg. anc. 1, 31 if.). An art. by her of 8 pp. on the
same subject appears Rev. d’egyptol. 2, 165.

E. Suys’s Et. stir le conte du fellah plaideur = An. Or. 5 (Rome, 1933) is revd. by A. Scharff (Eg. Rel.,
73 f.) who points out that the author’s standpoint seems to be : ‘ Even a half-intelligible transl., at the expense
of grammar if need be, is better than no transl. at all’. The same scholar’s La Sagesse d' Ani: Texte, traduction
et commeniaire = An. Or. 11, 1935, is revd. by J. Cap art (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 74 f.), who considers S. somewhat
bold in his elucidations of difficult passages in this very corrupt text ; by S. A. B. Mercer (Eg. Rel. 4, . 4 ff.),
who draws attention to the discussion of the word sn ; by H. Bonnet (OLZ 39, 506 f. ), who considers the
book on the whole of doubtful value ; and by L. Th. Lefort (Museon [Louvain] 49, 142).

J. Vandier’s art., Une tombe inedite de la Vie Dyn. a Akhmim (Ann. Serv. 36, 33 ff.), contains nn. on
hmt = ‘female (animal)’, on derivations from the word bn, possibly ‘be round’, and on the phrase

Another art. by him, Quatre steles ine’dites de V Anc. Emp. et de la premiere epoque intermed. (Rev. d’egyptol .
2, 44 ff.), contains useful philological nn. Especially valuable are those on personal names and on the
orthography of the late O.K. and 1st Interm. Period.

A. Varille, JJn Colosse d' Amenophis III dans les carrieres d' Assouan (Rev. d'egyptol. 2, 173 ff.), discusses
the epithet R ( n hkiw ‘Sun of princes’ bestowed on Amenophis III and Ramesses II.

R. Weill’s book, Le Champ des roseaux et le champ des offrandes dans la religion funeraire et la religion
generate (Et. d'egyptol. 1 , Paris, xi-j- 176 pp. ), is concerned mainly with the Eg. religion, but contains a certain
amount of philological matter. It is revd. by J. Capart (Chron. d'Eg. 11, 426 f.), who disagrees with W.’s
view that there is no documentary evidence for the existence of the bull-fight in anc. Eg., and draws
attention to the words mtwn and imrw and quotes Edgerton and Wilson, Hist. Records of Ramses III,
p. 1, n. 3a. He also criticizes the statement that in the A fp-di- Wit-formula ‘normalement la “traversee du
bji ” n’apparait point’, and refers to the sarcophagus of Djefi found at Kumah.

In a lecture, referred to in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 28 f., Weill maintained that Seth bore the designation
‘golden’ long before Horus, and that evidence for the primordial ‘gold-quality’ of Seth is to be found in
inscrr. of King Pr-ib-sn of Dyn. 2, and in the Pyr. Texts.

I have not been able to lay hands on E. Zylharz’s Das geschichtliche Fundament d. hamitischen Sprachen
(Africa 9, 433 ff.).

14. Publication of Texts

(Of the revs, only those which critically discuss publns. of texts are included.)

A. From sites in Egypt and the Sudan

Abu Simbel. Photos., with texts, transl., and comm., of two recently discovered stelae of the Governor of
Nubia Pcsiur H at Abu Simbel, publd. by H. Gauthier in Ann. Serv. 36, 48 ff. ( Une fondation pieuse en
Nubie).

Asu'an. A new revision of a small text near the Aswan-Shellal road, mentioning the making of a large
statue of Amenophis III, by J. Varille in Rev. d'egyptol. 2, 173 ff. (Un Colosse d' Amenophis III dans les
carrieres d' Assouan).

Thebes (Der el-Medinah). C. JIaystre, La Tombe de Nebenmat (Cairo). Photos, and printed texts, with
index of names and titles. G. Posener, Catalogue des ostrr. hierat. de Deir el Medineh, I, fasc. 2, see § 10 (p. 247).
An ostr. of unknown provenance but probably from Der el-Medinah. A. W. Shorter, A magical ostr. in
JEA 22, 165 ff.

Thebes (Kamalc). H. H. Nelson, Ramses Ill’s Temple within the Great Inclosure of Amon, parts i, ii.
Drawings and photos, of texts, one of which is further publd. by K. C. Seele with photos., drawings, transl.,
and comm, in L. G. Leary, From the pyramids to Paul, 224 ff. (A hymn to Amonre< on a tablet from the temple
of Kamak).

Thebes (Luxor). J. C[apart] revs. A. Fakhry, Blocs decores provenant du temple de Louxor (suite), bas-
reliefs d’Akhenaton (Ann. Serv. 35, 35 ff.) in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 415 ff.

PUBLICATION OF TEXTS

258

Thebes (Shekh ‘Abd el-Kurnah). Texts from two unnumbered tombs ( Nb-mhyt and H[i]w-nfr) publd.
by A. Fakhry, Three unnumbered tombs at Thebes, in Ann. Serv. 36, 124 ff.

Abydos. £. Drioton explains six cryptographic texts from the temple and cenotaph of Sethos I in
Rev. d’egyptol. 2, 1 ff. (Les protocoles omementaux d’ Abydos).

Akhmtm. J. Vandier: Une Tombe inedite de la Vie dyn. a Akhmim, in Ann. Serv. 36, 33 ff. Photos.,
facsimiles, transl., and comm, of short inscrr. from the hitherto unpubld. tomb of Krri.

Raw. Inscrr. from the tombs of IVih-ki I, Ibw, W/h-ks II, and miscellaneous inscrr. from Kaw, collected
from various museums, publd. by Profs. Steindorff and Grapow in H. Steckeweh, Die Furstengraber
von Qaw (Leipzig).

Glzah. Inscr. recording the burial of a dog with ritual ceremonies. G. A. Reisner: The Dog which was
honored by the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, in Bull. ME A 34, 96 ff. (photo, only of text).

B. From Museums, etc., outside Egypt

Brussels. An art. in JEA 22, 169 ff., by J. Capart, A. H. Gardiner and B. van de Walle (New light
on the Ramesside tomb-robberies) records the discovery by Prof. Capart of the missing upper half of
P. Amherst. This new and interesting text has been named P. Leopold II and is here publd. in transcr.
with photos, and with philological comm, by Gardiner.

Buffalo. Corrected text on a statue of Rt-m-mH-hnc, now in the Buffalo Fine Arts Acad, but originally,
according to Prof. Kees, in the Cairo Mus. (Cairo 42249). H. Kees, Statue eines Vetters d. Theban. Gouvemeurs
Monthemhet, in ZAS 72, 146 f.

Copenhagen. O. Koefoed-Petersen pubis, autographed texts from monuments in the Ny Carlsberg
Mus. presenting documentary or linguistic interest. Recueil des inscrr. de la Glyptothek Ny Carlsberg (Bibl.
Aeg., vi). H. Kees: Die Kopenhagener Schenkungsstele aus d. Zeitd. Apries, in ZAS 72, 40 ff. Photo., text,
transl., and comm.

Florence. Newly collated texts in Gk. and Ptol. hierogl. on basalt statue Florence 4021, with photo.
F. Bilabel, Die bilingue Inschr. d. Kaisers Vespasian im Flor. Mus., in Neue Heidelb. Jahrbb., 20 ff.

Hanover. Texts from 29 objects, mostly stelae, several hitherto unpubld. M. Cramer, Ag. Denkmaler
im Kestner-Mus. zu Hannover, in ZAS 72, 81 ff., and Pis. iv-ix. Many are photographed with similar objects,
some with texts, for comparison.

London. Revs, of Gardiner, Hierat. Pap. BM m, see § 10 (p. 247).

New York. A. Lansing, in Bidl. MMA 31, 12 ff., pubis, a photo, with transl. of a new text on a
scarab reporting the construction of a lake for Queen Teye (A commemorative scarab of Amon-holpe III).
Four painted wooden statuettes of Mrr in the MMA, believed to be from Asyut, inscribed on the bases,
girdles, and kilts, and apparently unique, are publd. by L. Bull in JAOS 56, 162 ff . (5 pis. with printed texts,
transls., and comms.).

Paris. The first complete publn. of the Pap. of Tentamun in the Bibl. Nat. A. Piankoff, The F unerary
Pap. of Tent-Amon, in Eg. Rel. 4, 49 ff. Printed text with photos.

C. Miscellaneous

A. de Buck, The Eg. Coffin Texts, i, is revd. by H. Bonnet in OLZ, 607 ff.

G. Posener, La Premiere Domination perse en Eg., recueil d' inscrr. hierogl. (Cairo). Inscrr. from
Cambyses to Artaxerxes I, not hitherto collected into one vol. All the texts are transld. and discussed,
and the hist, information contained in them summed up. Photos., with indices of names, titles, &c.

E. Suys, La Sagesse d’Ani (An. Or. 11, 1935); revs., see § 10 (p. 247).

J. Vandier, Quatre steles inedites de la fin de VAnc. Emp. et de la premiere epoche intenned., in Rev.
d’egyptol. 2, 44 ff., has photos., with texts, transls., and comms., of stelae of Hnnl, Nfm, hmw, and Intf
son of Snbt, in private ownership in Eg. La famine dans l fig - anc. (Cairo), by the same author, contains
many texts, not necessarily complete, but each with its own bibliography, and some unpubld. texts, having
reference to famines in Eg.

15. Religion and Magic

W. F. Albright, AJSL 53, 1 ff., discusses the nature of the Canaanite god Hauron (Horon) and his
adoption by Eg. He criticizes the views put forward by Montet and Bucher in Rev. bibl. 1935, 153 ff.

T. G. Allen, JAOS 56, 145 ff., analyses the rubrics of Spell 148 and studies parallels elsewhere in the
Bk. Dead.

254

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

G. A. Barton, JAOS 56, 155 ff., considers the practice of lustral washing in Eg., Babylonia, Israel, etc.
in relation to the thought-pattern of Baptism.

E. W. v. Bissing, Ag. Kultbilder d. Ptol.- u. Romerzeit. Alte Or. 34, Heft 1-2, 38 pp., 23 figs. Leipzig.

B. Brtjyere, Chron. d’Eg. 11, 335 f., describes an arrangement apparently intended for ancestor-
worship in private houses at Der el-Medinah.

A. de Buck, Ken merku-aardige passage in de ‘Coffin Texts', in Oostersch Genootschap in Nederland : Verslag
van het achtste Congres gehouden te Leiden op 6-S Januari 1936, 24 f. (Leiden).

M. A. Canney, JMEOS 20, 25 ff., studies the idea of the primordial mound in anc. Eastern countries,
also in Islamic theology &c.

M. Cramer, ZAS 72, 95 f. and PI. 7, pubis, a stela (Dyns. 19-20) showing the moon-god ’Ph-Dhuty
between two star-goddesses who are perhaps hours of the night. On pp. 98 f. and PI. 8, the same writer
pubis, a private stela at Hanover, dedicated to the Mnevis bull (Dyns. 19-20).

W. P. Edgerton, ZAS 72, 77 ff., repubis, and translates a dem. label from Kaw containing a spell of
uncertain meaning.

O. Eissfeldt, Forsch. u. Fortschr. 12, 407 f., deals with Zeus Ammon.

R. O. Faulkner, JEA 22, 121 ff., gives a transl., with comm., of the Songs of Isis and Nephthys, in P.
Bremner-Rhind (B.M. 101SS).

A. H. Gardiner's Frazer Lecture, The Attitude of the Anc. Egyptians to Death and the Dead, is discussed
by J. Spiegel, OLZ, 147 ff. The same scholar's Hierat. Pap. BM, m: important nn. by W. R. Dawson,
■IE A 22, 107. upon the episode of Seth and 'Anat in P. Ch. Beatty VII.

H. Gauthier, .4 n n . Serv. 36, 49 ff., pubis, two stelae recording a pious foundation by Pesiur, Viceroy of
Nubia, in support of the cult of the pillar ( ?) sacred to Amun of Faras.

P. Gilbert, Chron. d’Eg. 11, 255 ff., discusses the solar royal names of the 0. K., and their significance
for the hist, of the Eg. gods at that time.

H. Grapow, ZAS 72, 12 ff., discusses the selection and arrangement of relig. texts upon the walls of the
royal tombs at Thebes, enigmatic wTiting, and the hist, and nature of the Book ‘Amduat’.

\\ . Gundel and S. Schott, Dekane u. Dekanstembilder. Ein Beitrag z. Gesch. d. Stembilder d. Kultur-
volker. Mit e. TJntersuchung ii.d.cig. Stembilder v. Gottheiten d. Dekane. Stud. d. Bibl. Warburg, 19. Gliick-
stadt, x— 451 pp.. 33 figs.

F. Heichelheim. Tierdamonen, in PIT, vi Al, deals with Eg. in cols. 866-8. 871, 874. 882, 888.

M. Hilzheimer, Antiq. 10, 199 f., in an art. on sheep, distinguishes the two breeds known in anc. Eg.,
w ith ref. to the rams of Amun, Mendes, and Arsaphes.

M. O. Howey's The Cat in the Mysteries of Religion and Magic (London, 254 pp., 1 pi., figs.) includes a
study of the cat in Eg. and throughout the anc. world. Revd. by A. Steens in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 430 ff.

111. Ldn. News. April 18, 683, reproduces photo, of a lapis-lazuli infant-god ( = the later Harpocrates ?),
apparently of foreign workmanship, from the M.K. treasure found at Et-Tud.

G. Jequier. Ann. Serv. 36, 17, pubis, a private stela of Ramesside date, showing an unusual scene of the
weighing of the heart in a hand-balance by Anubis.

H. K.EES, ZAS . 2. 40 ff., pubis, a stela of the time of Apries at Copenhagen, recording an endowment
by a certain Nsw-Hr in favour of Bi-nb-ddt. Discussed with special ref. to that god, names of localities
mentioned, and the topogr. of the 10th Nome of Upper Eg. He also contributes to GGA, 49 ff., an art.
entitled Grundsatzliches z. Aufgabenstellung d. dg. Religionsgesch. (on the appearance of Erman's Religion
der Agypter. 1934).

L. Rosters’ art. Priester in Lexicon f. Theol. u. Kirche hrsg. v. M. Buchberger, 2. Aufl., Bd. 8, cols.
462 ff., figs., deals with Eg. in col. 464.

C. Kuentz, Ahh. Serv. 36, 120 ff., shows that an Eg. inscr., formerly supposed to be a transcr. of the
epithet x € P VL fi° 7rd(m]s, applied to Harpocrates, is a forgery.

N. Langton, JEA 22, 1 15 ff.. in an art. on small figures of Eg. cats gives useful nn. on Bastet. Sakhmet,
and the cult of cats in general.

A. Lansing. Bull. MMA 31, 12 ff., pubis, a new specimen of the Take-scarab’ of Amenophis III, on
the back of which is a cartouche in which A. is called ‘ beloved of Horus of Buhen ’.

I. Levy, Ann. Inst, ph il. h ist. or . IV ( Mel. Franz C umont), in discussing the Contendings of Horus and Seth,
deals withHathor,Baubo,andUzume;IsisandAphrodite; Isis, the prophet Nathan, and the woman of Tekoah.

Dr. Massoulard, Rev. d’ eg y ptol. 2, 135 ff., writes on Lances fourchues et Peseshkaf. .4 propos de deux
acquisitions recente-s du Mus. du Louvre.

RELIGION AND MAGIC

255

H. H. Nelson, JAOS 56, 232 ff., discusses three decrees of Ramesses III from his small temple at
Karnak, which throw light on the furniture used in temple-ritual.

P. Perdrizet, Ann. Serv. 36, 10 ff., and pi., discusses a gold bezel showing Harpocrates-Triptolemos
between Demeter and Kore.

A. Plankoff, Eg. Bel. 4, 49 ff., pubis, an important late N.K. funerary pap. in the Bibl. Nat., Paris.

J. Pirenne, Ann. Inst. phil. hist. or. IV (Mel. Franz Cumont), studies the hist, of the funerary cult
during the O.K.

H. Ranke, Chron. d'Eg. 11, 293 ff., in a paper on Eg. personal names deals with the theophoric variety.

H. Ricke, ZAS 72, 79, adds a n. to his essay on ‘primordial mounds’, Der Hohe Sand in Heliopolis.
publd. ZAS 71, 107 ff.

C. Robichon and A. Varille, Le Temple du scribe royal Amenhotep, fils de Hapou, I. Flies. Inst.fr.,
v4-56 pp., 48 pis., figs.

G. Roeder, Eg. Bel. 4, 1 ff., pubis, an exhaustive essay with illusts. on the ichneumon in Eg. rel. and art.

A. Rosenvasser, Nuevos textos literarios del antiguo Egipto. I: Los textos dramaticos. Circulo de Historia.

Bibliot. de Conferencias y Estudios, I. Buenos Aires, 61 pp., 4 pis.

A. Rtjsch, PW, vi Al, contributes sections on Thoeris and Thoth, cols. 303 ff., and 351 ff. respectively.

H. D. Schaedel’s Die Listen d. grossen P. Harris. Ihre uirtschaftliche u. politische Ausdeutung ( Leipz .
agyptol. Stud., 6, 73 pp., 4 illusts.) contains important material for the study of temple property and
foundations.

H. Schafer, 7. AS 72, 129 ff., pubis, a unique late bronze statuette at Hanover of a divinized man wearing
lunar disc and crescent upon his head. He is perhaps the deified Dd-hr (Teos).

Sethe, tibers. u. Komm. zud. altag. Pyr.-texten. Bd. II, Lfg. 1-3. Gliickstadt. 288 pp. These three parts
deal with Spells 261-306. A. de Buck revs. Bd. I, Lfg. 1-4, in OLZ, June, 363 ff.

A. W. Shorter, JEA 22, 165 ff., pubis., with transl. and comm., a magical text from an ostr. belonging
to Mr. E. Armytage, containing a spell of unusual nature, to be employed against an enemy. It includes an
important passage in which Osiris is expressly equated with triumph over death.

J. Spiegel’s Die Idee vom Totengericht in d. ag. Bel. (Leipz. agyptol. Stud.. 2, 1935) is discussed and
criticized by A. Rusch, OLZ, June, 415 ff.

G. Steindorff and W. Wolf, Die Thebanische Graberuelt (Leipz. agyptol. Stud., 4, 100 pp., 25 pis., figs.)
is a valuable general and hist, account of the Theban necropolis.

J. Vandier d’Abbadie. Bull. Inst.fr. 36, 117 ff., discusses representations of bats from Eg., and whether
or no they were considered sacred animals.

G. A. Wainwright, Antiq. 10, 5 ff., in an art. on the hist, of iron in the anc. world, enumerates the
mythological connexions of iron in Eg.

L. Walk’s art. Religion in Lexicon f. Theol. u. Kircke (hrsg. v. M. Buchberger, 2. Aufl., Bd. 8, cols.
758 ff.) deals with Eg. in cols. 768 f.

R. Weill's Le Champ des roseaux et le champ des offrandes dans la religion funtruire et la religion
generate (Paris, Geuthner) is an important study of the localization and significance of the Sht-Urw and
Sht-htp in the religious texts. In Chron. d'Eg. 11, 28 f., appears a precis of a paper by \\ eill on the royal
title ‘Golden Horns’, in which he shows that Seth also, from early times, was considered to be ‘golden’. To
Bull. Inst.fr. 36, 129 ff., he contributes an art., entitled Belier du Fayoum et 21e nome de la Haute-Eg.

J. A. Wilson, JAOS 56, 293 ff., pubis, nn. on the ceremony of ‘illuminating’ the two thrones at the
Serf-festival, as depicted in reliefs in the temple of Amenophis III at Sulb.

H. E. Winlock, MM A Studies, 5, pt. 2 (Sept.), 147 ff., pubis, a bronze flower-bowl in the middle of which
is a statuette of Hathor in cow-form.

E. Zippert, Arch. f. Or. 10 (1935-6), 393 f., gives a summary of results of excavations at Glzah by the
Eg. Univ., including a short description of the dw'ellings of priests, the solar barques, &c.

16. Science, Mathematics, &c.

A. Astronomy

G. A. Wainwright, Orion and the Great Star (JEA 22, 45 ff.). The evidence for the identification of the
‘Great Star’ with Sirius is discussed in connexion with passages from the Pyr. Texts and representations
on coffins of the Heracleopolitan type.

256 BIBLIOGRAPHY: PHARAONIC EGYPT

H. D. Curtis and F. E. Robbins, An Ephemeris of 467 A . D . (Univ. Mich. Press, 1935) is revd. by R. W.
Sloley in JEA 22, 218 f.

B. Calendar

A. Pogo, in Isis 24, 429, compares an example of an astronomical calendar of the Battak (Northern
Sumatra) described and illustrated by J. Winkler in Z. f. Ethn. 45 (1913), with calendars from Asyut.
In both the month is subdivided into three decads. An appeal is made for further examples of the Battak
calendars, which are used for determining ‘lucky’ and ‘unlucky’ days.

A. Pogo, in Three Unpublished Calendars from Asyut (Osiris 1, 500 If.), after giving some accountofthe
Eg. decans and the construction of calendars, discusses in detail the three hitherto unpubld. exx. from Asyut.
The craftsman responsible was unintelligent and completely ignorant of the meaning of his work, which is
characterized by gross inaccuracies. The one redeeming feature is the mention of the constellation of the
(three) Tortoises, a decan missing in all other Asyut calendars accessible. The constellation of the (two)
Tortoises appears, however, on the ceiling decoration in the tomb of Senmut.

C. Mathematics and Metrology

E. Bortolotti, in an art. on L' Algebra in Osiris 1, 206, discusses certain problems in the Rhind and
Moscow Math. Papp.

G. Sarton, in Isis 24, 375, discusses the ch. in vol. 4 of Sir Arthur Evans’ Palace of Minos, devoted to
numeration and addition, and points out that the numeration symbols differ from those of the Egyptians,
but that the principles were the same, and he infers Eg. influences. The systems were both decimal, but
without the principle of position. The Minoans stopped at thousands and later at tens of thousands, and
their fractional system was more primitive than the Eg. The most striking feature of Minoan arithmetic
is the occurrence of the system of percentages. An example of addition is given. Eg. influence on Minoan
mathematics was strangely limited, even when it was strongest.

S. R. K. Glanville, Weights and Balances in Anc. Eg. ( Proc . Royal Inst, of Great Britain 29) 31 pp., 5 pis.
An important hist, study (illustrated) of the evidence offered by weights and balances and their pictorial
representations, as to the actual practice of buying and selling in Anc. Eg. Petrie’s division of standards is
followed and this does not altogether accord with Hemmy’s recent statistical investigations, which bring
out the stater as the most important standard in Eg. during the early N.K. (See Anc. Eg., 1935, 83, and
below.)

G. Sarton discusses A curious subdivision of the Eg. cubit in Isis 25, 399. Fragmm. of measuring-rods
show the digits (i palm = ^ cubit) divided successively into 2, 3, 4, and so on up to 16 parts. The object
of the subdivision bears relation to the use made by the anc. Eg. of simple fractions. One fragm. with 4
adjacent digits divided thus is illustrated.

D. Science — General

B. Farrington, Science in Antiquity (Home l n l v . Series), London, 257 pp. An excellent summary is
given in ch. 1 of scientific knowledge in anc. Eg. and Babylonia. The author points out that the Greeks
themselves acknowledged a heavy debt to Eg. for the elements of their mathematical and astronomical
knowledge, and recent research tends to bear out the truth of the old Gk. tradition. The astonishing achieve-
ments in technique of the anc. civilizations must be recognized as a step in the attainment of science, though
not science in the full sense for it contains no hint of an intellectual appreciation of a system of natural
law— the kind of curiosity and gift of speculation necessary for the creation of science in the full sense
were lacking.

E. Techniques: Metals

G. Bruns, Der Obelisk u. seine Basis auf d. Hippodrom zu Kcmstantinopel, Istanbul, 1935, viii+92 pp.,
102 figs., is revd. by M. S. Drower in JEA 22, 220.

H. Ghevrier, in Ann. Serv. 36, 158 ff., pubis, a A ole sur la manipulation des blocs du monument de la
reine Hatsep-sowet. He discusses the object of a number of recesses of different forms on the lateral faces of
the blocks, and illustrates by diagrams how they were probably employed to engage the ends of the levers
used for placing the stones in position with greater precision and precaution.

C. Hawkes, in Antiq. 10, 355 ff., refers to analyses of pieces of iron from the Great Pyramid and Abydos
(Dyn. 6, c. 2500 B.c.) and concludes that neither piece is of meteoric origin, but that both may be taken as
evidence for the occasional smelting of terrestrial iron-ores in the Near East as early as the third millennium B.C.

SCIENCE, MATHEMATICS, &c.

257

G. A. Wain wright , The Coming of Iron ( Antiq . 10. 5 ft.). A full and well-documented account of speci-
mens of early iron and refs, in literature. Originally known through its occurrence in meteorites, iron was
considered to be dangerous by association with the idea of thunderbolts, and was used magically in Eg.
long before smelting was practised. The early name is hi), and the epithet n pt (' of the sky ' ) was not added
until the 15th cent. B.C., to distinguish meteoric from smelted iron. Until 1100 B.c. iron was rare, although
meteoric iron was known in Mesopotamia before 3000 b.c. and smelted there before 2800 b.c. By the
8th cent, the Assyrian Sargon had in store 150 tons, in ingots of shape similar to those which came into
France and Germany in the La Tene period.

F. Time Measurement

A. Pogo, Eg. It ater Clocks, in Isis 25, 403. The unusual features of the scale of the Edfu inflow clock
are discussed and derived from a prismatic prototype, using the simplest fractions and drawing straight
lines only. The new diagram points to an Eg. — not Gk. — origin of several passages in classical literature
dealing with the rate of increase of the length of the day. Some hitherto unpubld. items connected with water-
clocks are reproduced and discussed, including the prismatic model in the MMA and the Medinet Habu
astronomical ceiling. It is shown that the decanologue of the Karnak outflow clock is more closely related
to the Senmut decanologue than to those of the Ramesseum and of Medinet Habu.

A. Pogo, in Isis 24, 150, reproduces two pages of A. Kircher's Oedipus Aegyptiacus, in (Rome, 1654).
one of which is apparently borrowed from Nardi, and concludes (m Isis 25. 430) that Kircher, and not
Nardi, deserves full credit for recognizing fragnun. of clepsydrae in the items represented in Nardi’s
illustrations.

G. Zoology

Hilzheimer in a comprehensive art. on Sheep (Antiq. 10, 195 ft.) describes the domestic breed known
as far back as the second prehist. culture in Eg., and the characteristic types at various periods, of which
two are illustrated in Pis. 1 and 2.

Other refs, are : —

Andre Capart’s rev. of L. Joleaud, Les Ruminants cervicornes d'Afrique, in Chron. d'Eg. 11, 447 f.

G. D. Hornblower's evidence about the domestication of cattle in L' Anthropologie 46, 205, see § 1
(p. 233).

L. Megret, Kha, chat eg. (Rev. mod. des arts et de la vie, Paris).

Catalogue of Exhibition of recent work of the EES with a collection of Cat Figures lent by Mr. and
Mrs. Langton. London. 14 pp. See also III. Ldn. News, Sept. 26, 536.

G. Hermes, Das gezahmte Pferd im alten Orient (Anthropos 31, 364 ft'.), see § 1 (p. 234).

G. G. Simpson, Horses and Hist. (Natural Hist. 38, 277 ft.); see § 1 (p. 232).

G. Roeder, Das Ichneumon in d. ag. Relig. u. Kunst (Eg. Rel. 4, 1 ft.); see § 1 (p. 232).

F. Heichelheim, Tierddmonen in PIT, vi, A 1. 8S6 ft. 871, 874. 882, and 888.

(258)

BRIEF COMMUNICATIONS

Note on t hyr(.t) in Boundaries of Ptolemaic Conveyances of Land

One of the most frequent boundaries set out in Ptolemaic conveyances of lands and houses is
p Jjyr Pr-’; 'The King’s highway’, or ‘King Street’. Hyr is a N.-K. word (117;., hi, 232) frequentlv
occurring in demotic and Coptic (oip), and always a masculine word. Hence not unnaturally in
1902 Spiegelberg expressed great surprise when he found a t hyr n pr between two houses, which he
rendered doubtfully bv "die Strasse ('??) des Hauses’, more particularly as it was immediately
followed by the familiar p hyr Pr-’; (Pap. dem. Berlin p. 11, No. 3113, 1. 5). Both words had the
same determinative of place. This deed is dated in the year 111 b.c. and is a Theban document.

Now the same group occurs in a deed of 146 b.c. in a papyrus in the Bodleian (C), published in
Young’s Hieroglyphics, PI. xxxv and deciphered by Revillout in his Proces d'Hermias, 74. It is a
sale of land in which a boundary is described as four houses with t ljry (sic) v pr between them, and
once more, 20 years later, the same land and boundary reappear twice in a Vienna papyrus No. 26
published by Revillout in his Nouvelle Ckrestomathie dem.. pp. 92, 96-7 as t hyr n pr. 1

The next three examples come from Sint (A Family Archive from Shit ed. Thompson Glossarv
No. 252) of 181 to 173 b.c. all relating to the same piece of land. The boundary is described once as
t hyr, with determinative of place, and twice as t hre with determinative of plants — and always with
the addition of n hh.iv ‘of the ibises’.

Further examples are furnished by two papyri from Thebes of 210 b.c., one BM. 10392 11. 3-4
/ ljr.t n hb.ic (det. of plants), the other at Bologna / hre.t (det. of food) n n hb.ic, both published by
Revillout in Rev. egyptol. 3, Pis. 1 and 2 and revised by me on the originals. The two conveyances
are made between the same parties and refer evidently to adjacent plots.

Thus we have the writings hyr, hry as variants in the first group, hry and hre as variants in the
second, and hr.t, hre.t in the third, all with the feminine article. The determinatives are of place,
plants, and food. The solution is found in some place-names in Greek papyri, in which Tpo<f>i) is used
for Tpofelov as a place where sacred animals and birds were kept and fed. rpo<f>al Ifliuiv (or tjSecoj)
are referred to in P. Tebt. i 42, P. Reinach 133, Spiegelberg Pr. Joach. Ostraka 21-5 and in
Preisigke 1(7). 621 and cf. 117)., in, 390. In connexion with oxen Tpofy is used in P. Rein., 188, and
in BGU, vi, No. 1216 we read c. 110 b.c. . . . ds Tpofyv eoaros (hsy.t 'sacred cow') dei£wtov "lotos
deas peyioTrjs and applied to a shrine at Memphis.

There can be little doubt, I think, that t hyr and its variants are the same as the word hre.t ‘food’
frequently found in demotic, and in Coptic as ope, and are the equivalent of Tpofy ‘a feeding place’.

Herbert Thompson'.

On P. Oslo 83 and the Depreciation of Currency

The fragmentary condition of this papyrus makes it difficult to determine the precise meaning
of 11. 10-15; but there is evidently a question of exchange values involved, and the editors rightly
recognize that there is some analogy to the position in the Rylands papyrus first quoted by P. M.
Meyer on Jur. Pap. 73. Here there is fortunately less doubt ; the papyrus contains a letter, the writer
of which tells his correspondent that the 'IraXiKov vopiopa had been officially devalued to half the
vovppos, and advises him to get rid of all his ‘ Italian’ coin. Clearly the reference is to the kinds of
coinage in ordinary circulation; and from the middle of the third century to the beginning of the
fourth, there were only two kinds of coinage circulating in Egypt— the Alexandrian tetradrachm

1 Pr in all these instances denotes the precincts of a temple. Though applied to an ordinary 'house' in Persian
and early Ptol. times, it was superseded later by the word c y (<.vy ) ; and pr was used only of temples, the royal
palace, and in one or two set legal phrases. Cf. Griffith, Ryl. Pap., 228, n. 6.

BRIEF COMMUNICATIONS

•259

and the Roman bronze (or washed) radiates. The former was the nuinmus or standard coin of
Egypt, the latter would naturally be called the Italian coin. Now the bronze radiates were the
lineal descendants of the Roman denarius, and the denarius had always been officially regarded as
the equivalent of the Alexandrian tetradrachm : when an order was issued reducing its exchange
value to half, obviously any holders of ‘Italian’ coin would be well advised to get rid of it.

In P. Oslo 83 it appears that some coin valued at twenty-five ‘Attic’ drachmas— a term which
was occasionally used about a.d. 300 to describe the ‘ Alexandrian’ drachmas — had been officially
written down to twelve and a half. It is not probable that this refers to the same order as that of the
Rylands papyrus, which for several reasons seems to be earlier ; but it is possible that the devalued
coin may be the bronze follis of the Diodetianic reform, which might conceivably have been rated
at its first issue at twenty-five drachmas of the old currency. The depreciation of the currency values
in Egypt was so rapid in the early years of the fourth century that the follis may have had to be
written down very shortly after its issue. In any case it is practically certain that the question is
one of internal and external values, and has nothing to do with gold or silver ; gold played very little
part in Egyptian circulation about the time of Diocletian, and silver none at all.

J. 6. Milne.

The First Egyptian Society

In 1741 the physician, antiquary, and divine, William Stukeley, took a leading part in the
foundation of a society, known as 'The Egyptian Society (sometimes spoken ol as 'The Egyptian
Club’), the object of which was ‘the promoting and preserving Egyptian and other antient learning’.
Stukeley was greatly interested in hieroglyphic writing, and I have elsewhere given some account
of his labours in this regard ( Griffith Studies, 403-73).

The Egyptian Society had its origin (as so many other societies have had) in a dinner. This was
held at the Lebeck's Head Tavern, Chandos Street, Charing Cross, on December 11. 1741. Lord
Sandwich presided, and there were present also Dr. Pocoeke, Dr. Perry, and Capt. Norden, all three
of whom had travelled in Egypt. They appointed Stukeley secretary, and nominated as associates
Folkes, Milles, Stanhope. Dampier, and Mitchell. On January 22, 1741/2, the Dukes of Montagu
and Richmond were admitted. At this second meeting the President s staff ol office an Egyptian
sistrum — was laid before him. and Stukeley gave a learned dissertation upon it. His conclusion was
that the sistrum was a 'rattle' to scare off birds of prey when sacrifices were made !

The Society's life was not of long duration, and in 1743 it was dissolved. Some account of its
history is contained in a letter from Stukeley to Maurice Johnson, published by I. J. Pettigrew
in his paper on the Spalding Society of Gentlemen in the Journal of the British Archaeological Associa-
tion 7 (1852), 143-58. Some further references to the Egyptian Society will be found in Stukeley'.,
Medallic History of Carauslns (1757-9), Preface, vi, and in John Nichols's Literary Anecdotes of the
Eighteenth Century, v (1812). 334.

I give below brief particulars of the persons named in the foregoing note.

Dampier, Dr. Thomas, late Master of Eton.

Folkes, Martin (1690-1734). well-known antiquary. Pres. S.A., 1750-4 : Pres. R.S., 1741-53.

Johnson. Maurice (1688-1755), lawyer and antiquary: founder of the Gentlemen', Society of
Spalding.

Milles, Jeremiah (1714-84), antiquary: President S.A.. 1768.

Mitchell, probably Andrew Mitchell (1708—71); afterwards knighted. Elected F.R.S.. 1735.

Montagu, John, 2nd Duke (1688-1749). Elected F.R.S.. 1717.

Norden, Frederick Ludwig. Captain in the Danish Navy, travelled in Egypt and Nubia, 1738.
His valuable Travels have been published in many editions and in several languages. Less
well known is his Drain nys of some Hums and (Colossal Statues at Thebes . with soiue account of
the same, in a Letter to the Royal Society , London. 1741, 4to.

Perrv, Dr. Charles (1698-1780), medical writer and traveller. His 1 tew of the Learnt. 1713,
folio, contains much interesting information on Egypt.

•260

BRIEF COMMUNICATIONS

Pococke, Rickard (1704-63). Visited Egypt, 1737-8, and proceeded to a long tour in the Near
East. Published A Description of the East and some other Countries, 2 vols., London, 1743-5,
folio.

Richmond, Duke of, Sir Charles Lennox. 2nd Duke of the fourth creation (1701-50). Elected
F.R.S., 1724.

Sandwich. Lord. John Montagu, 4th Earl (1718-92). Elected F.R.S., 1740; afterwards First
Lord of the Admiralty.

Stanhope, Charles (1673-1760), statesman.

Warrex R. Dawscix.

Note on Overbuilding and Intrusive Burials at GIzah

At the north-west corner of the Cheops pyramid, on the eastern edge of the Western Field of the
Gizah Necropolis, stands a complex of five mastabahs. The chapels of all these mastabahs open on
a stone-paved court approached by a sloping ramp leading up to the west from the pyramid-plateau.
All these chapels have east-west offering rooms with a false-door stela (hollow cornice). The
burial-chambers are all approached by a sloping passage from the east. The mastabahs and the burial-
chambers belonged to eight men representing four generations; (l) Senedjemib-A’enti, (2) his sons.
8enedjemib-Mehi and Khmunenti, (3) the grandsons, Me rpta Ida likkpepy and Nekhebii, and (4)
the great-grandsons, Impy and Ptahsabu. Seven of these (excepting Ptahsabu) acted as
imy-r kit nbt nt nsivt from the time of Isesy to that of Pepy II. The first mastabah was constructed
in the latter part of the reign of Isesy, and Yenti appears to have been buried in the first year of
W enis (Unas) in a white limestone coffin provided by that king.

The examination of the subsoil of the area and the surrounding structures proves that the
secondary cemetery of mastabahs of officials and funerary priests had already extended over this
area. In constructing the mastabah of Yenti (C4. 2370). the eastern side of an older crude-brick
mastabah was ruthlessly cut away. Under the filling we found several small mastabahs completely
buried out of sight. The eastern part of this mastabah, the communal court, and the mastabah of
Nekhebii were found on about a metre of old debris resting on the rock as it was left by Cheops's
quarrvmen. The rock rises under the court from south to north, and the southern part of the
mastabah of Mehi is founded on rock, tender the filling of the northern part we found on the rock
crude-brick walls which also belonged to mastabahs of an older date. In the north-western part of
the complex stands an older mastabah belonging to a man named Akhetmehu having no connexion
with the Seuedjemib family. The mastabah of Mehi was built against the eastern face of the open
court of Akhetmehu while the mastabah of Khnumenti was built against the southern side of the
mastabahs of Akhetmehu and Mehi. Later two additions to the mastabah of Mehi were built on
the west and partly covered the court of Akhetmehu. These constructions closed all access to
Akhetmehu’s chapel. A’et the latter’s tomb must be dated to the reign of Isesy himself or not long
before his accession.

West and north-we-4 of the mastabah of Akhetmehu stands a field of small ruined mastabahs
earlier than that mastabah but still from the second half of Dyn. 5. These contained decorated
chapels and serdabs, but the whole area had been occupied at the end of Dyn. 6 by intrusive burial-
places, which had chambers and shafts built of stone taken from the ruined mastabahs. While
recording these built burial-places we recovered a large number of inscribed stones taken from
decorated chapels. In one case nearly the whole decoration of a chapel was recovered from the
intrusive shafts found in the chapel itself and in the street east of it.

In the case of the Senedjemib-complex, a powerful family, favourites of kings, ruthlessly over-
built tombs of persons whose descendants were still alive. In the case of the intrusive built burial-
places, the tombs of men of little importance were destroyed little more than a century after their
death bv the poverty-stricken remnant of the Gizah community.

G. A. Reisner.

BRIEF COMMUNICATIONS

•261

A Note on the Grammatical Gender of the Names of Towns

In a Middle-Egyptian text on a stela from A by d os (Brit. Mus. 101) the name of a town has been
generally thought to be treated exceptionally as masculine. The pas-age in que-tion — /A - ' '
xS'S'TS o LJ — is translated by Gardiner ( Eij . 07., p. 169): 'He [the deceased]

says to the priesthood of the temple of Abydos, and (of) its chapels of the king of Upper and Lower
Egypt’. Gardiner (£//. 07., p. 168, n. 3; see also p. 69, n. 6) comments that 'the suffix [•/ of half]
perhaps refers exceptionally to Abydos. though names of towns are usually feminine . The same
view has been formulated by Sethe (Erl tint. Lesest., p. 149, to 89. 16) and Blackman also translate.-
‘its chapels’ ( JEA 21, 4).

In reality the masculine suffix / does not refer to Abvdos. Thi- is evident from the following
parallel text (Thebe-, tomb No. 36, Dvn. 26) A ",-J] iilisQn^L

‘He (the deceased) says to the priesthood of the temple of Amuii at Karnak, and (of) hi*
chapels of the Divine Consort ’, in which the suffix -/clearly goes back to Annin, and not to Ipt-snt.
a word of feminine form which there would be no reason to consider as masculine.

The same interpretation must surely be applied to the Abydos text. The suffix ■/ of this text,
though the name of the god does not appear, refers to Osiri- and not to Abydos. It is perhaps not
impossible to refer the suffix to the word ntr 'god' of ht-ntr 'temple', lit. 'chapel of the god' — cf.

D ,U $ r~ f 1 2 I conducted the work in the temple, constructed It A house"’

(Cairo 20539, I, b, 1. 22). It is also possible that we have here a corrupt or awkwardly modified
text, the original reading having been mml ht-otr nt 117(7 w (or oh) >bdw 'priesthood of the temple
of Osiris at (or Lord of) Abvdos’.

Whatever may be the truth, the suffix •/ certainly doe- not refer to Abydos, and consequently
the exception- which, I think, would be quite unique — to the grammatical gender of the name- ot
towns is non-existent. J. J. Clkre.

On P. Lille I. 4

The last line of this important text is priuted thus in the original edition: errel ovv pern. ravra
yeypa<f>ev ETparoKXrjs 6 TaK[~6/x]iudos Kai 6 Aaplanos imyeypafev. But in the Additions et Correc-
tions TdKTopuodos is said to be very doubtful, as in fact is evident from the facsimile on PI. iv.
Moreover, as two letters in the same text are addressed ErparoKXei Kai AaploKwi. it may be pre-
sumed that the former was of superior rank to the latter. Lamiscus held the post of errl owraiews.
which ranked next to that of ypapparevs in the military administration. Now there exists in the
Cairo Museum a small fragment which was acquired along with some Zenon papyri, though 1 have
noted on my transcript that it is probably later than these. It i- the beginning of a memorandum
from a cleruch. ManeSovos rijs ft l~(rrapylas) (oyhorfKoi'Tapovpov) . who says erredaiKa IlrpaTOKXrl
toil yevopevaxi ypap.fia~A. There seems little doubt therefore that ill the Lille papyrus we should
read LjTpaTOKXijs 6 ypa\ pp)aT€vs . W hat follows between this ami AapioKos is not deal, at least m
the facsimile, but Kai 6 does not seem appropriate. One would expect m AaploKos kmyeypafev,
the meaning being ' Since subsequently the secretary has written that the official Arl owragewi
has assigned the land to the son or sons of the defunct'. Or it may be that Kai 6 AapioKos is
right, but that the following word should be l-rr lyeypaifxh'lai. But the only object of this note
is to make the text more intelligible by showing what was the real position of Stratocles.

C. C. Eduar.

1 Collated with original ; cf. Seheil. Le torn hen n d'Abn (Me m. M/ss.fr.. 5). 632 : Ckampollion, Xut Jh-cr .
I. 857.

2 q’tjg preceding context runs: 'Now as for him who shall mention my name fa\ourabl\ ( -7( . ip ' f>j rii’i nfr).
I will be his protector at the side of the Great God, Lord of Heaven, and at the side of the Great God. Lord
of Abydos’. It is grammatically difficult to attach the suffix of pr-f to ntr a nb ilsjir- the two sentences seem
to be entirely separate, and this is confirmed by the fact that ht-ntr i- without suffix.

(262)

NOTES AND NEWS

Prof. Blackman being prevented by another engagement from leaving England, our Acting Field
Director at Sesebi and El-Amara this winter is Mr. H. W. Fairman, who is accompanied by Mr.
I. E. S. Edwards, of the Department of Egvptian and Assvriau Antiquities, British Museum, and
Mr. David Bell, son of Dr. H. I. Bell.

Mr. 0. H. Myers is again at Armant, directing the Sir Robert Mond Expedition ; his staff includes
Mr. John Grant MacDonald and four technical assistants recruited in Egypt. Dr. H. A. Winkler is
continuing his photographic survey of the High Desert of Upper Egypt on behalf of Sir Robert.

Miss C'alverley and Miss Broome have not gone out to Abvdos this winter (see p. 119), but are
actively engaged at home in the preparation of Yol. iv of The Temple of King Setkos I.

An exhibition of antiquities found recently at Armant by the Sir Robert Mond Expedition was
held at the Institute of Archaeology, Regent’s Park, London, from September 1 to 25. The objects
on view were of all periods from Badarian to Arab, and came from the ancient city* of Hermonthis
and its temples, from cemeteries, from a mound called Kom el-’Abd and from a Coptic hermitage.
In addition was shown a very remarkable collection of photographs of rock drawings and inscrip-
tions ranging in date from predynastie to modern times, taken by Dr. Winkler in the course of his
desert survey.

Under the auspices of our Society, Dr. Dora Roberts is giving a lecture on January 17 at the Royal
Institution on ’Coptic Art : Its Development and Influence’.

Ever desirous of effecting such improvements as are possible in the periodical committed to out-
charge, we introduce with this Part a new feature, ’Brief Communications'. A circular letter on
the subject sent last summer to all contributors brought unanimous encouragement to create a
section which, resembling the ’Miszellen’, ’Notes’, ’Kleinere Beitrage’ and the like of similar journals,
should offer hospitality to communications on the one hand too short to merit the full status of an
article, and on the other not suitable to be incorporated in ’Notes and News'. Contributions should
not exceed one page of the Journal in length (in the somewhat smaller type used for the new section),
and should only in quite exceptional cases be accompanied by illustrations other than line figures in
the text.

Of Indexes. This year there are additional ones, of the Egyptian, Coptic, and Greek words dis-
cussed. The first two are from the hand of Mr. A. X. Dakin, Fellow of University College, Oxford ;
the third is by Miss D. M. Vaughan, the able Indexer of this Journal for seven years past. These
indexes will appear annually. Mr. Dakin, who is most kindly sharing the editorial load, has pre-
pared an index of Egyptian and Coptic words discussed in volumes 1-20, which the world shall have
shortly. It is our intention to publish with vol. 30 what we hope will be the first of a series of
decennial indexes, similar in scope to those at the end of vol. 20, but including the philological indexes.

Mr. Alan W. Shorter has kindly undertaken to deal with reviews (except those on papyrolomcal
or other Graeco-Roman matters) for this Journal in future. Correspondence on this subject should
be sent to Mr. Shorter at his home address, 7 Rotherfield Road, Carshalton, Surrev.

The death of Nora Christina Cobban Griffith, widow of Prof. F. LI. Griffith, on October 21, of
peritonitis after an appendectomy, at the age of 04, is deeply felt bv her many friends in this and

NOTES AND NEWS

•2G3

other countries. As some memorial to her in these pages, we cannot do better than transcribe a
notice by Mr. X. de G. Davies, one of her closest friends, which appeared in The Tunes of October 25 :

'She was the daughter of Surgeon-Major James Macdonald, of Aberdeen, and sister of Sir Ronald
Macdonald. A visit to Egypt in 1906 interested her in that country's past, and, having become a
pupil of Griffith at Oxford for a short time, she married him in 1909. Thenceforward she spent her
life in devoted co-operation with him in all his archaeological and linguistic enterprises and in his
campaigns in Egypt, Xubia, and the Sudan in 1910-13, 1923, 1929, and 1930. Since his death in
1934 her life was consecrated with the utmost devotion to superintending and herself labouring at
all the unfinished projects of her husband in the same spirit of exact scholarship that marked his
work. Two volumes of Demotic Graffiti of the Dodecaschoenvs, all the 70 plates of which are by her
conscientious hand, appeared this year, and three other undertakings of considerable scope are
well under way. She was indefatigable in spending time and money on this work, in supporting
further excavations at Firka and Kawa in the Sudan in connexion with the Oxford University
Excavations in Xubia (founded by Prof. Griffith in 1910), in assisting the Egypt Exploration
Society, and in keeping up to date the splendid Egyptological library at Sandridge, Boars Hill,
which now passes by trust-deed to the Ashmolean Museum.

'But if this activity was the admiration of her wide circle of friends at home and abroad, it was
her hospitality and goodness, her wide sympathies, sense. humour, and courage that gained their
love. She was working determinedly to the last and ignoring the remonstrances of her friends mid
of her mental and bodily forces. For the first time she is really at rest.'

Mrs. Griffith, by her will, has added her considerable fortune to her husband's as a bequest to the
University of Oxford for the creation of an Archaeological Institute, attached to the Ashmolean
Museum, which will contain the Griffith Library, and rooms for teaching and research in Egypto-
logy, and also accommodation for other branches of the archaeology of the Xear East. Building will
begin very soon, and it is expected that the new Institute will be completed by the end of 193d.
Meanwhile the library will remain at the Griffiths' house (which has also been bequeathed to the
University), Sandridge, Boars Hill, Oxford, and will be open to accredited readers. It is earnestly
hoped that those who have hitherto presented their works, whether books or offprints, to this, the
finest private Egvptologieal library in existence, will continue to do so, and thus contribute to
making Oxford an important centre of Egyptological activity.

Dr. H. I. Bell kindly sends us the following lines:

‘The Fifth International Congress of Papyrology was held at Oxford from the 30th August to
the 3rd September last, the head-quarters being at St. John’s College. The absence of Professor
Wilcken was a great disappointment to the Committee, as to all concerned, and it was much re-
gretted also that Professors Sehubart, Medea Xorsa. and Calderim, and one or two others who had
announced their intention of being present were prevented from attending: but there was a good
attendance, 161 out of over 175 who had enrolled being present. The weather was for the most part
favourable, and the Congress was much enjoyed by all who took part in it. Foreign members
particularly appreciated the opportunity of staying in college and thus seeing English University
life from the inside.

ir ptt 0 proceedings began on the Mondav evening with a reception by the Warden of Wadham
College, as Pro-Vice-Chancellor, in the Ashmolean Museum, kindly thrown open for the occasion
by the Keeper. This was followed on Tuesday evening by a Government reception in the Hall of
The Queen's College. The guests were received by Sir Stephen Gaselee, K.C.M.G., representing
the Foreign Office. For Wednesday afternoon an excursion by charabanc to the Cot-wolds had
been arranged, the Roman villa at Chedworth (where Miss M. V. Taylor kindly explained the
topography of the site), and the town of Burford being visited : this win enjoyed by a large party
On Thursday The Queen's College generously entertained the Congress at a Garden Party: and on
Wednesday evening the garden front of St. John's College was flood-lit. refreshments being provided
in the cloisters.

'The Bodleian Librarv arranged a special exhibition of papyri and granted free admission to

264

NOTES AND NEWS

members. Similar facilities were accorded by the libraries of Merton, Queen s, Corpus Christi, and
St. John’s Colleges, and an exhibition of papyri was also opened at the British Museum.

' Many interesting papers were read, and Mr. Colt on Thursday evening gave a lantern lecture,
which was much appreciated, on his excavations in southern Palestine. At the final meeting, on
Friday, it was decided that the next Congress should be held at Vienna in 1939. A generous offer
by the Fondation Egvptologique Heine Elisabeth to publish the proceedings was accepted so far
as was compatible with the facts that arrangements had already been made for the publication of
several communications elsewhere and that some members did not wish to publish their papers,
which were of a provisional and temporary nature only. The projected volume will contain the
full text of such papers as are available with brief summaries of the others and notifications of the
publications in which they are to appear.

' The Committee is much indebted to all who helped, in particular to the authorities of St. John's
College, The Queen's College, the Ashmolean Museum, and the Bodleian Library.’

The Chair of Egyptology in the University of Berlin, vacant since the death of Kurt Sethe in
July 1934, has at last been filled. Prof. Hermann Grapow, to whom we offer our congratulations,
was appointed to this position last October.

Other news from Germany will be received with mixed feelings. On December 1 Prof. Hermann
Ranke vacated the Chair of Egvptologv at Heidelberg. He is succeeded by Prof. Siegfried Schott.
We are informed that Prof. Ranke will carry on his private work at Munich, on his return from
Madison, Wis., where he is to teach and lecture for a semester as Visiting Professor in Archaeology
to the University of Wisconsin. Professor Georg Steindorff, who has most ably edited the Zeit-
nchrift fin- ayyptiscke Sprache mid Altertnmskunde for forty-three years past (with Erman, 1895-1906,
since then as full editor), has recently found it necessary to resign his direction of that journal. The
new editor will be Prof. Walther Wolf, whose name has appeared on the title-page as assistant since
1935.

At the end of October the following were dismissed from the Antiquities Department of the
Egyptian Government: Mr. Walter B. Emery, who replaced the late C. M. Firth at Sakkarah, and
has been excavating a very important First-Dynasty cemetery there; M. J.-P. Lauer, whose
admirable work, during the last ten years, in the restoration and technical study of the buildings
forming the Step Pyramid complex is well known ; Prof. Gustave Jequier, who since 1924 has been
excavating and publishing with notable success the pyramids and tombs of South Sakkarah; and
M. Henri Gauthier, formerly Secretary General of the Department, the scholar to whom we owe the
Lure den roin d Eyypte, the Diction naire des noms yeographiques, and many other valuable works.
We understand that, after representations made to the Egyptian Government by the British and
French Embassies, Messrs. Emery and Lauer have been reinstated temporarily; we earnestly hope
that their contracts will be renewed, and that M. Jequier will also be able to resume his work,
for otherwise the result can only be a deplorable diminution of the archaeological activity of the
Egyptian Government.

Dr. Heinrich Balcz, Haizingergasse 19, Vienna 18, and Dr. Egon Ritter v. Komorzynski, Wiih-
ringerstrasse 160, Vienna IS, announce that in the beginning of 1938 they will bring out the first
number of a new monthly periodical, Archie fur iigyptische Archuologie, which will contain short
articles, communications regarding field activities, reports from museums, societies and other insti-
tutions, and also personal and literary news. Contributions, which should if possible not exceed ten
typewritten sheets, may be in German. English, French, or Italian ; authors will receive ten off-
prints. Each part will contain about 25 pages ; the annual subscription will be 30 Austrian schillings,
the price of a single part 3 schillings. We wish the new venture all success, and shall watch with
interest the progress of an Egyptological monthly.

NOTES AND NEWS

265

The Roman periodical Orientalia, having acquired a fount of Dr. Gardiner's hieroglyphic type,
is now in a greatly improved position to publish articles on Egyptian matters.

We have pleasure in publishing the following announcement by the Bavarian Academy of
Sciences :

'Die Friedrich Marxstiftung bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Munehen,
Xeuhauserstrasse 51 setzt einen Preis von 1.500 RM a us fiirdie beste Bearbeitung des Gegenstandes:
'Die Stellung der Eingeborenenbevolkerung im staatlichen Leben Aegyptens zur Ptolemiierzeit.'

’Frist bis zum 1. April 1940.’

We offer our congratulations to Prof. G. A. Reisner. who attained his seventieth birthday on
November 5. We learn that the occasion was celebrated with fitting ceremony at Harvard Camp,
Gizah Pyramids, by the entire personnel, native and other, of the Harvard-Boston Expedition,
who presented the ‘Mudlr’ with a gold repeater watch.

‘And these Danish sentences have the solemn beauty of Assyrian prose at its best.' From a
recent review in Zeitschr.f. OrientforschiUKj. Fortunate Assyriologists, to be able to make such a
statement!

m m

( 266 )

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

Papyri Osloenses, Faso. III. Edited by S. Eitrem and Leiv Amundsen'. Oslo. Det Xorske Videnskaps-
Akademi i Oslo, 1936. xi-|-32G pp.. 12 pis. Kt. 50.

The third fascicule of the Oslo papyri is. like its immediate predecessor, a volume of miscellaneous texts,
and, though purists may argue that publication should respect differences of period and subject-matter,
there is much to be said from the point of view both of editor and reader for the older method. Specimens
of almost every type of text, the theological papyri excluded, are to be found in this volume, and although
the Ptolemaic age, with the exception of a single Homeric scrap, is unrepresented, as is also the later Byzan-
tine period, the texts are well divided between the intervening centuries. The editors are to be congratulated
on their thorough handling of this miscellaneous material, much of which, especially some of the important
public documents, is badly mutilated ; texts of all kinds meet at their hands with the same careful editing and
copious annotation, though it may be remarked, without prejudice to the rest, that their notes on religious
matters are particularly valuable. Attention should also be drawn to the useful general discussions which
accompany some of the texts ; those on the procedure and function of public physicians (pp. 101-2) and on
the state of the population of Oxyrhynchus in the third century (pp. 143 If.) may be instanced. On questions
of method two complaints may not be out of place: the first is that the description and discussion of a
particular papyrus always follows instead of preceding the text itself, surely an inconvenient method for the
ordinary reader, and the second is that no translations accompany the texts, whereas in two or three cases a
translation would have been a considerable help. It would also be a slight assistance if those texts of which
facsimiles are given bore some indication of it. English and American scholars, however, may well be grateful
to the editors for publishing their work in English which, if not quite faultless, never fails to be intelligible,

Of the literary papyri the most interesting is a long fragment of Isocrates' Panegyricus, of the usual so-
called eclectic type ; it is interesting to note that sometimes a hiatus is found in the Oslo text which the
mediaeval MSS. avoid. The other literary papyri are all Homeric texts and call for no comment, with the
exception of the small late Ptolemaic fragment, 68, which contains the final verses of Bk. Ill of the Iliad
and the initial ones of Bk. IV without any indication of the break. The semi-literary texts include a medical
and an astronomical fragment, each edited with a very full commentary, and another fragment of the
magical cryptogram, the Michigan portion of which was edited by Hunt in the Proceedings of the British
Academy for 1929 (it may be noted that to the small list of magical papyri prior to the third century should
be added P. Harr. 33 and 36, ascribed by their editor to the second century or earlier).

But the real importance of this volume lies in the official documents. The first is a very interesting
religious calendar of the imperial cult from Tebtunis, dated to the second half of the second century; this
is followed by a fragmentary copy of the already known edict of Hadrian granting a postponement of the
payment of taxes because of an exceptionally low Nile (in the still uncertain 1. 6 oeSe r[>A(«ais), picked up
by the TfXuav later in the sentence, would be a possible supplement), and an unfortunately very fragmentary
edict of Petronius Mamertinus prohibiting dmxwp-qois on the part of those appointed to liturgies and
apparently suggesting that more care be taken to appoint men with the necessary means for the position.
In a much better state of preservation is 85, an appeal from the exegete of Oxyrhynchus to the high-priest
(also described as rpiaorys — a new word— A'a- t ™A<W) and the xystarch of the local club to whip up as
many of the champion athletes as possible for the forthcoming Agon C'apitolinus. 88 is a letter of the late
fourth century concerned with the collection of taxes ; in this (11. 7 ff.) the writer says that unless the arrears
of AtVor are paid in full by the next day at latest, the pledges are forfeit and adds ol yap Xivovfoi cfeAawowai.
The editors suggest that this means that the linen-weavers are the debtors and are to be driven out
of their factories which are in fact the pledges for their payments. But it is possible here that AiW means
flax rather than linen and that the writer is pointing out that things are so bad, owing to the arrears of pay-
ment by the growers, that the weavers are being dismissed from the factories because there is no work for
them to do; this would suit better both the yap and the present tense of the verb. On the formal side 93
is of interest, as it is a declaration by A that he will fulfil his duties as night-watchman combined with an
oath by B. the father of A. that he will go surety for him, the document forming a single whole with no break

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS -207

or distinction between the two parts, 107 is a fragment of a roll of abstracts of documents in the SiSAiofe/sy
eyKTTjatatv. In the surviving portion a woman apparently complains that a part of a small house belonging
to her is not entered in her name in spite ot the fact that she hud sent the deed of sale to the registry anti
that the previous registrar had recognized her claim 67/Ao.(i') Kara ra. /teTnrjAjy ( thVra )] aural disAeA onr[o)yp( )
Staarpcu(gaTa) rijs a[vrijs) Kw(p.'qs) Kai Kara raj yet op(eVaj) eV aural atvojga/u’uvj /re di€OTpuxj9{ at ) roe Tfei oniifuv) . . .
The editors take perafiXqQtvra. and biaarpiipa-a together and are unable to assign a meaning to \oL 7 roypa<ieiv
in this context ; but a possible translation would he 'making it clear both that, in respect of the changes
registered by him, the lists of the village in question were not up to da te and that according to the documents
included in the Si da-paipa Psenosiris (from whom she had purchased the house) was not registered as
possessing it , i.e. her complaint is that in spite of this minute the village registers have not yet been put in
order {the contusion ot construction atter Sjj A da is intelligible and not without parallel). But probably the
most important document in the volume is 111, an extensive list of tree men and freedmen resident in two
quarters of Oxyrhynchus in a.d. 233, each entry being attested by an oath and no details regarding the age
or the dependents or profession ot those listed being given. These returns appear to have no parallel; we
may presume that they were drawn up with a view either to a new tax or a new distribution of liturgies ;
but their importance for the social and economic state of Oxyrhynchus at this period is greater than might
appear at first sight and is very well brought out by the editors, f ,<j. in their analysis of the number of
unoccupied houses (in one quarter it appears that the proportion of occupied to unoccupied houses was 22
to 27).

The private documents are less remarkable : but there are one or two letters ot some interest and two other
documents which throw some light on the social life of the period. The first, 143, is an account ot expenditure
incurred by a club of pastpphori ; one of the items, which the editors are at a loss to explain, is ianaToplas
kol-.w( ) where koivwv may perhaps mean, as also in the -Mulligan oMrakon cited in the note, pbupt ilule.
One of the payments is to the ypappar tvs, presumably ot the club; this official also occurs in an
unpublished Rylands papyrus dealing with a avvoSos ovarpariwriZi-. (Incidentally, in their discussion of the
literature of the subject reference should have been made to P. Lond. 2710, the law of a guild of Zeus
Hypsistos, published in Hun-. Theol. Her., 1030. pp. 30 ft.) The second is a list of subscribers to the
association of teponrai at Oxyrhynchus which includes men ot a considerable variety ot trades and, we
may presume, of social status. There is in addition a fair number ot contracts, several of which provide
points of interest.

In conclusion, a few minor points may be noted. On p. 22. 1. 2 for yiy read yiv; p. 71, note to 1. 2. the
reading McpKovpiai'fjs in P. TheacL, 20, 1 as an early variant (if a mistaken one) for the regular 'HpKovXlas,
which the editors of P. Osl. Ill would correct, is confirmed beyond any doubt by an unpublished Rylands
papyrus; in 1. 3 of 107 i-n-ifld\Aov should presumably be read for er</?dAAw; in 1. 11 of 12ft pijSeuof should be
supplied rather than ovdtvos. And Sehubart’s Einj ulintntj is several times referred to as Emhitumj.

C. H. Roberts.

Bible and Spade. An Introduction to Biblical Archaeology. By .Stephen L. ('aiger. London, Humphrey
Milford, 1930. Svo. xii-f 218 pp., 24 illusts. os. net.

Addressing itself primarily to the intelligent layman, this book oilers a concise account of the most
important of the information which archaeology and kindred Near Eastern studies can supply in elucidation
of Old Testament problems. Egyptology and Assyriology are largely drawn on, and the whole conveys a
surprising amount of information, yet the reader is never bored, thanks to the lively style in which the
book is written. It should certainly prove useful in supplying a background for the reading of the Old
Testament. At the same time the book cannot be recommended without reservation, and many statements
in it should not be accepted without reference to other authorities. At any rate, among the information
about Egypt certain misleading statements are made : e.g. it is hardly true to say (p. 2) of hieroglyphics that
‘each individual character represented not a singde letter, but a whole syllable, or even a whole word’. Xur
is it usually held that the 'secret of the Egyptian hieroglyphics’ was unravelled in 1830 (p. 12); and to
say that Sinuhe is written on a papyrus found in 1893 (p. 44) is true but conceals the fact that another
manuscript of the story had been known already half a century. Egyptian chronology is notoriously un-
certain, but surely the majority of historians would reject the view that the Hyksos rule was already well
established in Egypt in 2000 B.c. (p. 43). Again, it would have been more convenient if the name which
appears on p. 39 as ‘Senusert’, on p. 60 as ‘Sesostrib', and on p. 61 as ' I'sertesen ' had been consistently

•268 REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

spelled. These matters should not trouble the reader who consults other authorities, as Mr. Caiger hopes
many will, but for the sake of such as do the list of abbreviations might have given JEA and PSBA in
their more usual form, with correct expansions. The book is well printed and copiously illustrated.

A. N. Dakin.

The Egyptian Coffin Texts, edited by Adriaan de Buck and Alan H. Gardiner. Vol. I, texts of spells 1-75, by
Adriaan de Buck. University of Chicago Press, 1935. 4to. xix~405pp. §7-00.

The appearance of the present volume represents the approach to completion of a project first envisaged
by Dr. A. H. Gardiner and the late Prof. J. H. Breasted, namely that of hand-copying, photographing, and
ultimately publishing in autographed form all the existing Coffin Texts — the link between the Pyramid
Texts of the Old Kingdom and the funerary texts of the New Kingdom known collectively as the Book of.
the Dead — with the parallel texts of the spells arranged in vertical columns side by side. Dr. de Buck was
first associated in this work in 1925, and during the last few years the final editing has been solely in his hands
though most of the texts have been collated by Dr. Gardiner as well.

The arrangement in vertical columns renders possible the preservation of the direction of writing of the
originals together with the relative positions of the signs, and by its adoption it is hoped to render unnecessary
the publication of supplemental volumes dealing with these details at such length as those compiled by
the late Prof. Sethe for his publication of the Pyramid Texts.

The spells here tabulated for study come from coffins from Aswan, El-Bershah, Beni Hasan, Gebelen,
El-Lisht, Mer, Thebes, Asyut, and Sakkarah. In all, fifty-seven coffins are represented, and of these forty-
one are in the Cairo Museum, the remainder being for the most part in the British Museum, in the Louvre,
at New York, and at Boston. The organization and history of this great undertaking are instructively
described by one of its originators in J. H. Breasted, The Oriental Institute (Chicago, 1933), Chap. VII. It
must be remembered that many of the coffins are of such a size and weight as to render the copying of the
texts au exceedingly long and difficult task, and although the nature of the texts — to quote the introduction
— 'makes it probable that they will not be welcomed with joy by all Egyptologists', yet their appearance
together in print fills a great gap in the series of published Egyptian funerary texts. A supplementary volume
of details of palaeography and other information will be issued after the volumes of text are complete.

M. F. Laming Macadam.

Jledinet Habu Graffiti : Facsimiles. By W. F. Edgertox. (University of Chicago Oriental Institute Publica-
tions, xxxvi.) Chicago. The University Press, 1937. Fo. xi-j-6 pp.. 11 figs., 103 pis.

In the present work Dr. Edgerton publishes a long series of graffiti in hieroglyphic, hieratic, demotic.
Coptic and even Semitic, which have been recorded during the work of the University of Chicago Expedition
at Medinet Habu ; according to the Introduction it includes all those scratchings and scribblings which are
north recording, omitting only those which are hopelessly effaced. Besides actual inscriptions there are
rough sketches of gods and various designs, including the common pairs of 'footprints’, as well as coloured
and photographic facsimiles of some badly damaged Coptic wall-paintings, which, though not graffiti in the
strict sense of the word, were well worth including, especially as they bear short Coptic inscriptions in ink.
An interesting item is the ink -drawn cryptographic inscription on PI. (> (No. 21, not No. 0 as stated in p. 1.
n. 1), which was found on the lintel of a doorway particularly rich in graffiti.

As might be expected, the condition of the inscriptions varies greatly; while some are fairly clear,
others are well-nigh illegible at first glance. The author promises us a volume devoted to the interpretation
of these miscellaneous writings, which will add greatly to the interest of this valuable publication. A word of
praise is due to the excellent sketch-plans of figures 1-1 1 . which show as far as is possible the exact position
of each graffito on the walls of the temples. R. O. Faulkner.

The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptians to Death and the Dead. By Alan H. Gardiner. (The Frazer Lecture
for 1935.) Cambridge University Press, 1935. 8vo. 45 pp. 2s.

This lecture is a carefully considered answer to the question which the students of comparative religion
may often have wished to put to the Egyptologist, namely, did the Egyptians exhibit much fear of their
dead? To this query Dr. Gardiner replies with a qualified negative, and he proceeds to expound the subject

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS 2G9

with great lucidity. To the Egyptian the universe was peopled by three sorts of beings, men, gods, and
the dead ; and their attitude to all three classes was substantially the same. An Egyptian saw no special
reason to fear a dead person unless the latter happened to be a dead person of bad character, in which
case he would fear him as he would a living man, except that the invisibility of a spirit rendered him rather
more dangerous. To the malignity of such black sheep among the departed would be ascribed illnesses of
which the cause was not apparent, and magic would be employed to repel the evil influence. Again, as
Dr. Gardiner points out in the second part of his essay, it is impossible to say that the Egyptians, except
in a few cases, ever really troubled themselves deeply about the funerary cults of their relations or prede-
cessors. Their attitude towards death was an intensely personal and indeed selfish one. They nursed a
continual anxiety concerning the tomb-ritual and paraphernalia which would make possible their own
survival after death, without realizing that the cultivation of a sense of duty towards the needs of others
in this respect would result in the maintenance of their own funerary cults. Had they done so they might,
as the author says, ‘have saved themselves from that sense of futile effort which may be read between
the lines of almost every funerary inscription'.

Alan W. Shorter.

Sprachliche und Schriftliche Fonnung Agyptiucher 7' exit. By Hermann Grapow. (Leipziger Agyptologisc-he
Studien. Heft 7.) Gluckstadt, J. J. Augustin, 103b. Svo. fib pp., 12 pis. 8 Rm.

In the present work Professor Grapow to some extent breaks new ground. His book falls into two parts ; an
account of the various literary devices employed by the Egyptians, and a discussion of the arrangement
of written texts. In other words, he inquires how the ronttnts of texts strike the reader and how those texts
appear to the eye.

Turning first to the question of style, he points out that the main devices employed, apart from straight-
forward narrative, were (1) similes and metaphors, (2) paronomasia, and (3) alliteration, the two latter being
closely bound up together; the association of like-sounding words in puns had, however, often as much a
magical as a literary purpose.

The Egyptians did not generally employ any methods for punctuating texts during the earlier period, and
even later, when the verse-point had come into use, its employment was by no means universal, so they
invented a stylistic method of dividing up long texts into paragraphs, one which appealed to the ear rather
than to the eye. Thus in narrative we have the common formula hr ir m-ht hrw Inwsin fir nil and its variants
introducing new' stages in a story, and </<<•« and inrln often serving the same purpose : in order to strike
the eye as well as the ear these formulae were often written in red ink. which was also commonly used for
titles, headings, and the like. The same end was achieved in non-narrative literary texts by similar repetition
of other formulae or introductory words. An allied system is the ‘parallelism of members found in Egyptian
as in Hebrew' poetry marking off strophe from strophe, and here, too, alliteration may play a part ; Grapow
gives an interesting analysis of the developments of this poetic style. Yet another mode ot splitting up a
text into larger sections was the insertion of the word fact ‘stanza’, chapter , followed by its number, at the
head of each main division. It is found both in poetry (e.g. Leyden Hymn to Amun. Beatty Love-Songs)
and in prose (Teaching of Amenemope) ; when used in poetry the opening and closing words in each verse
had to make some kind of pun with the verse-number.

Dealing with the outward arrangement of texts, the author points out that the Egyptians usually made no
distinction between poetry and prose when writing a manuscript, so that it is only possible to tell one from
the other bv actual perusal; he quotes the Lehensmn.de as a case in point. On the other hand, the later
verses of the Kahun Hymn to Sesostris are clearly marked off as such by their arrangement, though such a
distinction is exceptional. It is impossible in a review to describe all the methods employed, but the author
has submitted to a detailed analysis all such scribal devices, whether for distinguishing poetry from prose
or for saving space by avoiding the constant repetition of a frequently occurring sentence, and lias illustrated
his account with a number of excellent Plates showing typical arrangements. The general effect is often
decidedly diagrammatic, see especially Pis. 4 and 7, and Grapow has acutely obsened that such arrange-
ments are ultimately based on those of lists or inventories.

Punctuation did not come into common use until the New Kingdom, w hen we find the verse-point often,
though not universally, employed to mark off sentences and phrases in literary and semi-literary texts; the

sign —a is not infrequently used to denote the end of longer sections. Grapow s statement that — i is lacking

in old texts is, however, subject to modification; this sign is found occasionally in the Coffin Texts, e.g.

•270

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

at the end of Spells 6. 13, and 14 of de Buck's edition in certain variants, though here a single or double
horizontal line in red is more often employed, such being quite suitable for texts w ritten in \ ertieal columns.
The fact that m the Collin Texts is used in vertical lines tends to support the older view, rejected by
Gr.ipow, that it is ultimately derived from, or at least suggested by, the — 0 of the Pyramid Texts, though
doubtless his own view of its connexion with grh ' to cease' is true in part.

In such a work as this, where a large field is covered in a small space, it is inevitable that here and
there the author will express an opinion with which not all will agree, but taken as a whole this is an
admirable piece of work which should be studied by all who are interested in Egyptian literature. One slip
of the pen has been detected on p. 25, where the stanzas of the Lamentation x of Isis and A epJithys are quoted
as beginning with ^ i | i ( - - - ; actually the formula employed is ^ X ^ [g

R. O. Faulkner.

Ancient Egyptian Dance-. By Irena Lexova. Translation by K. Haltmar. Praha. Oriental Institute.

1935. 8vo. SO pp.. TS tigs. 5s.

This book is more a collection ol material than an interpretation; and much of the text could have
been spared where it is nierclv description of the plates. But it is a useful addition to our knowledge of
Egyptian recreation, and although Ermau, Wilkinson, Wiedemann, and others have written about the
subject, this is the first time that it has been treated really scientifically.

The authoress has perhaps been rather too imaginative in some of her descriptions, and in some cases
I disagree with her: tor example. Figs. 10 and 41 surely show only momentary actions, nor indeed is the
posture in Fig. 10 such a difficult one as she imagines — it could be, and frequently is. performed by modern
dancers. Also 1 very much doubt whether her Fig. 53 represents a dance ; it seems to depict merely a group
ol musicians. The stress that the authoress lays on the smooth movements of Egyptian dancers is welcome
after the peculiar stiff postures which are used in modern ' Egyptian" dances, and which she rightly censures.

Xot the least valuable part of the book is the short chapter on the social status of the dancers, a subject
on which we are very badly informed; she divides them into three main groups: harem-dancers, temple-
dancers. and groups of itinerant dancers.

The translation is. with one or two exceptions, in accurate English.

P. L. Shinnie.

.4 Scheme of Egyptian Chronology: nith notes thereon including notes on Cretan and other Chronologies. By

Duncan Macnaughton. M.A.. LL.B. London. Luzac and Co.. 1932. Svo. xii-f 402 pp., 18 pis.

25s.

This remarkable hook gives some measure ol encouragement to those who believe, or hope, that definite
dates can he assigned to events in the prehistory of Egypt and other parts of the Ancient World. The
system ot dating given therein is based chiefly on astronomical and mathematical data, and is possibly a
little too concisely expressed to be easily intelligible to the layman. The conclusions to which Mr. Mac-
naughton comes are slightly unusual, for he dates the beginning of the three greatest Dynasties of Egypt
as follows: F'irst Dynasty, 5770 b.c.. Twelfth Dynasty 3373 b.c., and Eighteenth Dynasty 1709 b.c. From
the purely archaeological point of view there is little for the reviewer to say. for monuments of human
activity are not discussed to any great extent, except certain literary records. The reader may perhaps
question the accuracy of some of the translations of texts, and may also feel more doubtful of what was
meant by the latter than Mr. Maenaughton appears to be.

The reviewer would suggest that, while almost anything may be true in prehistoric archaeology, such
an (implied) statement as that the level of the soil of the place where the Palace of Knossos was built
has risen at a steady rate from the first day it was inhabited until the present time is probably incorrect.
The soil covering ancient sites is formed almost entirely by the destruction of habitations, not by the
decomposition of natural things, and there is no evidence to suggest that the site of the Palace itself was
occupied by men after about 1000 B.c.

New ideas are always valuable in archaeology, and this book, with its careful calculations from the
rather scanty evidence at present available, may be welcomed as a courageous attempt to assist prehis-
torians in their difficult task.

Theodore Burton Brown.

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS 271

Muse'e de VErmitage, Societe pour les etudes de Vancieit Orient. Publications 2 (9). Leningrad, 1935. 8vo.

68 pp., 5 pis. 4r., 50/;.

This little publication contains some interesting articles, notably that by A. Matchinsky, .4 propos de hi
gamme musicale egyptienne-, he proposes a sounder classification of Egyptian musical instruments than that
of Sachs, who merely divided them according to the playing position. His most important conclusion is that
in the Old Kingdom the scale had intervals of a complete tone, and that the semi-tone scale came into u>e in
the Eighteenth Dynasty.

TichonoS in his description of the cleaning of the Magic Bowl in the Hermitage .Museum assures us that
the inscription can now be read ; unfortunately he gives no copy of it, and the photograph is useless from this
point of view. Lourie, who shows that the word hd ‘silver' also means ‘money’ in several cases, has appar-
ently not noticed that Peet covered the same ground in Griffith Studies, pp. 124-5.

It seems a pity that the articles in English should suffer from many errors in spelling and some unusual
grammar.

P. L. Shinnie.

Topographiml Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts , Beliefs, mid Paintings. V. 1 ' p per Egypt:

Sites. By Bertha Porter and Rosalind B. Moss, I!,. Sc. Oxon. Oxford, Humphrey Milford, The

Clarendon Press, 1937. 4to. xxiii+292 pp., plans and maps. 35s.

This fifth volume of the Topographicul Bibliography covers the whole of the Nile Valley between Asyut
and Philae, with the exception of Thebes, which was dealt with in the first two volumes. It excludes, how -
ever, the temples of Sethos I and Ramesses II at Abydos, the Osireion. and the standing Graeco-Roman
temples of Upper Egypt, all of which are to be included in Yol. VI. This monumental Bibliography has been
so often and so justly praised that little remains to be said except that the present volume fully maintains
the very high standard of its predecessors and is an indispensable instrument for Egyptological research.

R. O. Faulkner.

Catalogue des Ostraca hieratiques litteraires de Dcir A M<dineh. By G. Posener. (Documents de fouilles do

l’lnstitut fran^ais d'archeologie orientale du Caire, tome I.) Premier fascicule, Cairo. 1934. 4to. 8 pp.,

39 pis. P. Eg. 65. Deuxieme fascicule, Cairo, 1936. 4to. 8 pp., 32 pis. P. Eg. 45.

A number of literary hieratic ostraca which have accumulated in increasing yearly quantity lrom the
excavations of the French Institute at Der el-Medlnah since 1917 are published here. M. Posener's two
fascicules have no introduction, and for information concerning them the reader must at present turn to
Professor J. Cerny’s introduction to his publication of the non-literary ostraca from the same source (tonics
in and iv of this series, Cairo, 1935). There is no attempt to discuss the texts represented, but each ostraeon
is transcribed in full according to the principles enunciated by Dr. Gardiner, each transcription being accom-
panied either by a hand-drawn facsimile or by a photograph.

The texts concerned are young scribes' exercises ol varying merit, dictated, as n-Mial. chietiy from the
three compositions known collectively as Pap. Sallier II. namely the ‘Instrur tion of Ameneinhet . the bat ire
on the Professions' and the ‘Hymn to the Nile’, but in addition several ostraca quote passages, some without
hitherto published parallels, from Pap. Anastasi I. in some cases admitting of the restoration of lacunae and
so leading in a small way to a better understanding of this difficult composition, and in others showing tin-
existence of important divergences between the text employed by the ostraca and that ot the papyrus. This
point has been the subject of an interesting article by M. Posener in the Melanges Maspe.ro.

Of Sallier II we have no complete transcribed edition, and it is difficult for the student when reading it
to carry in his head at one time all the parallels provided. He has first to look through the list of ostraca
to discover how- many there may be and then to examine each one closely, since the lines ot a broken ostraeon.
when compared with the main text, appear and disap]>ear like the stitches ot a needle. hero there is a
transcribed edition, such as Dr. Gardiner s ot Anastasi I. it is possible lor the references to the freshly
discovered ostraca to be written in. but it would greatly help the student if publications of this kind included
tables arranged not merely under catalogue numbers but under the page and line numbers of the parent
texts, and it is to be hoped that such tables w ill appear in the last fascicule of literary ostraca or in the final
volumes of indices described by Dr. Ferny. The present arrangement ot the plates with the corresponding
transcriptions opposite is very convenient and leaves nothing to be desired.

51. F. Laming Macadam.

•272 REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

The Priiute Life of the Ancient Egyptians. Metropolitan Museum of Art. New Tork. 1935. 4 pp., 20 pis.
25c.

This little hook is one of a series now being published by the Metropolitan Museum under the heading of
•Picture Books' at a very low cost. It is an example which might well be followed by the larger museums
in this country, for there are many visitors whose interest has been sufficiently aroused to encourage them
to buv an attractivelv bound collection of pictures, but who would hesitate before purchasing a guide-book
filled with letterpress and with few illustrations. For the instruction of classes from schools there could be
nothing more admirably devised than this booklet. The pictures themselves are good photos, well chosen
to cover the most interesting phases of Egyptian life, while Dr. \\ inlocks introductory description is a
masterpiece of enlightened brevity.

A lax W. Shorter.

Das hieroglyphische Schriftsystem. By Kurt Sethe. (Leipziger Agyptologisehe Studien, Heft 3.) Gliickstadt
and Hamburg, Augustin, 1935. 8vo. 25 pp.. 2 pis.. 8 tables. RM. 2-00.

The third volume of the recently instituted series of handbooks published under the title of ‘Leipziger
Agyptologisehe Studien’, and edited by Prof. Walther Wolf, comes posthumously from the pen of the late
Prof. Sethe. This is not a lengthy treatise, such as one might have been led to suppose from the title and the
distinguished name of the author, nor. as the editor warns us, does it seek to propound any new theories
about the origin and development of Egvptian writing. Thanks to the Egyptians" peculiar custom of pre-
serving side by side with new developments in the graphic art the original forms from which those develop-
ments sprang, there remains little that is fresh for us to learn to-day about the Egyptian hieroglyphic system.
The pamphlet, which is well illustrated with tables and photographs, is a short and convenient summary for
the student wishing to compare the Egyptian w ith other hieroglyphic systems.

M. F. Laming Macadam.

Le Champ des rosetnt.x et le champ des offnmdes dun* la religion fune'raire et la religion generate. By Raymond
Weii.i.. (Etudes d'Egyptologie. III.) Paris. Geuthner. 1 030. 8vo. xi— 165 pp. 90 fr.

In this monograph the writer investigates exhaustively the history of two regions of the Other World
which play an important part in Egyptian funerary literature: the Field of Reeds (sht l, die) and the Field
of Offerings (sht htp). the location of which requires a close examination if the confusion of Egyptian theology
is to be penetrated and the original conception grasped. Dr. Weill proves clearly that both regions are
essentially solar, and are intimately connected with the Sun-god's daily journey across the Heavens, the
former being situated in the eastern horizon and the latter in the western horizon. With the general accep-
tance of the Osirian cult, however, these two regions shared in the process of Osirianization undergone by
several departments of the solar religious system, but in this case the blend remained an entirely artificial
one, Osiris being by his very nature foreign to these districts of the horizon. The author discusses the
subject in great detail, following the treatment of the two 'fields’ from the Pyramid Texts, through the
Coffin Texts, to the Book of the Dead, and collecting a considerable amount of material which should
prove valuable to the student of Egyptian funerary literature. The book is exceedingly well indexed,
with a complete table of all the religious texts quoted in the thesis.

Alan W. Shorter.

Travels in Egypt. Letters of Charles Edwin Wilbogr. The Brooklyn Museum, 1936. 8vo. xvi-f 614 pp.,
25 pis.

These letters, written from Egypt, form the bulk of Wilbour s daily correspondence with members of
his family in Paris and America between 1880 and 1891 . As their editor. Prof. Capart, confesses, they were
not intended for publication, and there is. of course, a good deal of family gossip which will not be appreciated
by the uninitiated reader. From the purely scientific point of view. too. only a few have any interest, and the
single-minded Egyptologist, avid for precise information about the epoch-making discoveries in the eighties
and nineties of the last century, will not easily find it in this massive volume. But to the historian of Egypto-
logy these letters will have value, and as social documents they are frequently very entertaining.

\\ ilbour was first and foremost a journalist, and his eye for the picturesque fortunately remained un-

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS 273

d imm ed by his enthusiasm for Egyptology. As an Egyptologist he gained a considerable reputation —
Sayce among others thought highly of his work — and he will be remembered for his discovery of the
Famine Stela on the Island of Sehel and for the Hood-Wilbour Papyrus in the British Museum. Nowadays,
no doubt, he would be called a dilettante, and his cynical criticism of Maspero, that ‘he works only on what
he can make an article about’, would be reckoned a poor excuse for his own lack of published work. But
his solid services to Egyptology must not be overlooked. By his tireless energy in visiting ancient sites and
by his persistent prodding of dormant officialdom, he saved many monuments from destruction, and by his
timely purchase of antiquities he formed the nucleus of a fine collection which is now to be seen at Brooklvn.

As a whole these letters paint a very vivid picture of Egypt at a time when scientific archaeology in the
country was still in its infancy. The modern excavator will read with envy of innumerable rich sites which
might then have been at his disposal, unhampered by considerations of national amour propre ; a little
wistfully, of gallabiyahs stuffed with antiquities and fragments of papyri; and with a silent tear, of ancient
settlements set upon with magnificent abandon in a feverish scramble for the inscriptions which would
give the clues to Egypt’s past. Across the scene pass the figures of many of the then young Egyptologists — •
of whose subsequent renown we are reminded in a series of reverent footnotes — who were to bring order
out of chaos ; notably Petrie, the founder of scientific archaeology in Egypt.

Wilbour, like most men of character, was not above prejudice. This and a sly sense of humour add
considerable spice to his writing. He disliked the English, for instance, especially the Government officials
— one gets the impression from his letters of a society distinguished by a very successful blend of snobbery,
hypocrisy, and low cunning ; and his accusation that the Department of Public Works gave out contracts for
building, the stones to be taken from the Great Pyramid, may (or may not) be taken with a grain of salt.
Nor did the eccentricities of his colleagues escape his journalistic eye. De Rochemonteix’s triumphant arrival
from France with two children, two nurses, and two goats is a pleasant picture. Emil Brugsch's genial offer
to his friends ‘of any of the less prominent small things in the Museum’ (to be sent to their hotel next
morning) is reported without comment. And, last but not least, a picturesque but quite libellous anecdote
of the Abbe Amelineau who, we are told, in his lust for Coptic manuscripts, tried to burgle the White
Monastery, having previously drugged all the monks.

But such frivolities in no way detract from the value of these letters as sources for an important period in
the history of Egyptology. Our thanks are due, therefore, to Prof. Capart for their publication, and for
the accompanying number of excellent plates illustrating antiquities in the Wilbour Collection at the
Brooklyn Museum. L. P. Knew an.

( 275 )

LIST OF PLATES

A Family Stela in the University Museum, Philadelphia.

Plate I. The Stela of Sisopdu-Iyenhab

Plate II. The Stela of Sisopdu-Iyenhab.

1. Top side.

2. Left side.

3. Right side. Scale 2:7 ....

Plate III. The Stela of Sisopdu-Iyenhab: back. Scale 2:5

page

Frontispiece

facing p. 2

The Paintings of the Chapel of Atet at Medum.

Plate IV. Reconstruction of the Xorth Wall of the Painted Corridor in the Chapel of Atet

at Medum ......... between pp. 18 and 19

Plate V. Fragments probably from the South Wall of the Corridor of the Chapel of

Atet ............ facing p. 20

Plate VI. Paintings from the Mastaba of Xeferma<at and Atet at Medum.

1. Fragment in Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

2. Cairo fragment, Xo. J. 48850.

3. Fragment in Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia facing p. 22
Plate VII. Supplementary Reconstruction of the Xorth Wall of the Painted Corridor in the

Chapel of Atet ............ 24

The Papyrus of Khnememhab in University College, London.
Plate VIII. The Papyrus of Khnememhab. Sheet 1, Left
Plate IX. The Papyrus of Khnememhab. Sheet 1, Right
Plate X. The Papyrus of Khnememhab, Sheet 2

between pp. 36 and 37

An Oxyrhynchus Document Acknowledging Repayment of a Loan.
Plate XI. Papyrus X'o. 7741, Garrett Deposit Collection, Princeton

facing p. 70

Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Sesebi. Xorthern Province, Anglo-Egyptian
Scdax, 1936-7.

Plate XII. Excavations at Sesebi, 1936-7. Fragment of Relief, displaying two life--ize
negro heads ...........

Plate XIII. Excavations at Sesebi, 1936-7. General plan of the town, showing walls, gates,
temples, magazines, and excavated section of the south-west residential
quarter ...........

Plate XIV. Excavations at Sesebi, 1936-7. Plan and section of the three contiguous
temples ...........

Plate XV. Excavations at Sesebi, 1936-7.

1 . Gateway in W. wall: water channel below paving (the brick blocking is from a
later occupation).

2. The Temples after excavation, showing substructure, also foundations on
X. wall and X T . end of forecourt.

3. Central temple after excavation ; view looking W. showing inner hypost \ le
hall and sanctuary.

4. View of houses looking E. from F. 7.1. In foreground are two plastered
bins

145

146
146

148

276

LIST OF PLATES

Plate XVI. Excavations at Sesebi, 1936-7.

1. Head of statue.

2. Faience vase.

3. Small sun-temple ( ?), showing remains of W. stairway and later enclosure

wall ........... facing p. 148

Plate XVII. Excavations at Sesebi, 1936-7. Foundation deposits.

1. Southern foundation-deposit pit, S.W. corner of substructure.

2. Blue faience objects.

3. Wooden Objects.

4. Copper models of implements ....... 150

Plate XVIII. Excavations at Sesebi, 1936-7.

1 . Pottery from southern foundation-deposit pit. X. W. corner of substructure.

2. Nineteenth-dynasty scarabs from cemetery.

3. Objects from debris.

4. Fragment of relief from temple debris ...... ,, 150

Plate XIX. Excavations at Sesebi, 1936-7. Plan of the houses so far excavated . ,, 150

A Toilet Scene ox a Funerary Stela or the Middle Kingdom.

Plate XX. Fragment of the Stela of Ipwet ........ 165

Notes on the Bahren, Nuwemisah, and El-A‘reg Oases in the Libyan Desert.

Plate XXI. Oasis in the Libyan Desert.

Some of the caves at Bahren .......... 226

Plate XXII. Oases in the Libyan Desert.

A section of the caves at Nuwemisah 226

Plate XXIII. Oases in the Libyan Desert.

From tombs at El-A‘reg .......... 228

Plate XXIV. Oases in the Libyan Desert.

Tomb 16b at El-A‘reg

228

( 277 )

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT

PAGE

The Paintings of the Chapel of Atet at Medum.

Fig. 1. Diagram of reconstructed wall-paintings on PI. iv to indicate the present location of

the various fragments ............ 19

Fig. 2. Plan of the chapel of Atet ........... 20

Fig. 3. Suggested restoration for fragment No. 3 on PI. v . . . . . . 22

Fig. 4. Fragment at University College, London ........ 25

Fig. 5. Various fragments at University College, London ....... 25

An Analysis of the Petrie Collection of Egyptian Weights.

Fig. 1. Distribution Curve of L T nit. Dyns. I-IV ......... 41

Fig. 2. Ditto. Dyns. V-X ............ 41

Fig. 3. Ditto. Dim. XII ............ 41

Fig. 4. Ditto. All specimens, Dyns. I-XII ......... 41

Fig. 5. Ditto. Dyn. XVIII ............ 44

Fig. 6. Ditto. Dyn. XVIII. Assigned specimens only. Smoothed observations ... 44

Fig. 7. Ditto. All Barrel forms, Petrie's Nos. 48-53. Smoothed observations ... 44

Fig. 8. Ditto. All Duck forms, Petrie’s Nos. 77-81. Smoothed observations ... 44

Fig. 9. Ditto. Dims. XX-XXV 48

Fig. 10. Ditto. Dims. XX-XXV. Assigned specimens only. Smoothed observations . . 48

Fig. 11. All black quartzose specimens. Smoothed observations ..... 48

Fig. 12. Dyns. XX-XXV, excluding all black quartzose specimens. Smoothed observations 4S
Fig. 13. Distribution Curve of Unit. Defennah. ........ 53

Fig. 14. Ditto. Dyns. XXVI-XXX .......... 53

Fig. 15. Ditto. Naukratis ............ 54

Fig. 16. Ditto. Dim. XXVI to Roman Period ......... 54

Notes on the Bahren, Nuivemisah. and El-A‘reg Oases in the Libyan Desert.

Fig. 1. A. Painted on wall of tomb at El A'reg. B. Incised on fragment of marble at Burg

el- ‘Arab 228

( 278 )

LIST OF REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF PUBLICATIONS

The Desert Fayum. G. C'aton-Thompsoii and E. W. Gardner .

Einiges znr dritten Bauperiode der grossen Pyramide bei Gise. L. Borehardt
History and Significance of the Great Pyramid. Basil Stewart
Die thebanisehe Graberwelt. Georg Steindorff and Walter Wolf
Das agyptische Marc-hen. LTsprung und Xachwirkung altester Marehen-
dichtung bis zur Gegenwart. Max Pieper .....

Fragments of an Unknown Gospel and other early Christian Papyri. H.
Idris Bell and T. C’. Skeat ........

The Xew Gospel Fragments. H. Idris Bell and T. C. Skeat
A Third-Century Papyrus Codex of the Epistles of Paul. Henry A. Saunders
Recent Discoveries of Biblical Papyri. H. I. Bell .....

European Civilization, its origin and development, Yol. i. Edward Eyre
Les Ostrac-a grees de la Collection Charles-Edwin Wilbour an Musee de
Brooklyn. Claire Preaux ........

Two Biblical Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester. C'. H.
Roberts ...........

Die Sondergeric-htsbarkeit im griechischen Recht Agyptens. Erich Berneker
By Light, Light. The Mystic Gospel of Hellenistic Judaism. Erwin R.
Goodenough ..........

Untersuchungen fiber die koptischen Proverbientexte. Alexander Bohlig
Papvri Osloenses, Fasc. III. S. Eitrem and Leiv Amundsen .

Bible and Spade. Stephen L. Caiger .......

The Egyptian Coffin Texts. Adriaan de Buck and Alan H. Gardiner
Medinet Habu Graffiti: Facsimiles. W. F. Edgerton ....

The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptians to Death and the Dead. Alan H.
Gardiner ...........

Sprachliche und sehriftliehe Formung agyptisc-her Texte. Hermann Grapow
Ancient Egyptian Dances. Irena Lexova ......

A Scheme of Egyptian Chronology, with notes thereon, including notes on
Cretan and other Chronologies. Duncan Macnaughton, M.A., LL.B. .
Musee de l'Ermitage, Societe pour les etudes de l'ancien Orient
Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglvphic Texts,
Reliefs, and Paintings. V. Upper Egypt : .Sites. Bertha Porter and
Rosalind B. Moss .........

Catalogue des Ostraca hieratiques litteraires de Deir el Medineh. G.
Posener .........

The Private Life of the Ancient Egyptians (Metropolitan Museum of Art)
Das hieroglyphische Schrift system. Kurt Sethe .....

Le Champ des roseaux et Ie champ des offrandes dans la religion funeraire
et la religion generate. Raymond Weill ......

Travels in Egypt. Letters of Charles Edwin Wilbour (The Brooklyn
Museum)

Reviewed by page

G. A. Wainwright 125

G. A. Wainwright 127

G. A. Wainwright 129

R. O. Faulkner 129

R. 0. Faulkner 130

T. W. Manson 130

C. H. Roberts 133

C. H. Roberts 134

Theodore Burton Brown 134

H. I. Bell 135

H. I. Bell 138

C. C. Edgar 138

H. P. Kingdon 139

W. E. Crum 140

C. H. Roberts 266

A. X. Dakin 267

M. F. Laming Macadam 268
R. 0. Faulkner 268

Alan W. Shorter 268

R. O. Faulkner 269

P. L. Shinnie 270

Theodore Burton Brown 270
P. L. Shinnie 271

R. 0. Faulkner 271

M. F. Laming Macadam 271
Alan W. Shorter 272

M. F. Laming Macadam 272

Alan W. Shorter 272

L. P. Kirwan 272

( 279 )

GENERAL INDEX

Abbreviations approved for frequently cited books
and periodicals, 119-20; list of, 142—1, sup-
plement, 230.

Abimilki Prince of Tyre, Egyptian correspondence
of, 190-203; employs Egyptian scribe, 191,
196 ff. ; chronology, 195.

Abu Ghurab, Sun Temple at, 7.

Abuslr, Pyramid Temples at, 7.

Abydos, stela from, 1 ff. ; Temple of S ethos I at, 119,
262.

Adolf Erman, 1854-1937, W. E. Crum, 81-2.

Akhenaten, connexion of with Sesebi, 145, 147, 148;
unique epithet of, 148 ; renderings of name
in ‘Amarnah Letters, 194 f. ; 192 f.

Albright, W. F., The Egyptian Correspondence
of Abimilki, Prince of Ti’re, 190-203.

Aldridge, Dr., 145.

Alexandria, oppressed peasants flee to, 69.

‘Amarnah Tablets, 190 ff. ; chronology of, 194 f.

Amen-Re', Sokar identified with, 15.

Amenemope, inscription of. at Sesebi, 149.

Amenemwia, owner of stolen property, 188 f.

Amenophis III, 'Amarnah letters written to, 194 f.

Amenophis IV, represented at Sesebi, 117, 147 ff. ;
in ‘Amarnah letters, 195. See Akhenaten.

Amundsen, Leiv, with S. Eitrem, Papyri Os-
loenses , Fasc. in (reviewed), 266 f.

Analysis of the Petrie Collection of Egyptian
Weights, An, A. S. Hemmy. 39-56.

LApep (Apopis), 36; ritual of destroying, 38, 166 ff..
175 ft.

Archaeological Institute at Oxford, provided for by
Griffith bequest, 263.

Architecture, earlv, 7 ; of Xeferma<at s mastaba,

18 ff.

Archie fur agyptische Archiiologie, new monthly. 264.

Armant Expedition, short report of work. 1936-7,
117-18; personnel of, 1937-8. 262.

Armstrong College, Xewcastle-on-Tyne, 226.

Arsinoite nome, burden of taxation in, 65 f.. 74;
documents from. 209 ff., 211 ff.

Art of the Third and Fifth Dynasties. The. Kurt
Pfluger (trans. E. W. Burney), 7-9.

Ashmolean Museum, IS, 21, 122, 204, 263.

Atet, chapel of, at Medum, paintings in. 17-26.
See Smith.

Aziru of Amurru, chronology of, 195.

Bahren oasis, 226 f., 229.

Balances, ancient, inaccuracy of, 39 f.

Banebded, 179.

Barber, E. A., Bibliography: Graeco-Roman
Egypt, Part I: Papyrology (1936).

§ 1. Literary Texts, 83-5.

Barrel-form weights, 43, 45.

Bassius Rufus, Prefect, 67.

Bastet, priests of, 14.

Bavarian Academy of Sciences offers essay-prize, 265.

Bedouin in western oases, 226, 229.

Bell, Mr. David, 262.

Bell, H. I., Recent Discoveries of Biblical Papyri
(reviewed), 134; report of Fifth International
Congress of Papyrology, 263 ; short obituary
notice of A. Deissmann, 121-2; reviews bv,
135-8; 77, 79, 122, 204.

with T. C. Skeat (Ed.). Fragments of an Un-
known Gospel and other early t ' hristian
Papyri, and The Xew Gospel Fragments
(reviewed), 130-2.

Beqa, Egyptian standard weight. 42. 45 ff. ; oldest
standard. 55; double form, 56.

Berneker, Erich, Die Sondergerichtsbarkeit im
griechischen Recht Agyptens (reviewed), 138-9.

Bibliography; Christian Egypt (1936), De Lacy
O'Leary, 110-16.

Bibliography: Graeco-Roman Egypt.

Part I: Papvrologv (1936), various authors, 83-
106.

Part II: Greek Inscriptions (1935-6), Marcus
X. Tod, 106-9.

Bibliography: Pharaonic Egypt (1036), various
authors, ed. A. M. Blackman, 230-57.

Bird-trapping scene. 21, 23.

Blackman. A. M„ short report on Sesebi, 117.

Preliminary Report on the Excavations at
Sesebi. 1936-7, 145-51.

Bibliography: Pharaonic Egypt (1936): General
Editor, 230.

§3. Conservation. 236-7.

§ 7. Geography and Topography, 244-5.

§11. Palaeography. 247.

§ 12. Personal Xotices, 248.

§ 13. Philology. 248-52; 119. 262.

Bohlici. Alexander, Untersuchungen liber die
koptischen Proverbienteste (reviewed), 140-1.

Book of the Dead, fine fragment of a, 34-8; shows
influence of Memphite theology, 37.

Borchardt. L., Einiges zur dritten Baupenode dti
grossed Pyramide bei Gise (reviewed), 127-9.

Bouleutae. functions of. 213.

Breasted, Prof. J. H., 145; his translation of Turin
Judicial Papyrus, 152 f.

Bremner-Rhind Papyrus, The. II, III, R. 0.
Faulkner, 10-16. 166-85.

British Museum, 165.

Brooklyn Museum, 145.

Broome. Miss. 119. 262.

Brown. Theodore Burton, reviews by. 131 -5,
270.

Buchanan. Mr., of Haifa, 145.

280

GENERAL INDEX

De Buck, A., The Judicial Papyrus of Turin,
152-64.

The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I (ed.) (re-
viewed), 268.

Burials, intrusive, at Glzah, 260.

Burney, Ethel W., article translated by, 7 ff.

Busiris, 16.

Caesars, dating by. in absence of Augusti. 210.
Caic.er, Stephen L., Bible and Spade (reviewed),
267-8.

Calverley, Miss, 119, 262.

Camel, transit-duty on. 224.

C'anaanite scribes, errors and difficulties of, 190,
201 f.

Capart, Prof., 23.

Cars, equipment of, for desert use, 229.

Castor, tax-farmer, 224.

Caton-Thompson, G., and E. W. Gardner, The
Desert Fayum (reviewed), 125-6.

Caves at oases of Libyan desert, finds from, 226 ff.
Cerny, Jaroslav, The Gender of Tens and Hun-
dreds in Late Egyptian, 57-9.

Two Puzzles of Ramesside Hieratic, 60-2.
Restitution of, and Penalty attaching to. Stolen
Property in Ramesside Times, 186-9.

Chapel of Atet at Medum. see Smith.

Chronology of Amenophis III and successors, 193;

of •Amarnah Tablets, 194 f.

Claudius Balbillus, Ti„ Prefect, 65.

Clere, J. J. A Note on the Grammatical Gender of
the Names of Towns, 261.

‘Colophon’, so-called, of Bremner-Rhind Papvrus,
10 - 12 .

Colours in paintings from chapel of Atet, 22 if.,
25 f. ; in Papyrus of Khnememhab, 35 f.
Cooke, Mr. B. K., 145.

Coptic parallels to Egyptian, 162, 192.

De Cosson, Anthony, Notes on the Bahren,
Nuwemisah, and El-A‘reg Oases in the
Libyan Desert, 226-9.

Crown Prince of Sweden, H.R.H., 145.

Crum, W. E., Adolf Erman. 1854-1937, 81-2.
honorary degree conferred on, 120 f.
review by, 140-1.

Crypt in central temple, Sesebi, 148.

Cuneiform of ‘Amarnah Tablets, 190 ff., 195, 202 ff.
Currency, depreciation of, in third century a.d.,

258- 9.

Cvetler, Dr., 189.

Dakin, A. N., review by, 267-8 ; 262.

Daric, Egyptian standard weight, 42, 4511., 50 f.,
53 f.

Davies, X. de G., Bibliography: Pharaonic Egypt.
§ 2. Art and Architecture, 235-6.

Obituary notice of Mrs. Griffith (reprinted from
The Times), 263.

Dawson, Warren R., The First Egyptian Society,

259- 60.

De Lacy, Phillip H., An Oxyrhynchus Document
acknowledging Repayment of a Loan, 76-80.

Defennah, weights from, 42, 49, 51.

Deissmann, Prof. Adolf, obituary notice of, 121-2.

Delta weights, differ from rest of Egypt, 51-2, 56.

Desert, High, photographic survey of, 262 ; Libyan,
oases of, 226-9.

Deveria and Turin Judicial Papyrus, 152 f.

Dhofar, S. Arabia, frankincense of, 28.

Dionysius, royal banker, 222.

Dioscorides on incense-materials, 28, 30-1.

Djoser, art of reign of, 7 f.

Duck-form weights, 43, 45.

Dunham, Mr., 23.

Eaton, Miss Elizabeth, 23.

Edgar, C. C. On P. Lille I. 4, 261.
review by, 138-9.

Edgekton, W. F., Medinet Habu Graffiti: Facsimiles
(reviewed), 268.

Edwards, I. E. S. A Toilet Scene on a Funerary
Stela of the Middle Kingdom, 165.

Bibliography: Pharaonic Egypt (1936).

§ 6. Foreign Relations, 241-4 ; 262.

Egyptian Correspondence of Abimilki, Prince of
Tyre, The. W. F. Albright, 190-203.

Eitrem, S., with Leiv Amundsen, Papyri Osloenses,
Fasc. in (reviewed), 266-7.

El-A‘reg oasis, 226, 227 f., 229.

El-Der el-Bahari, incense depicted at, 28 f. ; 42.

'H/iepai Eeftaoral, 1-129 A.D., 78-9.

Emery, Mr. Walter B., 22, 264.

Erman, Adolf (obituary), W. E. Crum, 81-2; 120.

Eye of Horus, 177 ; of Re', 182, 184.

Eyre, Edward, European Civilization, its origin and
development, Vol. i (ed.) (reviewed), 134-5.

Fairman, H. W., Bibliography : Pharaonic Egypt
(1936).

§ 8. History, 245-6; 145, 149, 262.

Family Stela, A, in the L T niversity Museum, Phila-
delphia, Philippus Miller, 1-6.

Faulkner, R. O., The Bremner-Rhind Papyrus,
11,111,10-16,166-85.

Bibliography: Pharaonic Egypt (1936).

§ 10. Literature, 246-7.

reviews by, 129-30, 268, 269-70, 271.

Fifth Dynast)' art historically connected with Third,
7 ff.

First Egyptian Society, The, Warren R. Dawson,
259-60.

Fourth Dynasty, interrupts artistic evolution, 7 ;
features of its art, 20, 22.

Frankincense, 28.

Gardiner, Alan H., The Attitude of the Ancient
Egyptians to Death and the Dead (reviewed),
268-9; 119, 145, 152.

Gardner, E. W., with G. Caton-Thompson, The
Desert Fayum (reviewed), 125-6.

Garstang, Prof. J., 148.

Gateways of Sesebi, 146.

Gauthier, M. Henri, 264.

GENERAL INDEX

281

Gebel Ahmar, ‘Red Mountain’, 15.

Gebel Bahren, caves and fossils in, 226 f.

Geese panel from chapel of Atet, 17, 19, 21, 23.
Gematen, site of, 145.

Gender of Tens and Hundreds in Late Egyptian,
The, Jaroslav Cerny, 57-9; of names of
towns, 261.

Glzah, intrusive burials at, 260.

Granville, S. R. K., Bibliographv : Pharaonic
Egypt (1936).

§ 4. Demotic Studies, 237-8.

§ 9. Law, 246; 23, 34, 37, 45, 56.

Goodenough, Erwin R., By Light, Light. The
Mystic Gospel of Hellenistic Judaism (re-
viewed), 139-40.

Grabham, Mr. G. W., 145.

Grapow, Hermann, Sprachliche und schriftliche
Formung agyptischer Texte (reviewed), 269-
70; 121, 264.

Gray, Mr. Terence, 118.

Green, Mr. E. A., 145 f.

Greener, Mr. Leslie, 119.

Griffith, Mrs., 145 ; her death, and bequest in aid of
Egyptology, 262-3.

Griffith, Professor, 1, 263.

Griffiths, Mr. J. G., 145.

Gunn, Professor, 152, 161 f., 202.

Hadrian, Emperor, 67.

Harden, Mr. D. B., 23.

Harris Papyrus, 152, 164.

Hathor, 12, 15 f. ; association with Yus<as, 179.
Hatshepsut, possible portrait-head of, at Sesebi,
147, 149.

Hay, workman, 188.

Hemmy, A. S., An Analysis of the Petrie Collection
of Egyptian Weights, 39-56.

Hermitage Museum, publication by (reviewed), 271.
Herodotus on incense-materials, 28.

Heythrop R. C. College, papyrus from, 204 ff.
Hieratic, Rainesside, see Cerny.

Hittite writing of Egyptian names, 192, 194 f.
Holt, Messrs. Alfred, and Co., 145.

Horus-names, new, 118.

Houses of Sesebi, 149-51.

Hulme, Mr. A. J. Howard, 123.

Hunt, Prof. A. S., 204.

Hunting-scene, 21, 25; rare in Fourth Dynasty, 22.
Hurrian, peculiarities of, 191 n., 195, 202.

Hyksos, weights introduced by, 47, 55, 56.

Imet, mod. Xebeshah, 16.

Incense-materials, 27 ff.

Ipwet, funerary stela of, 165.

Isis, 12, 15; unusual representation of, 35. 37.

Jennings- Brandy, Mr. Wilfred, 228.

Jequier, Prof. G., 264.

Johnson, Prof. A. C., 77.

Jolowicz, H. F., Bibliography: Graeco-Roman
Egvpt. Part I: Papvrologv (1936).

§ 6. Law, 97-102.

Judicial Papyrus of Turin, The, A. de Buck, 152-64.

Julianus, Julius, prefect of Egypt, 215.

Justinian, 219.

Kawa, 120; site of Gematen, 145.

Kendeas, unusual form of name, 76, 79.

Khnememhab, The Papyrus of, in University
College. London, Alan W. Shorter, 34-8.

Khoirine, Egyptian standard weight, 42. 46 ; intro-
duced by Hyksos, 47, 55.

Kixgdon, H. P.. review by, 139-40.

Kir wan, L. P., Bibliographv: Pharaonic Egvpt
(1936).

§5. Excavations and Explorations. 238—41.

review by, 272-3.

Kom-el-‘Abd, mound cleared by Armant Expedi-
tion. 118, 262.

Land, mortgaged, formalities concerning. 207 f. :
cadaster of catoecic, ibid. ; deed for sale of,
217 if.; phrase in Ptolemaic conveyances,
258.

Land-survey, fragmentary papyrus. 222 f.

Late Egyptian, Gender of Tens and Hundreds in.
Jaroslav Cerny, 57-9.

Lauer, M. J.-P., 264.

Leiden Museum, papyrus from, 186 f.

Leontopolis, 213 f.

Lewis, Xaphtali, MEPIZMOZ ANAKEXQPHKO-
TQN: An Aspect of the Roman Oppression in
Egypt, 63-75.

Lexoya, Irena, Ancient Egyptian Dances (re-
viewed). 270.

Libyan Desert, see De Cosson.

Loan, contract. 204 ff. ; on mortgage, 207 ; short-
term, 209 ff. ; document acknowledging re-
pavment. 76 ff. See De Lacy, Wegener.

Lobel. -Mr. E.. 204, 217.

Logistes, functions of, 211 ff., 215.

Louvre, the, 32. 145.

Lower- Egyptian origin of Third-Dynasty Sakkarah
style, 7-8.

Lucas, A.. Xotes on Myrrh and Stacte, 27-33.

Xote on Kawa inscribed cone, 120.

Macadam, M. F. L., Bibliographv: Pharaonic Egvpt
(1936).

§ 14. Publications of Texts, 252-3.

reviews by, 268, 271, 272.

Macdonald. Mr. J. G., 262.

Macnaughton, Duncan, -4 Scheme of Egyptian
Chronology: with notes thereon including notes
on Cretan and other Chronologies (reviewed).
270.

Manchester Museum, 19, 145.

Manet ho, 7.

o o

282

GENERAL INDEX

Masson, T. W„ review by, 130-2.

Martindale, Mr. R. C’.. 119.

McKenzie, R.. Bibliography: Graeco-Roman Egypt.
Part I: Papyrology (1936).

§ 8. Lexicography and Grammar, 103—4.

death of, 120.

Medum. Paintings of the Chapel of Atet at, William
Stevenson Smith, 17-26.

Me'et-Re', at Sesebi, 149.

Memphis, 7, 16, 179.

MEPISMOS ANAKEXQPHKO TON : An Aspect of
the Roman Oppression in Egypt, Naphtali
Lewis, 63-75.

Merita ten. mentioned in Prince of Tvre's letters,
191-4.

Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 151 ;
publication by (reviewed), 272.

Miller, Philippus, A Family Stela in the Univer-
sity Museum, Philadelphia. 1-6.

Milne, J. G„ Bibliography: Graeco-Roman Egypt.
Part I: Papyrology (1936).

§ 5. Social Life, etc.. 96-7.

On P. Oslo 83 and the Depreciation of Currency,
258-9.

Mirror shown in use. on funerary stela, 165.

Momemphis, mod. Kom el-Hisn, 16.

Mond, Sir Robert, 145 : Sir Robert Mond Expedition
at Arrnant, 262.

Moss, Rosalind B., with Bertha Porter. Topo-
graphical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings.
v. Upper Egypt: Sites (reviewed). 271.

Mut, temple of, at Sesebi. 147.

Mycenaean oil-flasks (L. H. Ilia) at Sesebi, 149.

Mycerinus. sarcophagus of, 17.

Myers, O. H., short report on Arrnant, 117-18; 262.

Myrrh and Stacte, Notes on, A. Lucas, 27-33.

Narmer, palette of, 9.

Nasmin, author of addition to Bremner-Rhind
Papyrus, 10-11.

Naukratis, weights from, 42, 49 f., 51.

Necef, Egv*ptian standard weight, 42, 46, 47, 50 f.,
55.

Neferma<at. mastaba of, 17 f.

Negro heads at Sesebi, 117, 147.

Nephthvs, unusual representation of, 35, 37.

Nine Companions, the, 16.

Norsa, Prof. Medea. 123, 263.

Note on Overbuilding and Intrusive Burials at
Gizah, G. A. Reisner, 260.

Note on the Grammatical Gender of the Names of
Towns, J. J. C'lere, 261.

Note on t hyr(.t) in Boundaries of Ptolemaic Con-
veyances of Land, Herbert Thompson, 258.

Notes on Myrrh and Stacte, A. Lucas, 27-33.

Notes on the Bahren, Nuwemisah, and El-A'reg
Oases in the Libyan Desert, Anthony de
Cosson, 226-9.

Nubia, Society's work in, 117; 263.

Numerals, gender of, 57-9.

Nuwemisah oasis, 226, 227, 229.

Oases, uninhabited, of Libyan Desert, 226-9.

O’Leary, de Lacy, Bibliography: Christian Egypt
(1936), 110-16.

Orientalia, 265.

Osirian Mysteries, 12; epithets, 15.

Osiris, 12; Sokar identified with, 14; association
with moon, 15; in Pap. of Khnememhab,

35 ff.

Ostraeon from Oriental Institute, Chicago, 187 f.

Oxford Papyri. Some, E. P. Wegener, 204-25.

Oxyrhvnchite Nome, deed of loan from. 204 £F.

Oxyrhynehus Document, An, acknowledging Re-
pa vment of a Loan, Phillip H. de Lacy,
7(U80.

P. Lille. I. 4, On, C. C. Edgar, 261.

P. Oslo 83 and the Depreciation of Currency, J. G.
Milne, 258-9.

Pacho, in Libyan Desert, 226.

Paintings, of the Chapel of Atet at Medum, The.
William Stevenson Smith, 17-26; in
rock-tombs of El-ATeg oasis, 227 f.

Pap. Harris, 152, 164.

Pap. Lee, 164.

Papyri, available for study in Ashmolean and
British Museums, 122; catalogue of, in John
Rvlands Library, ibid., dealing with thefts,

1 86 ff. ; Oxford, see Wegener ; publications
of, 122.

Papyrology, Fifth International Congress of, short
report, 263—4.

Papyrus of Khnememhab. The, in University
College, London, Alan IV. Shorter, 34-8.

Papyrus of Turin, The Judicial, A. de Buck. 152-64.

Papyrus. The Bremner-Rhind, II, III, R. O.
Faulkner, 10-16, 166-85.

Penalty for theft, 186 ff.

Pendlebury, J. D. S., short report from Tell
el-’Amarnah. 118-19.

Perfume-making in ancient world, 30 ff.

Perkoinis, land-survey of, 223.

Petrie, Prof., 1, 17 f., 42 ff.

Petrie Collection of Egyptian Weights, An Analysis
of, A. S. Hemmy, 39-56.

Petusius, unusual form of name, 76, 79.

Peyem, Egyptian standard weight, 42, 46 f., 52 f.

Pfluger, Kurt, The Art of the Third and Fifth
Dynasties (trans. E. W. Burney), 7-9.

Philadelphia, Arsinoite nome, depopulation of, 65.

Philadelphia, L'niversitv Museum, stela from, 1-6;
17.

Philo, cited, 64 f. ; 139 f.

Pieper, Max, Das agyptische Harchen. Ursprung
and A 'achicirkung iiltester Marchendichtung
bis zur Gegenu-art (reviewed), 130.

Pliny, on incense-materials, 28 f., 31.

Ploughing scene, 21, 23 f.

Poems in an ‘Amarnah letter, 197 ff.

Porter, Bertha, and Rosalind B. Moss, Topo-
graphical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings.
v. Upper Egypt: Sites (reviewed), 271.

GENERAL INDEX

283

Posener, G., Catalogue des Ostraca hieratiques
litteraires de Deir el Medineh (reviewed), 271.
Preaux, Claire, Les Ostraca grecs de la Collection
Charles-Edicin Wilbour au Musee de Brooklyn
(reviewed), 135-7.

Prefect, titles, 214 f. ; petition to, 219 If.

Prefect's court, 211 ff.

Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Sesebi.
Northern Province, Anglo-Egvptian Sudan,
1936-7, A. M. Blackman, 145-51.

Probability curve in statistical analysis. 39.

Purves, Mr., 145.

Pwenet, incense trees from, 28, 31.

Qedet, Egyptian standard weight, 42, 46 f., 49 f. ;
its predominance, 51, 55.

Rainfall, heavy, during floru it of Sesebi, 146, 150.
Ramesses II, inscriptions and scarabs of, at Sesebi,
147, 149; 192.

Ramesses III, 152 f., 156, 163 f.

Ramesses IV, 152 f., 163 f.

Ra'mose, tomb and papyrus of, 37.

Ranke, Prof. Hermann, 264.

Re', and 'Apep, 166 ff., 175 ff.; ‘creations of’, 172.
181 ff.

Re'-Harakhte, vignette of. 36 ff.

Reisner, G. A., Note on Overbuilding and Intru-
sive Burials at Glzah, 260 ; 265.

Resins and gums distinguished. 27.

Restitution of, and Penalty attaching to, Stolen
Property in Ramesside Times, Jaroslav
Cerny, 186-9.

Roberts, C. H., Tuv Biblical Papyri in the John
Rylands Library. Manchester (reviewed). 138.
reviews by, 133*4, 266-7.
papyri edited by, 122 ; 204.

Roberts, Dr. Dora, 262.

Rock-tombs in oases of Libyan desert, 226 ff.
Rohesa, possibly near Letopolis, 16.

Rohlfs in Libyan desert, 226 ff.

Roman law of theft, analogous to Egyptian, 189.
Roman oppression in Egypt, 63-75 passim ; see
Lewis.

Rose, H. J., Bibliography: Graeco-Roman Egypt.
Part I: Papyrology (1936).

§ 2. Religion, Magic, Astrology (including texts).
85-8.

Sachs, Mr. A., 203.

Sakhebu, 8.

Sakkarah, Step Mastaba at, 7 ; S. style, origin of,
7 f. ; 22, 23.

Sale, deeds of, 217 ff.

Salt lakes in Libyan desert. 226 ff.

Sanders, Henry A.. .4 Third-Century Papyrus
Codex of the Epistles of Paul (reviewed).
133-4.

Sappho, earliest MS. of. on ostracon, 122-3.

Schott, Prof. Siegfried, 264.

Script, presumably Libyan. 228.

Sculpture, at Armant, 117-18; from Sesebi, 1 1 < .

Sedment. 37.

Sehetepibre'sonb, lector-priest, 2 f.. 5, 6.

Sela, Egyptian standard weight, 42, 46 f. ; possibly
introduced by Hvksos. 56.

Semenkhkere', 191 f. ; chronology of reign, 193.

Sesebi, Preliminary Report on Excavations at,
1936-7, A. M. Blackman. 145-51 ; short note
on. 117 ; personnel. 1937-8, 262.

Sethe. K crt, Dus hierog/yphische Schriftsystem
(reviewed), 272.

Sethos I. reliefs, etc., of, at Sesebi, 145, 146, 148.

Shaw. Miss, 23.

Shixnie, P. L., reviews by. 270. 271.

Shorter, Alan YV., The Papyrus of Khneinemhab
in University College, London, 34-8.

Bibliography : Pharaonic Egypt (1936).

S 15. Religion and Magic, 253-5.

reviews by, 268-9. 272 ; 262.

Shu and Tefenet, 182.

Sisopdu-Ivenhab, stela of. 1-6.

Sitrah depression, 226 f.

Slwah, 226 ff., 229.

Skeat, T. C’.. Bibliography; Graeco-Roman Egypt.
Part I: Papyrology (1936).

§ 3. Publications of Non-Literary Texts. 88-94.

(j 7. Palaeography and Diplomatic. 102-3.

§ 9. General Works, Bibliography. General Notes
on Papyrus Texts. 104.

§ 10. Miscellaneous. Excavations, Personal.
104-6 ; 77. 80, 204.

with H. Idris Bell (Ed.). Fragments of an

Cn known Gospel and other early Christian
Papyri, and The New Gospel Fragments (re-
viewed). 130-2.

Skinner. Mr. E. G., 40, 56.

Sloley. R. Y\’., Bibliography: Pharaonic Egypt
(1936).

§ 16. Science. Mathematics, etc.. 255-7.

Smith, William Stevenson. The Paintings of the
Chapel of Atet at Medum, 17-26.

Sokar. in Bremner-Rhind Papyrus. 12-16 passim.

Somaliland, incense-materials from, 28.

Some Oxford Papyri. E. P. W egener. 204-25.

Stater, Egyptian standard weight. 42. 46, 49; intro-
duced by Hyksos, 47 ; popularity. 50 f.. 55 f.

Steindorff. in Libyan desert. 226 ff. ; 264.

Steindorff, Georg, and YY’alther YY’olf. Die
thebunisrhe Orabermlt (reviewed). 129-30.

Stela. A Family, in the University Museum. Phila-
delphia, Philippes Miller. 1-6.

Stela, funerary, with toilet-scene. 16.5.

Step Mastaba, Sakkarah. 7.

Stewart. Basil, History and Significance of the
Great Pyramid (reviewed). 129.

Stolen property, restitution of, see Cerny.

Struve and Turin Judicial Papyrus. 152 f., 159. 164.

Stukeley. William, early Egyptologist, 259.

Suppiluliuma. in ‘Amarnah Letters. 193 ff.

Talao. village. 204 f.

Taxation of Roman Egypt. 64 ff.. 70 ff.

Teli el-'Amarnah, short report of season 1936-7,
US-19.

•284

GENERAL INDEX

Temple at El-ATeg oasis, 228.

Temple of Sethos I at Abydos, plans for completing
publication, 119; 262.

Tenses in Turin Judicial Papyrus, 157 ff.

Theophrastus on incense-materials, 28 tf.

Third and Fifth Dynasties, The Art of The, Kurt
Pfluger (trans. E. \V. Burney), 7-9.

Thompson, Herbert, Note on t hyr(.t) in Boun-
daries of Ptolemaic Conveyances of Land,
258.

Thracian horsemen, order for payment to, 222.

/ hyr(.t) in Boundaries of Ptolemaic Conveyances,
Note on, Herbert Thompson, 258.

Too, Marcus N., Bibliography: Graeco-Roman
Egypt. Part II, Greek Inscriptions (1935-6),
106-9.

Toilet Scene on a Funerary Stela of the Middle
Kingdom, A, I. E. S. Edwards, 165.

Town-names, gender of, 261.

Turner, E. G., Bibliography; Graeco-Roman
Egypt. Part I: Papyrology (1936).

§ 4. Political History, etc., 94-6.

Tuthmosis III, 117, 149.

Two Puzzles of Ramesside Hieratic, Jaroslav
Cerny, 60-2.

Tyre, relations with Egypt, 191, 194; see Albright.

L’nguent-vase of rare type, 151.

University Museum, Philadelphia, stela in, 1-6.

Upper Dedu, name or quarter of Busiris, 16.

Upper Egypt, rivalry with Lower reflected in art,
8 f. ; survey of High Desert of, 262.

Vaughan, Miss D. M., 262.

Vocalization of Egyptian, claim that a medium has
revealed, 123 f.

Wainwright, G. A., Bibliography: Pharaonic
Egypt (1936).

§ 1. Archaeology, 231-5.
reviews by, 125-9.

Weights, Egyptian, see Hemaiy.

W eill, Raymond, Le Champ des rosea ux et le champ
des offrandes dans la religion funeraire et la
religion generate (reviewed), 272.

Westcar Papyrus, 8.

Wheat, receipt for, 224 f.

Wilbour, Charles Edwin, Travels in Egypt (re-
viewed). 272-3.

Winkler, Dr. H., 118, 262.

Wolf, Walther, with Georg Steindorff, Die
thebaniscke Graberwelt (reviewed), 129-30;
7, 264.

Wood, Dr. F. H„ 123.

Worterbuch der agyptischen Sprache, change in
method, 121.

INDEX OF WOEDS, ETC., DISCUSSED
A. EGYPTIAN
I. WOEDS AND PHRASES

ifyt, 'heat’, possibly connected with sfr ‘boil’
(Faulkner), 179.

sh-n-i rn ib-i, ‘I considered in my heart ( ?)’ (Faulk-
ner), 181.

Zsbyt, goddess identical with Ssbt (Faulkner), 176.

Ubt: m isbt, perhaps for m sbwt, like mi ki-f ( Faulk-
ner), 179.

yi (L. Eg.) reduplicated in cuneiform (Albright),
197, with n. 5.

he: he iir-f sdm, like Coptic eqcioTu, of relative
present time (de Buck), 159; he bwpu-f sdm,
always of relative past time (de Buck), 158,
n. 4; he bn sw hr sdm, usual form of circum-
stantial in L. Eg. (de Buck). 162; iwf hr
■sdm, in L. Eg. used for narrative, ‘I heard’
(de Buck), 161; iwf hr tm sdm, negative
corresponding to iwf hr sdm, ‘I did not hear’
(de Buck), 161 ; he sdm-f, in L. Eg. always
of relative past time (de Buck), I5S f.

iu<w, written as if ««• (Faulkner). 184.

ib: vocalization of (Albright). 200, n. 4 (201);
nty m ib-f, ‘whom he has in mind’, not of
affection (Faulkner), 179.

Iniet. pr. n. (Miller), 4, n. 9.

inr, plates as receptacles or measures of rAs-cakes
(Cernj 4 ), 61, n. 1.

ir: with dir. obj. of person, ‘deal with’, ‘act against’
(Faulkner), 180; ir(r) n-f, on a stela, =
'had it made for the deceased’ (Gunn), 2,
n. 9.

ikdi(w), vocalization of (Albright), 200, n. 4 (201).

Itn, 'solar disk’ = cuneiform a-ti (Albright), 192,
203, n. 1.

itrt, box used as container for shawabtis (Cerny),
188, n. 1.

iti, 'to steal’, not in non-literary texts after end of
Dyn. 19 (Cerny), 186, n. 2.

O stt, ‘at whom men tremble greatly’ (Faulkner), 14.

c l J (''“'*/) supersedes pr in meaning ‘house’ in later
Ptol. times (Thompson), 258, n. 1.

( ntyu-, perhaps applied to both frankincense and
myrrh (Lucas), 28.

<hic, with unusual det., perhaps of brazier seen from
above (Miller), 2, n. 3.

u-pief, upieti, early pronunciation of (Albright), 196,
n. 5.

285

INDEX OF WORDS, ETC., DISCUSSED

umw+ simple adverbial predicate in L. Eg. has
sense of absolute past (Gardiner), 160°
Wnu-ty, demon, not connected with god T Ynty
(Faulkner), 176.

ur : early pronunciation of (Albright), 196. n. 2;
pi-ur(w) = cuneiform Pa-we-ra(i) (Albright),
196, n. 3.

bw-nb, early pronunciation reconstructed from
cuneiform (Albright), 197, with n. 2.
bn with sdm-j in oaths and promises, invariably
future (Cerny), 188.

bnbn, ‘become erect’, perhaps etymologically con-
nected with ‘pyramidion’ (Faulkner), 175.
bts: msw bts , "children of revolt’, assuming confusion
of Ms and bit (Faulkner), 177.

pr, of ordinary ‘house' till early Ptol. times, after-

wards of temples or palace (Thompson), 258,
n. 1.

phr n nbw, meaning unknown (Faulkner), 14.
phr hiybt, ‘turning of the shadow’, of noon-tide
(Faulkner), 176.

ps, very large kind of loaf (Cerny), 61.

mnhw, ‘butcher’, of executioners who serve Osiris
(Faulkner), 170.

Mrl-n-Pth, contains perfective relative form (Al-
bright), 192. n. 3.

Mry-’Imn (Gk. Miayfiow) = cuneiform May-Amiina
(Albright), 192.

Mry-r< = cuneiform Mdy-re.it (Albright), 192.
Mryt-itn = cuneiform Maya-ati (Albright). 191 f.
(pi) mti-lb = cuneiform pamaha (Albright). 200,

n. 4.

>nki, with hid, used of what is property of the gods,
and so tabu (de Buck), 160.
rn.tr, uncertain whether same as word for ‘testimony’
(Faulkner), 175.

melt, an oil connected with fresh myrrh (Lucas), 31.
ni n, not in non-literary texts after end of Dyn. 19
(Cerny 4 ), 186, n. 2.

nb, early pronunciation of (Albright), 196, n. 2.

A 'b-mi<-t-Ri, has l in first syllable (Albright), 195.
Mb-hpnc-Ri, prenomen of Tut'ankhamun, perhaps
ipkhurureya in Hittite, used of Akhenaten
(Albright), 194.

A’/r-<Au'(-i), n. pr., ‘The (or, ‘my’?) braziers are good’
(Miller), 2, n. 3.

nms, perhaps ‘to blindfold’ with r mu, ‘against see-
ing’ (Faulkner), 15.

A T n iv, of supernatural beings existing before cosmos
was organized (Faulkner), 181.
nhp, ‘generative power ( ?)’. perhaps related to nhp,
‘beget’ (Faulkner), 178.

A ihti, n. pr., probably shortened from name of ty pe
Harnakhti (Miller), 4, n. 15.
nkt, some material of bread-like nature (Cerny 4 ), 61.
niic, a bronze vessel (Cerny), 186, n. 3.
nci kn<, ‘remove from the possession of’ (Gunn). Ilf.
rmw pr n irt-i, periphrasis for ‘human beings’
(Faulkner), 184.

rh: bw rh-i st, ‘I do not know who they are' (de
Buck), 157, (c).

hr, transitive, ‘east(?)’ (Faulkner), 180.

hid., late writing of hid (Faulkner). 181.

hnc(w) — cuneiform aru (Albright). 197, with n. 3.

Ht-ts-hr()-lb(), Athribis, equivalents of (Albright),
200,n.4(201).

hpt, ‘clew’, for measuring yarn (Cerny), 187, n. 1.
hr: nty hr-f, ‘within whose jurisdiction he comes ( ?)’
(de Buck), 160.

hid and nikl, used of what is property of the gods
and therefore tabu (de Buck), 160.
hnfy, ‘glow ( ?)’, ‘bake ( 5)’, perhaps connected with
/irt/V-eake (Faulkner), 178.
hr with det. /&, ‘spit’ (Faulkner), 181.
hr r table, lit. ‘fall to the roots', metaphor for "die
away’ ( ?) (Faulkner), 182.

Hty, n. pr., ‘The paunchy ( ?)’ (Miller), 5, n. 5.
hyr(.t) — Gk. t/jo^ij. a ‘feeding-place’ for sacred
animals (Thompson), 258.
si Bistt, name of a lion-headed god, — Xefertem
(Shorter), 36.

[■?/ hm-ntr], ‘son of the prophet' possibly a term for
Horns (Faulkner), 16.

Si-Spdw-’Iy-n-hb, n. pr., 'Son of Sopdu — He who has
come for the festival’ and other similar
M.-K. double names (Miller). 2. n. 1.
Slt-Srf-kl-i, n. pr., ‘Daughter of Serefkai’ (Miller).
2, n. 2.

si-ti, ‘worship’ (Faulkner), 16.
sin, lit. ‘rub out’, ‘trample on' (Faulkner), 175.
sikn, probably causative of nik (Faulkner), 178.
s<nh. suggests a sculptor of statues and scenes
(Miller), 6, n. 1.

sphr, both ‘to copy’ and ‘to register’ (Miller), 2. n. 1.
smn (older zmn), ‘to pound’ (Faulkner), 176.
smrh pu\ ‘it is a burning’ as ritual instruction
(Faulkner), 176.

s-nb, ‘creep away’, from zbn, with fish-determinative
(Faulkner), 177.

Snb, n. pr., probably shortened from e.g. 'Imn-m-
hit-snb (Miller), 5, n. 2.

snfr, probably ‘incense’ in general (Lucas), 28.
si sphric, ‘writer of copies (or, records)’ (Miller). 2,

n. 11.

St2>'ti-It ( , ‘He whom Re' has chosen’ (Gunn). 192,
n. 3.

•s db: ud sdb, ‘make impotent’ (Faulkner), 176; dit
sdb, variant of above (Faulkner), 176.
sdncf in L. Eg. states a fact in the past, ‘I have
heard’ (de Buck). 161.

ini rn hrw prn\ obscure phrase, ‘who has gone in
front of the houses ( '!)’ (Faulkner), 15.
sms : hr sms, ‘itinerant’ (Gardiner). 161.

Snty, of ‘bonds’, not literally 'hairs’ (Faulkner), 179.
kni, ‘be valiant’, vocalization reconstructed from
cuneiform (Albright), 197, with n. 4.
k; as reinforcing word before exclamatory old per-
fective (Faulkner), 180.

kkict, a plant, probably = ktki, perhaps castor-oil
plant (Faulkner). 15.

Kti. n. pr., ‘The other one’ (Miller). 5. n. 4.

gnicty ( ?), suggests an inscription-carver (Miller), 6,

n. 1.

fieri, ‘a stick", masculine (Cerny). 188, n. 2.
tfi. see dp.

[tp-ht n pr I nut], ‘of the roof of the temple of Aniun’,
in titles (Faulkner), 11. (8).

2S6

INDEX OF WORDS, ETC., DISCUSSED

fur, of a rather humble office, ‘assistant ( ?)’ (Miller),
5, n. 1.

tiwt, amount of fine when stolen goods are restored
(Cerny), 187 ff.

dp, var. tp, ‘be spat upon". = tpi (Faulkner). 175.

dndn as transitive verb, ‘rage against’ (Faulkner), 178.
uncertain meaning, ‘The hairy ( ?)’ (Miller), 4,
n. 10.

dr: r-dr n hr-s, of the Eye of Horns = ‘utterly’
(Faulkner), 177.

II. SIGNS AND GROUPS

as qualification of f-breacl, for gnn, ‘soft’
(Cerny). 61, n. 5.

— i marking end of section, derived from or sug-
gested by similar sign in Pyr. Texts (Faulk-
ner), 270.

^ cursive hieratic group for (ferny), 187 f.

I - sportive writing for htp (Faulkner), 15.

’Idn ( ?), town of unknown situation (Faulkner).
179.

Q abbreviation of p<t ‘nobles’ (Gunn), 184.

e possibly miswriting of sin-k, or perhaps for
verb = ‘depict’ (Faulkner), 177.

8 abbreviation of hnmmt ‘sun-folk’ (Gunn), 185.
^ abbreviation of <r (Faulkner), 14.

A form in Ramesside hieratic in use as adj. with
various materials (ferny), 60 ff.

2 ^ i ® | place-name, perhaps for Htdd (Faulkner),
179.

^ unusual writing of in late hieratic (ferny 4 ), 59.
"7’ in Ramesside hieratic (fernv), CO.

\ abbreviation of rhyt ‘plebs’ (Gunn), 184.

to be read u~nmy(t), ‘ the devouring flame ’
(Faulkner). 177.

B. COPTIC

<s.qcioTTI, continuing relative sentence (de Buck). iijiocjul, corresponding to dvepoifiBopos yiWai in lxx
162. (Crum). 141.

xxoen, from *mati(e)n ( mtn ) (Albright), 192.

G. GREEK

dvcLKexcupTjKOTeSt see pcpiapos.
ava<f>€puv, of issuing a contract (Wegener). 207.
dmxwpTfms, flight from home involving default of
tax payments (Lewis), 63.

aTTopoL, not necessarily dvaK^xoipriKores (Lewis), 63. n.3.
dno<b( ), unknown abbreviation: possibly place-
name (Wegener), 22.3.

doBcre ta. economic exhaustion (Lewis), 65, n. 2.
SiSaV/caAo?, his notarial function (Wegener), 211.
e’f rjCTfenjKdrej , persons who had stayed and paid their
taxes, but were impov erished thereby (Lewis),
66, with n. 1.

eVeyetr, to defer the payment of taxes (Lewis), 65, n. 1.
cpavrare ras ypacbus, etc., (Jn. v. 39), support for
variant rendering (Manson). 132.
care o, sometimes included and sometimes omitted
(de Lacy), 80.

T/pfpai HepaoTai, incidence, Augustus-Hadrian (de
Lacy), 78 f.

' Irr-n-oBpai^iv, first occurrence in a papyrus (Wegener),

222 .

KiraKeladai, of lodging or registering a deed in the
archives (Wegener). 207.

KeKxp(ypdTLarai), strengthening of y to *y in (de Lacv),
80.

KvptoTrjs (sard irdv eiSos Kvpidryros), first clear occur-
rence in the papyri ( Wegener), 218.
Xaoypatfrovpevos, usually taken as meaning ‘subject
to poll-tax’, really meant ‘paying the full
poll-tax’ (Bell), 137.

Aaoi, A <ukos, use as meaning ‘native’ (Bell), 137.

AtjSartui-o?, frankincense (Lucas), 28.

peyaXoTTpemia, title rare [a.d. 324] and unknown for
the prefect (Wegener), 214.

pepiopos dvaKexojpfjKOTujv, extra tax to make up
deficits in revenue caused by persons who
had fled their homes and defaulted their tax
payments (Lewis), 63 ff.

pepiapos airopwv, an extra levy to make up deficiencies
caused by the failure of diropoi, (paupers) to pay
taxes (Lewis), 63, n. 3.

ptpos: ck pepovs, ‘on the part of’ (de Lacy’), 80,

n. 1.

pioBioots, tax-farming contract rather than lease of
land (Lewis), 74.

Nefopoovs. name not found in Preisigke, Samenbuch
(Wegener), 205.

8 = -fr (Wegener), 225.

apvpirq, myrrh (Lucas), 28.

a-raKT-p, staete (Lucas), 27, 29 ff.

auyxuiptlv, generally only in the Alexandrian mry-
ytupijtny-deeds, but here as synonym of opoXoyw
(Wegener), 210.

avveorapevos, ‘appointed’ (de Lacy), 80.

Overalls, Aauci) ovvra£is f ‘poll-tax’ (Bell), 136.

TpiaoTTjs Ka-irujXlonp new term applied to high
priest (Roberts), 266.

Tpoi-q, for rpofetov, ‘ place where sacred animals and
birds were kept and fed’ (Thompson), 258.

fvais, new use of (Wegener), 207.

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